A fire broke out at a train depot on Wednesday ( Sep 18 ), causing Circle Line services to be canceled for the second time in as many days. A fireplace broke out in one of the energy system cabins at the Kim Chuan Depot on Wednesday night, according toContinue Reading
The speculative financial decoupling between the United States and China is now occurring, and the effects will have an impact on every aspect of the world market. Driven by business imbalances, modern rivals and national security issues, the split is accelerating and will form the 21st century.
The course of events continues regardless of the outcome of the next US national poll. The relationship is framed as one of rivalry because both main parties have taken a confrontational attitude toward China. Tools like taxes, trade handles, and supply chain swings will continue to be deployed. Decoupling is not just feasible, it is unavoidable.
This growing tear carries tremendous implications, especially for third-party countries. These nations—ranging from big markets like India and Germany to emerging markets such as Vietnam and Mexico—rely heavily on both the US and China for business, investment, systems, and safety partnerships.
The problem for these nations is certainly whether they will be affected by the world’s two largest economy ‘ separation, but how they will bridge the gap.
Collectively, the US and China accounts for over 40 % of global GDP. Increased coupling could lead to scattered supply chains, competing scientific standards, and independent financial spheres of influence.
For third-party nations, this means higher company costs, reduced international development, and changed trade patterns. Firms have already had to reevaluate their supply chains as a result of the pandemic and ongoing business disputes, and US and Chinese economies are likely to experience even greater disruption.
Each phase of this decoupling presents challenges and opportunities for third-party regions, and it is happening in five different and parallel stages.
The second phase—already good underway—involves the restructuring of global supply chains. US businesses are seeking to lower over-dependence on China, particularly in important areas like electronics, medicine, and consumer gadgets.
As a result, places like Vietnam, Mexico, and India are emerging as other producing centers, attracting investment shifting away from China. For example, Vietnam saw a 10.5 % increase in foreign direct investment ( FDI) in the first half of 2023, while China’s FDI declined by 5.6 % during the same period.
This development highlights Vietnam’s ability as a key player in the growth methods of multinational corporations.
The US and China build specific technical ecosystems that are governed by different governmental frameworks and standards, which contribute to the divergence of modern infrastructures. This is evident in the development of 5G networks, where US allies have banned Chinese businesses like Huawei in favor of non-Chinese alternatives.
In this fragmented environment, countries like South Korea and Japan, with advanced technological capabilities, have the opportunity to become neutral digital hubs. Their neutrality allows them to avoid higher costs faced by non-neutral hubs, such as the US$ 4-$ 5 billion increase in US 5G deployment costs due to Huawei’s exclusion.
South Korea and Japan establish themselves as key players in the changing digital landscape by balancing technologies from both ecosystems.
As the US and China tighten control over data flows, which are increasingly viewed as crucial to national security and AI development, the third phase, which is data sovereignty and artificial intelligence, furthers the divide.
Singapore is emerging as a neutral player in this regard, establishing itself as a secure data haven through initiatives like AI Verify, Digital Economy Agreements ( DEAs ), and Singapore’s robust Personal Data Protection Act ( PDPA ).
AI Verify offers a forward-thinking approach to AI governance, enabling companies worldwide to assess the transparency, fairness and ethical compliance of their AI systems.
In 2022, over 60 % of the world’s cloud services ran through Singapore’s digital infrastructure, reinforcing its role as a key hub for secure data management. The city’s DEAs facilitate seamless cross-border data transfers, and cross-border data flows contributed$ 540 billion to the region’s GDP in 2021.
As Singapore enhances its AI governance and data sovereignty, my firm, Temus, contributed insights to the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change’s report,” Greening AI: A Policy Agenda for the Artificial Intelligence and Energy Revolutions”.
Our recommendations, alongside those from other industry and research institutes, focused on how Singapore can leverage its computing power and data center footprint sustainably—ensuring competitiveness in the AI era while maintaining environmental responsibility, a paradox many governments and enterprises strive to resolve.
Singapore offers a balanced approach to AI innovation by encouraging collaboration between industries and governments in response to growing concerns over data sovereignty.
The fourth phase, financial decoupling, is rapidly gaining momentum. Chinese businesses are increasingly denied access to US capital markets, and China is making strides to develop alternatives to the Western financial system, including by encouraging the digital yuan.
For third-party countries, this phase brings risks and opportunities. Financial hubs like Dubai and Zurich might become neutral areas, drawing in both US and Chinese capital. However, these nations will need to diversify their currency reserves—balancing among the US dollar, euro, and yuan—to hedge against financial shocks.
The “weaponization of the US dollar,” a concept that economist Eswar Prasad explored in his book” The Dollar Trap,” is a key driver of this change. Prasad illustrates how the dollar’s dominance, with nearly 90 % of global trade conducted in dollars, allows the US to impose sanctions and exert influence over the global financial system.
Countries like Russia and Iran, cut off from dollar-based networks due to US policy, face severe economic repercussions. Countries are forced to align with US interests or face isolation as a result of this over-reliance. In response, many nations are looking for other ways to combat the growing US-China conflict and the need to take sides.
The final phase is fueled by ideological and political divergence. The US and China are promoting competing visions of the global order: the US emphasizes safeguarding intellectual property, fair competition, and the free flow of information, while China prioritizes technological self-reliance.
For third-party countries, navigating this landscape is increasingly complex. As decoupling gets deeper, nations like India and Turkey have demonstrated that it’s possible to maintain strategic autonomy while engaging with both superpowers. However, this balancing act will get harder as the conflict gets deeper.
In this context, former Singaporean diplomat Bilahari Kausikan advocates for a strategy of dynamic multipolarity. Third-party nations are encouraged to cooperate more flexibly than to acquiesce to one power’s interests, thereby maximizing their own national interests.
Dynamic multipolarity allows countries to adapt to shifting geopolitical landscapes without getting too deeply entangled in either the US or China’s sphere of influence. Third-party states can maintain strategic autonomy while ensuring win-win outcomes by diversifying partnerships and engaging pragmatically with major global powers.
In an increasingly multipolar world, this enables them to capitalize on opportunities from various players and to form stronger, more balanced relationships with one another, fostering resilience and development among other third-party states.
The US-China decoupling is already changing the world economy, and its effects will continue to grow over the coming decades. Third-party countries are not powerless in this transition.
By strategically navigating the five phases of decoupling—realigning supply chains, adapting to digital fragmentation, asserting data sovereignty, managing financial flows, and positioning themselves geopolitically—they can turn disruption into opportunity.
Agility will be a must for these countries to keep themselves from being permanently bound up to either the US or China. In this fragmented world, those who maintain strategic autonomy, increase cooperation among themselves, and develop their technological prowess will prosper.
Third-party countries have the opportunity to protect their economic interests as decoupling progresses and to strengthen their relevance in a rapidly changing global order.
Marcus Loh is a director at Temus, a provider of digital transformation services, where he leads public affairs and strategic communication as well as serving as Step IT Up Singapore’s business head. He serves on the executive committee of SG Tech, the largest trade organization for Singapore’s technology sector, for the digital transformation chapter.
Getty ImagesExtreme flooding has hit Myanmar after Typhoon Yagi, with more than 230, 000 persons forced to flee their homes, according to authorities.
The region’s ruling junta has requested international aid to mitigate the impact, the state-run press statement. Naypyidaw, the money, is among the places that have experienced the worst damage.
The storms have killed at least 33 citizens, the government’s government says. According to the state-run newspaper New Light of Myanmar, some momentary shelters have been constructed for those who have lost their homes.
Asia’s most powerful storm this year, Typhoon Yagi, has now swept Vietnam, the Taiwanese island of Hainan and the Philippines.
According to the state-run advertising, Junta key Gen Min Aung Hlaing and another Burmese authorities have visited locations where there has been extensive flooding and have inspected the rescue and relief efforts.
According to reports from Radio Free Asia, the death toll is significantly higher, with the presenter reporting that at least 160 people died as a result of floods and landslides.
More than 300 people were trapped by flooding on the south bank of the Sittaung river, according to a recovery worker in Taungoo, according to a report to BBC Burmese on Saturday.
” There are n’t enough boats to rescue us”, the rescue worker said.
According to scientists, climate change is making storms and hurricanes stronger and more frequent. Warmer seas waters indicate that storms expend more power, which increases wind speeds.
A warmer ambience likewise holds more water, which can lead to more severe rainfall.
A three-year legal conflict that has claimed the lives of more than 2.6 million people has caused displacement for a large portion of Myanmar’s people, according to the UN.
Getty ImagesAround 18.6 million people are currently reportedly in humanitarian need, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs ( OCHA ).
The International Red Cross ( ICRC ) provided an update on the ongoing humanitarian situation earlier this week by stating that many families in Myanmar have limited access to clean water and sanitation and are traveling without basic medicines and medical care.
They “exist with the anxiety of military conflict and violence.” The disturbance of incomes is leaving many people without the indicates to support themselves”, the ICRC’s leader, Mirjana Spoljaric, said on Wednesday.
EPA
Democratic institutions have been relying on key diplomacy to design or influence governments in weaker says, including by supporting or assisting regime change, with great-power rivalries once more at the center of international relations. These efforts, which are far from advancing politics worldwide, only serve to aggravate its flaws at a time when dictatorship is in decline.
Local army, whether internally or externally, continue to be the main forces behind regime change. In Pakistan, for instance, the military reasserted its standard supremacy over government in 2022, when it engineered the resignation of Imran Khan as perfect minister. In Bangladesh, the military just seized benefits of a violent student uprising to urge Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to escape the nation before establishing an interval civilian-led administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.
However, frequently times, external forces are instrumental in influencing government change. Well, the procedures remain dark. Interventional powers can reasonably deny involvement, which makes independent analysts struggling to distinguish fact from fiction because strategic skullduggery often leaves any social fingerprints.
However, it is usually very easy to see where an additional power gets its liquidity. China, for instance, is the nation’s largest investing economy and standard creditor for developing countries. While the details of China’s payment agreements are far from open, there is no doubt that it attaches several strings to its financing, which increase its leverage over borrowers, perhaps actually driving them into sovereignty-eroding debt traps.
The United States, for its piece, dominates the global economic infrastructure, enjoys significant leverage over conventional lenders like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and issues the world’s major reserve currency. With these pulleys, it has substantial power to reward or punish states, including by imposing unpleasant economic sanctions.
The US has much been accused of aiding in rebellion or supporting foreign governments, including by meddling in primaries or supporting rebellion. Some claim that the US played a role in the recent destroy of Khan in Pakistan and Hasina in Bangladesh, but they have denied any involvement.
What is the question: What does a democracy like the US hope to achieve by promoting routine change? The answer may be lasting political breakthroughs, which often arrive in the wake of common uprisings. Alternatively, countries are likely to experience political instability, cultural condition, and economic disruption.
A more probable explanation is that Western powers are attempting to improve their own geopolitical and economic passions by supporting “friendly” systems and excluding “unfriendly” people. Although Western powers prefer that there is a pretence of democracy, the regimes ‘ democratic credentials ( or lack thereof ) seem to matter little in this situation.
This helps to explain why military takeovers are usually followed by elections or the assembly, as in Bangladesh, of a government with a human face: military leaders hope to boost the new government’s global legitimacy and, in many cases, maintain access to Western monetary assistance. After all, the US is required by law to stop providing aid to a nation following a coup. US President Joe Biden’s administration imposed stringent sanctions on Myanmar after the military junta’s rule was overthrown in 2021 and, later, began providing non-lethal aid to anti-junta forces.
However, US leaders make the best decision regarding which military takeovers to label as” coups.” The US resisted condemning about half of the more than 20 military coups or indirect takeovers that have occurred in the last 15 years because it thought the regime change would benefit its regional interests. In this sense, the US has often sacrificed democracy at the altar of geopolitics.
Elections alone, even if competitive, do not guarantee the popular willpower or adhering to constitutional laws, especially when the military is in charge. While the international community might view a civilian-led government positively, domestic legitimacy may well be lacking, even when the coup-makers shed their uniforms and rebrand themselves” civilian” leaders, as the Thai army chief did after seizing power in 2014.
Democracy is in retreat globally. Many people are enduring the erosion of their civil liberties and political rights. Even the world’s top democracies are suffering from bitterly polarized politics and low public trust in governments. And closed autocracies now outnumber liberal democracies. Western powers will only help this trend by tolerating or accepting military rule, even under a covert military regime. ©2024 Project Syndicate
According to preliminary findings from the Building and Construction Authority (BCA ), the fire that broke out at a data center in Loyang on Tuesday ( Sep 10 ) did not have an impact on the building’s structural integrity.  , The Singapore Civil Defence Force (SCDF) and BCA both statedContinue Reading
Dr. Shafizan acknowledged that the action was in line with Malaysia’s wider strategy of exercising its “internet sovereignty,” which describes how some governments are attempting to challenge the “western aspirations” of a free and open internet.
The communications teacher argued that” these institutions largely support the ability to establish specific rules and regulations that shape the online in a way that is in line with their cultural and societal principles.”
She noted that Malaysia may have chosen DNS redirection as a “less evident” way of preventing access to some websites, so that visitors who attempted to access these websites may have encountered a launching error rather than a censorship notice.
It can be viewed as harsh from a liberal political view because it imposes what the general public can and cannot access, violating the fundamental freedoms of conversation and information, Dr. Shafizan said.
The government has the power to properly filter and block content, which allows them to influence public opinion by controlling the information that is made available to residents.
Mr. Numan, a spokesperson for Project Sinar, claimed that Indonesia uses a similar technique to prevent websites, particularly those that are associated with social discord or inappropriate content.
Indonesian ISPs intercept consumer requests and either redirect them to a wall warning page or just gain no results, he said, making the material impenetrable.
Although the professional approaches used by various nations may differ significantly, Mr. Numan said that they all aim to obstruct the free flow of information.
According to him,” These stones, whether through DNS hijacking or other methods, can cause widespread disruption to reputable online service, as seen in situations where major platforms and services like YouTube and GitHub have been blocked in Indonesia and India.”
Mr. Numan argued that DNS rerouting could have an impact on customer privacy because it allows ISPs and governments to track down and track users ‘ DNS questions, exposing their browsing habits and the sites they attempt to access.
” In contrast, security challenges arise from Domain tampering. Redirecting users to illegal or fraudulent websites can lead to malware being spread through malicious websites meant to steal or spread malware, he continued.
” This deterioration in DNS integrity you cause people to lose faith in the internet infrastructure they rely on,” said one expert.
One internet users told CNA that he was losing faith in how the state is handling security measures, calling the abandoned DNS plan “another little reduce policy” it was trying to put into practice quickly.
Mr. Khairi Zulfadhli, the head of electronic at a Malay search engine optimization firm, claimed he learned about the walk through social media after his customers who used Cloudflare servers experienced downtime.
” One thing that made me very upset is that they (MCMC) left it to ISPs to adopt the order without any guidelines, no customer relationship, no guide, no discussion at all. Then, they tried to blame ISPs when ( problems ) happened”, he said.
Following the plan U-turn, Mr. Khairi was presenting his observations from an MCMC wedding session on September 9, which the expert claimed was held to correct misconceptions and gather expert opinions on the DNS issue.
The possibility of a potential conflict in the Indo-Pacific area has become a standard feature of Australia’s national conversation as a result of the People’s Republic of China and the United States ‘ intensifying tremendous power rivalry.
It is shocking, therefore, how much attention has been given to what day-to-day life may seem like if a conflict actually did split out.
While such a battle is not obvious, scrutinizing what it might seem like should be an immediate priority so we can take the necessary steps to boost Australia’s preparation and, unfortunately, our deterrence.
Prior to joining the Department of Defense, I was analyzing what would be needed to organize Australia’s privately held business foundation and civil community to support several wartime scenarios.
I think the government has a thorough understanding of how warfare might affect home supplies of crucial goods and international freight for supplies to Australia, based on this knowledge.
However, a sincere discussion of the difficulties that might happen during a crisis and how to reform our business base should be done is lacking.
The three categories of goods that would be most affected by battle are:
These are absolutely necessary for our everyday lives and the stability of our society. However, Australia now is unable to produce enough of these goods internally to withstand the supply disruptions a conflict would cause.
Australia is required to maintain enough reserves of refined gas to meet its needs for 90 days as a member of the International Energy Agency, for instance. In practice, however, Australia has probably not met this condition.
In fact, there are no longer enough backup facilities in place and our local capacity for processing fuel has declined. If supply outlines were cut now, according to recent unpublished estimations from the energy industry, Australia would only have enough energy to meet only days or weeks of need.
Stores may start to experience shortages of basic goods once road cargo was affected by a fuel shortage. Air travel did decline. Since fuel would need to be rationed for cargo, crisis services, and the military, non-essential retail businesses and most private vehicle travel had probably continue.
Given Australia’s limited upstream ability to develop and save energy, severe consequences may be anticipated from even a brief but unlikely crisis affecting our maritime supply lines.
When it comes to pharmaceutical products, the vast majority (90 % ) are also imported. China is an important source of many of Australia’s medications, which means they’d been impenetrable if a conflict erupted between Beijing and Washington.
Australia has the resources and training to develop a wide range of medicine, but expanding power may get time. Thus, a disruption to the supply of drugs could have disastrous effects on Australians ‘ well-being and possibly cause panic.
Australia’s access to digital tools and parts is also very reliant on foreign exports, especially from China. There would still be a considerable change in Australian life, despite the fact that shortages of this kind would not be as instantly fatal.
More troublingly, smart devices have been embedded in the operating systems of most American business systems, such as foodstuff processing, waste management, water treatment, freight management, transport or medical manufacturing.
Our market and necessary services may suffer if our technology supply chain were to suffer for a protracted period of time, as we would not be able to swap out or improve crucial components.
Our emerging capacity to dismantle and recycle the recoverable parts of electronics, such as semiconductors, would make this issue even more problematic. Now, we generally ship discarded products overseas.
While these scenarios are certainly disturbing, we can get spirit from the fact that Australia’s sea supply lines are very versatile.
The South China Sea or Taiwan conflict may have a much bigger impact on global delivery than the Covid pandemic. The crisis, however, demonstrated the ability of global transport and air freight to rebalance and change as significant markets were hampered by lockdowns and other response measures.
The end result was that after a time of shortages, Australia’s vessels of global commerce were opened again.
Given these complex circumstances, Australia needs to concentrate its regional preparation and participation plans on the tense period between a turmoil and the re-establishment of international shipping.
From my investigation, for planning is certainly taking place to a satisfactory level. The former director of house affairs, Michael Pezzullo, has also suggested for planning is late.
I think the government should implement a national mobilization plan developed with business associates called the” first 90 time.” The goal: to maintain Australia’s life during the first 90 days of a conflict or identical catastrophe in our area.
Such a strategy should be focused on boosting the domestic stockpiles and capacity for the three most crucial categories of goods, which are fuel, pharmaceuticals, and smart devices ( and components ). As we wait for global supply lines to change, this may give us the capacity to support Australia through the first phase of a fight.
Because of the higher probability of stumbling-heavy sea roads through Southeast Asia, Australia may also look for ways to expand these products’ sources away from China. In those initial 90 days and afterward, this diversification would increase the resilience of crucial supply chains.
There is a pressing need to include industry in such planning for disaster and mobilization. However, from my experience, many business leaders are unsure about the security measures the Commonwealth might start in order to keep Australia ticking. There are two possible explanations for this.
First, there’s a view in government this kind of talk would cause alarm. The opposite is true. A clear plan for emergency preparedness for our country can only boost market confidence.
Second, policymakers may be concerned that any discussion about shifting our most important supplies away from China will hurt our relationship with Beijing. It might also indicate that Australia is getting ready to fight.
Again, I believe the opposite is true. China has been on-shoring its key supplies for many years to improve its resilience to stormier weather. Australia could merely point to China’s example as a case study of caution: hoping for the best while preparing for the worst.
In the end, enhancing our preparedness through a” first 90 day” policy would give us a stronger sense of credibility by demonstrating that we take the threat of war seriously.
This would make the planning of potential adversaries more complicated because it would make it impossible to isolate and neutralize Australia. It would also demonstrate to our citizens, allies, and adversaries that despite Australia’s disapproval, we will continue to fight in any case there is a war.
William A Stoltz is lecturer and expert associate, National Security College, Australian National University
The Conversation has republished this article under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
The government issued a warning on Wednesday ( Sep 11 ) that the death toll from Typhoon Yagi in Vietnam was 141, warning that the Red River’s rapid rise was threatening to inundate the capital Hanoi’s downtown districts. The disaster management agency reported that 141 people were killed and 59Continue Reading
In reply, Mr Giam contended that it was “ridiculous” for any ruling party not to get good relationships with unions.
He claimed that the WP wanted to “untether the NTUC from the PAP and free up loyalists to become independent advocates for employees in Singapore.”
At this point, NTUC deputy secretary-general Desmond Tan ( PAP-Pasir Ris-Punggol ) asked Mr Giam for data points or personal experience showing that union leaders face restrictions speaking up.
Following Monday’s discussion, the older minister of state in the Prime Minister’s Office shared comments from union leaders where they disagreed with Mr. Giam’s description of their experience.
Mr. Giam then inquired about “any instances where the NTUC has taken a public place that has recently been opposed to federal policy.”
Mr. Tan referred to the fresh SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support program, claiming that the government initially disagreed but eventually agreed after NTUC raised the issue for 14 years.
Pritam Singh, the leader of the opposition, aljunied the discussion, and Dr. Koh’s feedback on the WP, including the state that the celebration was opposed to peaceful bilateral relations, were later refuted.
Regarding Dr. Koh’s statement regarding the WP’s establishment, Mr. Singh also noted that it “disregards an important point that more than 60 years have passed and the political climate has drastically and considerably changed.”
He referred to a 1966 NTUC publication in which finally NTUC secretary-general Ho See Beng” took issue with government leaders, especially the perfect minister, for speaking unceasingly of labour’s obligations while almost touching on labour’s rights and major grievances”.
Mr. Singh questioned Dr. Koh if he could provide an “exemplary of an instance in which an NTUC secretary-general or a lieutenant secretary-general has spoken out against a 3G or 4G president to defend the rights of employees.”
” Now, I’m not suggesting that this is the check or the gold common,” I said. But this comes to the center of what people see and believe to be a conflict of interest”, said the WP secretary-general.
” And when NTUC members are saying’ majulah PAP’, I think people are entitled to issue, do you talk for the group first? Or do you start off by speaking for employees?
” The point is never about moving Singapore in a way where employers, employees, employees, state, fight each other to the detriment of our nation and our economic growth, “he said.
Party objectives cannot be more crucial than those of our staff.
A symbiotic relationship does not mean that the NTUC has been neutered or is unable to publicly talk out in the interests of staff, according to Mr. Singh, adding that he had no reason to believe rank-and-file NTUC people do not speak out for employees.
Dr Koh replied:” Just because the Workers ‘ Party lost the relationship with worker unions long ago, does n’t mean that because we can preserve the relationship for 60 years, there’s something wrong with a symbiotic relationship”.
There is no issue of losing a relation in any way, Mr. Singh said.
Dr. Tan closed the discussion by sharing an anecdote from the immediate former head of the Singapore National Employers Federation ( SNEF ).
Contrary to the theory that organisations in Singapore are poor, Dr. Robert Yap had stated to a unusual counterpart that” the unions these are powerful because they get what they want without striking.”
Dr. Tan claimed that the strength of the bilateral structure was that it produced advantageous results through dialogue rather than confrontational openness, and without disturbance.
The government’s official counsel also advised the House to “look at the history” of what tripartism has accomplished for Singapore.
” Collectively, we’ve protected jobs, we have created security, we have ensured wealth for our employees, our companies. I hope we can continue”.
A very storms that struck on Saturday continues to cause heavy rain, floods, and flooding in Vietnam, killing at least 82 individuals.
In some northern provinces, thousands of people were spotted stranded on houses, while others posted determined requests for assistance on Tuesday.
Typhoon Yagi- Vietnam’s most strong storm in 30 decades- has wreaked havoc across the north of the country, leaving 1.5 million people without electricity.
Dashcam footage captured the instant the Phong Chau gate in Phu Tho state collapsed, sending many vehicles into the ocean below.
Officials have warned that Yagi may cause more trouble as it moves westward, despite its current deterioration into a tropical despair.
Phan Thi Tuyet, 50, who lives close to the river, told the AFP information company that she had never experienced such high waters.
” I have lost all, all gone”, she said, clutching her two pups.
To protect our lives, I had to travel higher floor. No equipment could not be brought with us. Now, all is” under ocean.”
The surprise- which brought gusts of almost 150km/h (92mph )- has damaged bridge, torn buildings off structures, damaged factories and triggered widespread flooding and landslides, leaving 64 people also missing.
Officials have now issued flood and flood warnings for 401 communes in 18 northern regions.
In some areas of Thailand’s Nguyen and Yen Bai regions, one-story houses were practically completely submerged on Tuesday, with people frantically requesting assistance from the rooftops.
At least 752 people have been injured as a result of flooding and floods, according to authorities at the ministry of agriculture on Tuesday, in addition to the deceased and missing.
When hitting Vietnam, Yagi left 24 people dying across southwestern China and the Philippines.
Typhoons can increase wind speeds and increase rainfall, according to meteorologists, but the impact of climate change on specific storms is unclear.
