Singtel, StarHub and M1 to retire 3G services by end-July 2024

SINGAPORE: Mobile network operators Singtel, StarHub and M1 will retire their 3G services by Jul 31 next year. 

These three telcos are currently the only mobile network operators offering these services. 

The Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA) said on Wednesday (Jul 26) that the move is in view of advancements in the mobile communication space where 3G has been largely replaced by 4G and 5G. 

IMDA added that the one-year transition period was to allow operators to adequately engage and migrate their remaining 3G subscribers before retiring their 3G services.

To facilitate this transition, mobile network operations will offer individual users the option to convert to 4G plans “on terms that are no worse-off”. A range of mobile phone options at different price points will also be provided. 

For enterprise users, support will be given to help them migrate to 4G or other alternative services while minimising disruption to their existing services. 

IMDA also said retailers will no longer be able to sell 3G mobile phones or 4G models requiring 3G for voice calls, except for export purposes. This will take effect from Feb 1, 2024. 

Those affected can contact their respective telcos for more information and assistance. 

3G entered the Singapore market almost 20 years ago, and the next wave of 4G developments took place in the mid-2010s. 

Since the introduction of 5G last year, 5G subscriptions have gained prevalence – making up 15 per cent of the total mobile subscribers. IMDA said this number continues to grow. 

“Overall, close to 99 per cent of Singapore’s mobile subscribers are currently on 4G or 5G,” it said, adding that as of April this year, the 3G subscriber base makes up about 1 per cent of the total mobile subscription, with the number on the decline. 

Internationally, operators such as those in Australia and the UK are similarly expected to retire their 3G services by 2024, said IMDA. Some countries such as the US and Malaysia have already retired 3G services. 

“When the 3G networks retire, more spectrum can be released for investment in 5G to provide a better experience for users and support enterprises undergoing digital transformation,” it added.  

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Commentary: Indonesia’s new capital Nusantara can’t afford the tangled wires of Jakarta

But the practical dangers are more pressing for pedestrians and nearby residents, such as the potential for electrical short circuits and fire hazards. Some outages have also been reported due to animal disturbances, including from birds and monkeys.

Public complaints over years have gone unaddressed, highlighting that the messy cables not only decrease the electricity supply but carry a cost for quality of living and national productivity.

AVOIDING URBAN PAINS IN NUSANTARA

In part to resolve Jakarta’s urban pains, the government has pledged to build a new Indonesian capital city Nusantara, in East Kalimantan. Nusantara will apply the “smart city” concept, using multi-utility tunnels for the installation of a host of public services, including electrical lines, fibre optical cables for telecommunications, and water pipes, taking lessons from cable deployments in developed countries, particularly in Japan and some European nations.

The goal in Nusantara is to no longer have a network of cables above the ground, which will minimise the need for public disruption.

Instead, a technician can easily do maintenance inside the multi-utility tunnels when a network needs to be fixed or replaced. A single control room with digital monitoring will also make it easier to track down leaks or damage within the system.

The concept has been used since 1850 for cable and pipe utilities under Paris. The Chiyoda district of Tokyo adopted a multi-utility tunnels system in 1926, which has survived significant earthquakes that have hit the city above.

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World hunger and the war in Ukraine

On Monday, June 17, Dmitry Peskov, the spokesman for Russian President Vladimir Putin, announced, “The Black Sea agreements are no longer in effect.” This was a blunt statement to suspend the Black Sea grain initiative that emerged out of intense negotiations in the hours after Russian forces entered Ukraine in February 2022.

The initiative went into effect on July 22, 2022, after Russian and Ukrainian officials signed it in Istanbul in the presence of the United Nations Secretary General António Guterres and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Guterres called the initiative a “beacon of hope,” for two reasons. First, it is remarkable to have an agreement of this kind between belligerents in an ongoing war. Second, Russia and Ukraine are major producers of wheat, barley, corn (maize), rapeseed and rapeseed oil, sunflower seeds and sunflower oil, as well as nitrogen, potassic, and phosphorus fertilizer, accounting for 12% of calories traded.

Disruption of supply from Russia and Ukraine, it was felt by a range of international organizations, would have a catastrophic impact on world food markets and on hunger. As Western – largely USUK and European – sanctions increased against Russia, the feasibility of the deal began to diminish.

It was suspended several times during the past year. In March, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova, responding to the sanctions against Russian agriculture, said the main parameters provided for in the grain deal “do not work.”

Financialization leads to hunger

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said his country regrets Russia’s “continued weaponization of food,” since this “harms millions of vulnerable people around the world.” Indeed, the timing of the suspension could not be worse.

A United Nations report, “The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2023” (July 12, 2023), shows that one in 10 people in the world struggles with hunger and that 3.1 billion people cannot afford a healthy diet.

But the report itself makes an interesting point: that the war in Ukraine has driven 23 million people into hunger, a number that pales in comparison to the other drivers of hunger – such as the impact of commercialized food markets and the Covid-19 pandemic.

A 2011 report from World Development Movement called “Broken Markets: How Financial Market Regulation Can Help Prevent Another Global Food Crisis” showed that “financial speculators now dominate the [food] market, holding over 60% of some markets, compared [with] 12% 15 years ago.”

The situation has since worsened. Dr Sophie van Huellen, who studies financial speculation in food markets, pointed out in late 2022 that while there are indeed food shortages, “the current food crisis is a price crisis, rather than a supply crisis.”

The end of the Black Sea grain initiative is indeed regrettable, but it is not the leading cause of hunger in the world. The leading cause – as even the European Economic and Social Committee agrees – is financial speculation in food markets.

Why did Russia suspend the initiative?

To monitor the Black Sea grain initiative, the United Nations set up a Joint Coordination Center (JCC) in Istanbul. It is staffed by representatives of Russia, Turkey, Ukraine and the United Nations.

On several occasions, the JCC had to deal with tensions between Russia and Ukraine over the shipments, such as when Ukraine attacked Russia’s Black Sea Fleet – some of whose vessels carried the grain – in Sevastopol, Crimea, in October 2022.

Tensions remained over the initiative as Western sanctions tightened, making it difficult for Russia to export its own agricultural products into the world market.

Russia put three requirements on the table to the United Nations regarding its own agricultural system.

First, Moscow asked that the Russian Agricultural Bank – the premier credit and trade bank for Russian agriculture – be reconnected to the SWIFT system, from which it had been cut off by the European Union’s sixth package of sanctions in June 2022.

A Turkish banker told TASS that there was the possibility that the EU could “issue a general license to the Russian Agricultural Bank” and that the bank “has the opportunity to use JPMorgan to conduct transactions in US dollars” as long as the exporters being paid for were part of the Black Sea grain initiative.

Second, from the first discussions about the grain initiative, Moscow put on the table its export of ammonia fertilizer from Russia both through the port of Odessa and of supplies held in Latvia and the Netherlands.

A central part of the debate has been the reopening of the Togliatti-Odessa pipeline, the world’s longest ammonia pipeline. In July 2022, the UN and Russia signed an agreement that would facilitate the sale of Russian ammonia on the world market.

Guterres went to the UN Security Council to announce, “We are doing everything possible to … ease the serious fertilizer market crunch that is already affecting farming in West Africa and elsewhere. If the fertilizer market is not stabilized, next year could bring a food supply crisis. Simply put, the world may run out of food.”

On June 8, 2023, Ukrainian forces blew up a section of the Togliatti-Odessa pipeline in Kharkiv, increasing the tension over this dispute. Other than the Black Sea ports, Russia has no other safe way to export its ammonia-based fertilizers.

Third, Russia’s agricultural sector faces challenges from a lack of ability to import machinery and parts, and Russian ships are not able to buy insurance or enter many foreign ports. Despite the “carve-outs” in Western sanctions for agriculture, sanctions on firms and individuals have debilitated Russia’s agricultural sector.

To counter Western sanctions, Russia placed restrictions on the export of fertilizer and agricultural products. These restrictions included the ban on the export of certain goods (such as temporary bans of wheat exports to the Eurasian Economic Union), the increase of licensing requirements (including for compound fertilizers, requirements set in place before the war), and the increase of export taxes.

These Russian moves come alongside strategic direct sales to countries such as India that will re-export to other countries.

In late July, St Petersburg will host the Second Russia-Africa Economic and Humanitarian Forum, where these topics will surely be front and center. Ahead of the summit, President Putin called South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa to inform him about the problems faced by Russia in exporting its food and fertilizers to the African continent.

“The deal’s main goal,” he said of the Black Sea grain initiative, was “to supply grain to countries in need, including those on the African continent, has not been implemented.”

It is likely that the Black Sea grain initiative will restart within the month. Earlier suspensions have not lasted longer than a few weeks. But this time, it is not clear if the West will give Russia any relief on its ability to export its own agricultural products.

Certainly, the suspension will impact millions of people around the world who struggle with endemic hunger. Billions of others who are hungry because of financial speculation in food markets are not impacted directly by these developments.

This article was produced by Globetrotter, which provided it to Asia Times.

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of US Power.

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The Australian climate protesters cast as extremists

A climate activist is arrested for the forced evacuation of Woodside Energy's Perth headquarters on 1 JuneDisrupt Burrup Hub

Emma Sangalli’s heart still stops every time she sees a police car.

“It’s a feeling in your gut like panic. Total panic.

“It’s hard not to believe that you’re a criminal, that you’re deserving of this,” the Australian climate activist says.

Last month, the 25-year-old had her home in Western Australia raided by counter-terrorism police.

Her alleged crime – helping to flood a global fossil fuel giant’s office with non-toxic gas.

Stench gas, which smells like rotten eggs, is let off in mines to alert workers of danger. In this case, it was used by protesters to empty the Perth headquarters of Woodside Energy, to highlight the climate crisis.

Australia’s largest oil and gas firm says the protests targeting its brand are “unlawful” activities by “extreme groups”.

But environmental campaigners say disruptive protest is key to their mission.

Meanwhile, lawyers warn that the response to climate activism in Australia has become “increasingly militarised”.

‘Unlawful acts’

Ms Sangalli says officers from Western Australia’s State Security Investigation Group (SSIG) – whose duties include counter-terrorism – searched her home for nine hours, looking for evidence of her involvement in the Woodside protest.

Despite facing no formal charges and not being present at the gas evacuation, she was forced to watch as her personal items were seized – including phones and laptops – and a male officer flicked through her diary.

“That was the most painful part,” she told the BBC.

“Violated is a good word for it. You’re rendered powerless.”

The activist has been involved with two climate protest groups – the global Extinction Rebellion, and the more local Disrupt Burrup Hub, which campaigns against fossil fuel projects on the state’s Burrup Peninsula.

Both groups follow a “direct action” strategy intended to end climate complacency, which means engaging in activities such as infiltrating fossil fuel conferences, blocking rush hour traffic, and superficially defacing artworks.

A climate campaigner storms the pitch at an Australian Football Rules match in Perth

Paul Kane/Getty Images

Several members of the group are now facing criminal charges over the Woodside protest, with the company alleging four of its employees suffered dizziness, breathing difficulties, rashes, and nausea.

“Woodside condemns unlawful acts that are intended to threaten, harm, intimidate or disrupt our employees,” the company said.

But Disrupt Burrup maintains their protest stunt was carried out safely and was a necessary action against one of Australia’s most powerful polluters.

Its members are challenging the charges in court.

Fighting the ‘petrostate’

Western Australia is a resource-rich state built on mining revenue, particularly iron ore, oil and gas.

Its industry is concentrated in the Pilbara, a desert area in the state’s far north. With an annual output of more than A$100bn (£52bn; $67bn), it powers the national economy and is home to global mining giants, including Rio Tinto and BHP.

Some of Australia’s most polluting projects are based there, including Woodside’s North West Shelf gas facility and its Scarborough development – a controversial offshore drilling venture which scientists say will jeopardise the nation’s climate targets.

Both projects have sparked fierce debate and renewed accusations that the gas lobby has an outsized influence over state authorities.

Access to ministers, timing of political donations and movement of mining executives into watchdogs, have all been cited as examples – including three former Woodside employees who chaired the advisory board of Australia’s offshore oil and gas regulator.

Woodside Energy's gas processing plant on the Burrup Peninsula

Getty Images

Gerard Mazza has led protests against Woodside’s Pilbara projects, due to their emissions and damage to local ancient Aboriginal rock art.

The 31-year-old’s home was recently raided by SSIG police for his alleged role in attempting to evacuate Woodside’s annual investors meeting in April, also using stench-gas.

He now faces charges of aggravated burglary, which carry a maximum 20-year sentence.

Mr Mazza argues Western Australia is a “petrostate” designed to “protect fossil fuel companies” due to the money they bring in.

“If it was really all about public safety, the state would be cracking down on Woodside executives making obscene wealth by endangering lives and ecosystems. Instead, they’re coming after us.”

The state government has routinely dismissed such claims, denying any influence. In response to the BBC’s questions, it said it is “committed to achieving net zero emissions by 2050”.

But Western Australia’s emissions continue to rise, while other states have recorded significant reductions over the past decade.

Climate activists cast as ‘extremists’

A dozen raids – including those on Mr Mazza and Ms Sangalli’s homes – have been carried out by the state’s counter-terrorism police against climate protesters this year.

The SSIG collaborates with federal intelligence agencies on matters of national security and is exempt from Freedom of Information laws, meaning its investigations remain secret.

Lawyers such as Julia Grix says politicians and prosecutors are framing climate protesters as a threat to public safety to justify heavy-handed policing.

The solicitor – who defends environmental activists – says her clients are increasingly being referred to as “extremists” in court documents.

“That sort of language is most commonly applied to organised crime of a very sophisticated kind, which I would associate with bikie (motorcycle) gangs, or terrorism,” Ms Grix said.

It’s a “demonisation strategy” used to justify “extreme measures never intended for regulating protests”, Australian legal scholar Luke McNamara says.

The right to protest has long been defended by Australia’s courts.

In 2017, a landmark High Court case ruled that Tasmania’s anti-protest laws were unconstitutional. And in 2020, a Queensland state court overturned suspended prison sentences against two activists who had blocked access to the major Adani coal mine.

David Mejia-Canales, a lawyer at the Human Rights Law Centre, an Australian rights group, says those protections are key to a functioning democracy.

“Protest takes many forms, sometimes disruptive. But that’s why it’s effective, because it disrupts the everyday to demand attention for a cause,” he said.

“As citizens of a democratic society, we should exercise a level of tolerance for disruption if the right to protest is going to have its full value.”

But Western Australia’s emergency services minister, Stephen Dawson, recently argued in parliament that the evacuation of Woodside’s offices could be viewed as “an act of terrorism” because “people’s health was put at risk by the material released”.

And some of Australia’s most prominent leaders – including former Prime Minister Scott Morrison – have called for demonstrations which obstruct critical infrastructure to be “outlawed”.

“The right to protest does not mean there is an unlimited licence to disrupt people’s lives,” he said in 2019, labelling environmental campaigners “anarchists”.

Australia’s broader crackdown

The court cases under way in Western Australia are not taking place in isolation.

They are part of a broader national crackdown which has seen Australian states criminalise disruptive protests through new laws, increased jail terms and penalties. This has sparked public outcry.

In May, after several Extinction Rebellion protests, the South Australia government introduced a A$50,000 maximum fine and three months jail for anyone “recklessly” obstructing public spaces, while laws passed in New South Wales last year created a two-year maximum prison sentence for acts disrupting major roads or facilities.

Police respond to a series of climate protests in Adelaide, South Australia on 19 May

Extinction Rebellion Australia

England, Wales and states across Canada and the US have also adopted similar laws aimed at blocking disruptive climate activism.

In Western Australia, climate protesters say they have been “disabled” by intimidating raids, strict bail conditions and orders which give authorities access to their devices and ban them from communicating with peers.

According to Ms Grix, these tools were originally intended to deal with gangs and drug dealers.

“To apply [that]… to climate defenders, who are protesting about environmental concerns, seems to be a massive overreach,” she says.

Prof McNamara agrees.

“What we see in these situations is the police reaching for whatever is at their disposal,” he told the BBC.

“Counterterrorism policing units and associated powers were never intended to be used against protesters.”

In the coming days, several court hearings will determine whether Mr Mazza and some of his peers could face prison.

But the 31-year-old says that while “climate and culture” remain under threat, he will “not be deterred” from protesting.

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Turkey once again turning its face toward the West

Turkey is starting to address its mistakes. First, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has agreed to a turnaround in monetary policy under new Finance Minister Mehmet Simsek and new central bank governor Hafize Gaye Erkan.

Now, Turkey appears to be engaging in geopolitical maneuvering.

Despite seemingly “warm” relations with Russia, Ankara first handed over the Azov commanders to Ukraine and then agreed to Sweden’s admission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Moscow was not enthusiastic about this step, to say the least.

Also read: Calling Erdogan’s bluff on NATO

Viktor Bondarev, head of Russia’s Federation Council Committee on Defense and Security, said Turkey is turning from a neutral country into an unfriendly one. The rhetoric against the former “partner” in the Russian media has also become more aggressive.

What influenced the Erdogan team’s decision?

First, Ankara needed to demonstrate solidarity with its NATO partners ahead of the North Atlantic Council meeting in Vilnius on July 11.

Second, Turkey might have sent a signal emphasizing the importance of the agreements taking into account Moscow’s refusal to extend the agreement that allows Ukraine to export grain and other food products safely across the Black Sea.

Unfortunately, Russia did not seem to pick up on this signal and declared the agreements terminated.

It is fair to say that this decision was expected. As early as June, Dmitry Peskov, the press secretary of the Russian president, had indicated that the chances of extending the grain deal were virtually non-existent.

Peskov outlined the conditions set by the Russian side, which included the integration of the Russian Agricultural Bank into the SWIFT system. While the European Union had expressed willingness to consider this step, ultimately no action was taken.

What now?

Russia stands to face a significant loss of access to in additional revenues. Furthermore, the strained relations with Turkey could deteriorate further, resulting in the loss of yet another ally and disrupting the existing supply chain.

As far as the world economy is concerned, Chicago wheat futures rose by 3.5% after the disruption of the grain deal. However, catastrophic consequences are not expected, as Russian grain exports will not be affected, thereby avoiding any significant deficit.

Moreover, the market has already factored in the decline in crop yields and exports from Ukraine. In turn, the primary concerns revolve around the potential impact of El Niño on farms and the US Federal Reserve’s rhetoric.

In relation to the latter, if the hawkish monetary policy persists, the likelihood of a recession will rise, consequently impacting not only the S&P 500 but also the prices of commodities such as oil and wheat.

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Peace talks await input from new govt

A top general has said that efforts to restore peace in the deep South will not be affected as negotiators await direction from a new government.

Gen Wanlop Rugsanaoh, head of Thailand’s Peace Dialogue Panel, said yesterday that talks between the Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu-Patani (BRN) and the Thai government will continue for sustainable peace in the southernmost provinces.

Gen Wanlop said he was waiting for the new government to take office, and he expressed confidence it would pick up where the caretaker government left off.

He added the caretaker government set a clear framework for solving the unrest in the southernmost provinces.

He said the Joint Comprehensive Plan towards Peace (JCPP) operation must continue to try and end the longstanding conflict and return peace to the region.

Gen Wanlop yesterday chaired a meeting of coordinating area committee members at the CS Pattani Hotel in central Pattani to discuss the progress of the peace dialogue.

The meeting also acknowledged hearings from representatives of eight civil society groups in three southernmost provinces and four districts of Songkhla.

Participants at the meeting included Fourth Army Region chief Lt Gen Santi Sakuntanak, who is also director of Internal Security Operation Command (Isoc) Region 4, the region army’s deputy commander Lt Gen Uthit Anantananon, and 5th Infantry Division chief Maj Gen Woradet Detraksa.

Lt Gen Santi said he also foresees no disruption to the peace dialogue with BRN, with Malaysia as the facilitator.

He said the coordinating area committee would push to ensure the talks align with the new government’s policy.

He said he did not think the new government’s direction on the issue would be very different from the current peace restoration policy.

“We can work with every party for peace to be restored in the area,” he said.

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Animation fun at heart of exhibition

Digital character industry touts boon

South Korean and Thai businesses involved in digitally animated characters are seeking ways to improve cooperation while enriching cultural exchanges, speakers at the launch of the “Korean-Thai Character Exchange Exhibition” said yesterday.

Shin Chang-hwan, the Korea Animation Producers Association president, said the character industry grew dramatically after the pandemic due to “digital disruption”, resulting in increased emoticon usage.

Consumption of online content has increased over the past decade, and many digital character products have come about as a result, Mr Shin said.

“An increase in the bonds between the two countries’ digital industries could help people to understand each other more,” he said.

“These digital characters reflect each other’s cultural aspects and lifestyles while helping promote bilateral economic ties through investment, research and digital character development.”

The Korean Cultures, Tourism and Sports Ministry and Korean Creative Content Agency have been working to promote the Korean character industry, which earns 20 trillion won (546 billion baht) annually.

The ministry has assisted the industry in making inroads abroad within the US, European and other Asian nations such as Japan.

“After 2020, Korea shifted its emphasis to Asean countries as we share many cultural similarities compared to Westerners. So we are looking for more opportunities for our characters in regional cultural exchanges,” he added.

Sumith Simargool, Thailand Digital Content Association (DCAT) president, said many fun and creative characters had been produced in Thailand, but they depend on foreign online platforms to be promoted.

“I think if Thailand can develop its own strong platform, it will create more opportunities for Thai character creators [to promote their work],” he added.

Korean and Thai Characters such as “Shinbi’s Haunted House” and “ToriYang” from Korea and “Shew Sheep” and “Cat Company” from Thailand are being promoted at the exhibition, which is being held at the Korean Cultural Center in Thailand until Aug 25.

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Swatch sues Malaysia over Pride watch seizures

Swatch's Pride collection of rainbow-coloured watchesSwatch

Swiss watchmaker Swatch says it has begun legal proceedings against the Malaysian government for seizing LGBTQ-themed watches from its stores.

The move comes after officials impounded 172 watches from its rainbow-coloured Pride collection, on sale at shopping malls across Malaysia.

Swatch wants damages and the return of the watches, worth $14,000 (£10,700).

Homosexual activity is illegal in Malaysia under both secular and religious laws.

It is punishable by a prison sentence or corporal punishment.

Swatch filed its lawsuit last month at the High Court in Kuala Lumpur. The case is expected to be heard later this week.

The Malaysian authorities said the watches were confiscated in May by the home affairs ministry’s law enforcement unit because they featured “LGBT elements”.

But Swatch said in its lawsuit that the watches were “not in any way capable of causing any disruption to public order or morality or any violations of the law”.

The firm said its trading reputation had been damaged by the seizures, adding that its “business and trading figures also suffered in the immediate aftermath of the seizure for some time”.

In its promotional campaign for the Pride-themed watches, Swatch describes them as “loud, proud, uplifting and bursting with meaning”.

The firm refers to the Pride flag as “a symbol of humanity that speaks for all genders and all races”.

In its lawsuit, Swatch said the watches “did not promote any sexual activity, but merely a fun and joyous expression of peace and love”.

The lawsuit names the home affairs ministry and the government of Malaysia as respondents.

Home Affairs Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail has yet to comment publicly on the matter.

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Manipur: How murder and mayhem tore apart an Indian state

CHURACHANDPUR, MANIPUR, INDIA - 2023/06/23: A tribal student painted with the flag of the Zami tribe takes part in the silent march in memory of all the tribal people who lost their lives in the ethnic clashes in Manipur.Getty Images

Deadly violence has plunged Manipur, a scenic Indian state bordering Myanmar, into turmoil for more than two months. Clashes between the Meitei and Kuki communities have resulted in their complete segregation. The BBC’s Soutik Biswas travelled to the tribal district of Churachandpur, where the violence began, to explore how the profound division has led to fury and isolation.

On a cloudy afternoon last week, hundreds of men and women congregated outside a hastily-built bamboo hut memorial in Churachandpur, nestled amidst Manipur’s picturesque hills in north-eastern India.

Mostly clad in black and many with war paint on their faces, the mourners belonged to the tribal Kuki group, who are mostly Christian. The hut walls were plastered with photographs of their own, who had died in a recent bout of ethnic violence with the majority Meiteis, most of whom are Hindus.

Clashes between the two communities sparked by an affirmative action controversy have roiled Manipur since early May. The violence has left more than 130 people dead, and nearly 60,000 have become refugees in their own land.

Now the Kuki have demanded “territorial autonomy” for the group, a euphemism for a separate, independent administration. The Meitei have warned that any dismemberment of Manipur is out of question.

Wall of Remembrance, Churachandpur

Anshul verma

At the memorial, Kuki mourners sobbed at the pictures of the victims who included a two-month-old boy and a 104-year-old man. Wreaths littered the bamboo strip floor. A whiteboard overflowed with condolence messages. Outside, a row of dummy coffins painted in black spilled out on to a highway linking Churachandpur with the Imphal valley, where the Meitei community lives.

“We want freedom! We want independence from the Meitei! We want independence from Manipur!” a protester shouted from the podium.

The crowd roared in approval. A woman belted out a country music-inflected protest song to a pre-recorded track. A group of masked Kuki men clad in black and wielding slender batons swiftly infiltrated the gathering, and appeared to seize control of the stage.

“Are they carrying guns?” someone in the crowd shouted.

“No, they aren’t,” said another protester, wearing an Iron Maiden tee-shirt.

Meanwhile, a local politician in sunglasses worked the crowd.

“We want justice for our innocent victims! Long live tribal unity!”

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Meitei refugees wait onboard a paramilitary truck at a transit point after being evacuated from the violence that hit Churachandpur, near Imphal in the north-eastern Indian state of Manipur on May 9, 2023.

AFP

The ethnic divide in Manipur is bitter and deep. Churachandpur, a tribal district in the south of Manipur, sits atop the lush green hills, some 80km (49 miles) south-west of Imphal, the Meitei-dominated valley capital.

The Kukis and Meiteis bleed into each other as the sweeping hills descend into the valley. Today, however, the two groups are livid at each other, divided – and separated.

The compulsions of geography mean that an estimated 300,000 mostly Kuki people who live in Churachandpur are now isolated from the Imphal valley, where the Meitei majority also enjoys political dominance. Life and work between the two communities has stalled. Internet has been cut all over the state, further heightening the isolation.

“Our lives have been upended. It is like living in a constant siege,” said Mung Nihsial, a student in Churachandpur.

Leaving Manipur has become a nightmare for the Kukis. Those in Churachandpur say they cannot access their nearest airport in Imphal, a 90-minute-drive from the town, fearing attacks in the valley. A twice-weekly helicopter service to Imphal has found few local takers because “we fear for our lives even at Imphal airport”, according to Liawzalal Vaiphei, a Kuki who runs a non-profit organisation.

Instead the Kukis are forced to endure a gruelling 380km (236-mile), 14-hour-long road journey through a landslide-prone area to take a flight out of Aizawl, the capital of the neighbouring state of Mizoram. Using the same route heavy trucks take up to two days to ferry essential supplies from Aizawl to Churachandpur. Not surprisingly, prices of essentials have shot up in the local market. “Mobility has become our biggest problem, because we can no longer go to the Imphal valley. We have lost our primary lifeline,” said Suan Naulak, a policy consultant.

Suan Naulak

Anshul verma

Doctors complain of a shortage of medicines – paracetamol, antibiotics, antacids, cough syrups – at the 114 relief camps housing more than 12,000 Kuki evacuees, including some with terminal illnesses and HIV-Aids. Three refugees have already died in the camps, including a man who had undergone surgery before the violence erupted. Nylon mosquito nets are suspended throughout the camps, creating a protective canopy shielding the inmates from endless bites.

Genminlian, a 40-year-old policeman living in a camp, is afflicted with HIV, diabetes, tuberculosis, and neurological problems. Although the local hospital has been supplying retroviral drugs to treat HIV, other essential medicines are scarce. “Our house has been burnt down, my husband is sick, we can’t get many of his medicines and we have six-year-old daughter. That’s how life is now,” said his wife, Grace.

The sprawling 61-year-old, 230-bed hospital in the town is facing an unprecedented manpower crisis. A third of its 74-member staff were Meitei, who have now left. The hospital has hired two dozen Kuki volunteers from a nursing school to help out.

Weekly visits by oncologists, neurologists and urologists from Imphal to attend to local patients have ceased, as the hospital faces a scarcity of specialised doctors. A Kuki man recently admitted with gunshot injuries had to be airlifted to Guwahati, the capital of Assam – and not Imphal – more than 500km away, for emergency surgery. (He survived.)

A burnt Meitei house in Churachandpur

Anshul verma

In normal times, an ambulance would travel to Imphal once a week to pick up the hospital’s stock of medicines. Since May, the hospital has been reliant on a mere three deliveries of medicines from the government, transported via army convoys from Imphal. A group of private doctors have sent two deliveries from neighbouring Mizoram. “God forbid if a Kuki suffers from a heart attack or is grievously injured in a road accident here. We can’t take him down to Imphal for emergency treatment,” said Dr Lonlei Vaiphei, the superintendent of the hospital.

The ethnic separation also evoked a sense of disruption and loss. Manghaulian, an 18-year-old Kuki teenager, was forced to escape from a school for the blind in Imphal as violence erupted in the valley. The school had been his home for five years and he was learning to play drums. As his community became targets of Meitei attacks the school authorities put him in an SUV and returned him to his family home to Kangpokpi, a tribal-dominated hill district.

When their village in Kangpokpi faced an attack, Manghaulian and his family had to flee once again, this time in a bus, more than 100km away to a relief camp in Churachandpur. “I just want to go back to Imphal and learn to play drums at my school. I don’t know what is going on,” he said.

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Grace, wife of refugee

Anshul verma

Churachandpur was the ground zero of violence, which broke out on 3 May.

Mobs set fire to homes and businesses belonging to the Meiteis in the town, prompting the evacuation of 9,000 community members from 13 neighbourhoods under the protection of the army. The evacuees were then taken under protection to Imphal.

Around the same time, army convoys ferried uphill to Churachandpur some 15,000 Kuki evacuees from Imphal, where they had become the target of the Meiteis. A few thousand – mostly government workers and businesspeople- rented homes or moved in with their relatives; and the rest moved into relief camps. “There hasn’t been much of administrative support from Imphal. There are scarcities,” a senior army official, who preferred to remain unnamed, said.

Things are so dire that the army has taken weapons from police stations and explosives used by roadworks contractors so that they don’t fall in the hands of vigilantes and insurgents. More than 900 rebels belonging to two dozen Kuki groups seeking greater self-determination within Manipur are lodged in seven security camps in Churachandpur under a “suspension of operations” agreement with the government since 2008. But there are allegations that many rebels have escaped from the camps following the violence and have subsequently joined the ongoing conflict, a claim denied by the security forces.

At Kangvai, barely 20 minutes from the town centre, security forces now patrol a buffer zone separating Kuki and Meitei villages. These villages – some of them separated by just a 200m strip of a road – were abandoned by most residents during the violence. Farmers from both groups frequently cross over to cultivate their plots that lie in what is now rival territory. More than 500 troops are engaged here to keep peace.

A semblance of normalcy has indeed returned to the frayed Churachandpur town. The bustling main market opens thrice a week. People sell petrol in plastic bottles in the black market; women hawk vegetables under garden umbrellas; shops selling bedsheets, shoes, stationary and toys do business and there are small queues outside cash machines. A trickle of farmers have begun returning to their fertile farms that grow paddy, ginger, cabbage, cauliflower, pumpkin and more.

Churachandpur

Anshul Verma

It all looks almost normal, until you realise it isn’t.

Inside the town, most Meitei houses and settlements have been burnt to cinders. The name Churachandpur has been blackened out on business and residential signs, replaced by spray-painted letters proclaiming “Lamka,” which many Kukis assert as the original name of the place.

Kuki children have begun playing war games with toy guns. “How they want to play with their friends has changed. I have never seen this here before,” said Muan Mgaiht, a local. Since schools are shut, many students are joining volunteer forces to protect their villages. (Most village homes have licensed single-barrel guns used for hunting.)

“Peace is extremely fragile here. Things can turn bad very quickly. The communities are completely separated,”the army officer said.

Mr Naulak himself is a stark example of this separation. He was working as a private consultant to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s ruling government, headed by Chief Minister Biren Singh, on programme to modernise state-run schools. He says he was sitting with six of his friends in his rented two-storey home in Imphal when a Meitei mob attacked it and torched his car. They fled by scaling the backyard fence into a neighbour’s home who happened to be a Kuki police officer. Army trucks drove them to the airport, from where they took a flight out to Delhi.

A third of the top bureaucrats and police officers running the government in Imphal were Kukis, and left the city after the violence, a top government official, who preferred to remain unnamed, said. Mr Naulak, who has returned to Churachandpur, said he could not think to returning to his old job and home.

“It now seems we [Kukis and Meteis] don’t know each other at all. We are completely separated.”

This is the first of a two-part series of ground reports from violence-hit Kuki and Meitei areas.

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Yok’s school hits back, claims she ‘terrified’ others

Triam Udom Suksa Pattanakarn School yesterday filed a complaint to the Senate Standing Committee on Human Rights to “protect the rights of other students” who feel threatened by the behaviour of Thanalop “Yok” Phalanchai, a student activist who is no longer a student of the school.

The school director, Jintana Srisarakham, and a group of parents submitted the complaint to Senator Somchai Sawangkarn, chairman of the committee.

According to Ms Jintana, the school had provided Yok with every educational need possible, even though she was not technically one of their students as her enrolment was “incomplete”.

The school had now issued a letter directly to her parents to explain the current situation after concerns were voiced about the disruption to Yok’s education the media circus was causing.

She added that Yok had been told she could sit an admission exam with the school for next year; however, the school is not able to accept Yok’s demands, which include a ban on uniforms, as it has legal obligations in most areas that make accommodating the young protester impractical.

Ms Jintana said the school’s rights were also violated by the fact that Yok did not provide enough cooperation with the school. Yok terrified the other students as well as distracting them with the video clips she shot in every part of the school and the phone calls she took from outsiders.

Earlier on July 9, Yok posted a commemoration of her 51 days since being released from the juvenile centre in Nakhon Pathom on her Facebook account. She said that she was affected by the “fake news” made by adults who believed they knew better than her and who tried to silence her accusations of rights violations.

She also accused the school of failing to support her and excluding her from the system.

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