Amid a battle to break China’s grip on metals powering earth, Southeast Asia counts the cost

But isolating neodymium from its mineral is when things get tricky. Rare earths tend to occur together — often, all 17 in the same ore — and as they are chemically similar, they are harder to process than other metals.

“What makes (them) so ‘rare’ is the complexity of extracting them,” said Sahajwalla.

While rare earth projects are spread across the world, China stands out, with 70 per cent of production last year. The US makes up 14 per cent, followed by Australia, Myanmar and other countries, US Geological Survey data showed.

And even the US must export its rare earth raw materials to China before they can be used in the manufacture of magnets.

“There are enough deposits in the world that can supply rare earths. But … the critical point is who controls the processing technologies,” said Marina Yue Zhang, an associate professor at the Australia-China Relations Institute, University of Technology Sydney.

“China is the only country in the world that’s developed the capacity to cover the entire value chain of 17 rare earth elements. … China has developed the advantages in not just technology, but also waste management.”

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Jatuporn: Wallet policy ‘could inflict fatal wounds’

Pheu Thai has already shown it can’t be trusted to keep promises, says critic

Jatuporn: Wallet policy ‘could inflict fatal wounds’
Jatuporn Prompan, a former red shirt leader and now a fierce critic of the Pheu Thai Party, makes a point during a television interview in August.

The government could inflict severe or even fatal wounds upon itself if it continues to push its digital wallet scheme, says one of its fiercest critics.

The ruling Pheu Thai Party cannot be trusted to carry out the policy after reneging on promise after promise, Jatuporn Prompan, a former red-shirt leader and co-leader of Kana Lomruam Prachachon (Melting Pot Group), said during a live-stream presentation on his Facebook page.

Mr Jatuporn was referring to campaign promises by Pheu Thai, particularly its initial pledge not to form a government with former coalition parties linked to the military from the previous Prayut Chan-o-cha administration.

Pheu Thai later ditched the Move Forward Party, its pro-democracy ally, to set up a government with Bhumjaithai, Palang Pracharath and the United Thai Nation Party, the three core parties of the previous administration.

Mr Jatuporn, 58, said the government had also revised the wallet policy amid growing criticism, including an about-face on its financing. It now wants to issue an act to allow for 500 billion baht in borrowing to pay for the programme.

Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin had said earlier that no loan would be procured to execute the flagship policy, Mr Jatuporn noted.

The former red-shirt stalwart said the proposed loan via an act might run into legal hurdles as it must be carried out within the framework of the State Fiscal and Financial Responsibility Act, which deals with limits for emergency funding.

If the loan was an urgent measure, as the government claims, it should be obtained through an executive decree, not an act, according to Mr Jatuporn.

‘Crisis’ rallying cry

An executive decree authorises the government to launch a policy to tackle a crisis at hand, and then to present the policy for parliamentary approval later.

“The government should have opted for the decree, not an act, to justify its cause. It’s just full of contradictions,” he said.

Mr Srettha and other key Pheu Thai figures have formed a united front to drive home the message that Thailand’s weak economic growth constitutes a “crisis” that can only be solved by a major stimulus programme.

Mr Srettha even posted a copy of a front-page story from the Bangkok Post on his X account to underscore his message.

Gross domestic product in Thailand has averaged 1.9% a year over the past decade, one of the worst performances in Southeast Asia. The sub-par performance will continue unless the government does something dramatic, Pheu Thai maintains.

The 10,000-baht handout will be given to an estimated 50 million Thai nationals aged 16 and older who earn less than 70,000 baht per month and have under 500,000 baht in bank deposits. It is scheduled to begin in May 2024, three months behind the original schedule.

“If we continue to allow the economy to expand by 2% per year while the government maintains a budget deficit of 600-700 billion baht annually, by 2027 the public debt will exceed 70% of GDP, above the ceiling in the fiscal discipline framework,” Deputy Finance Minister Julapun Amornvivat said.

Managing the debt ratio

He said stimulating the economy so it can expand at an average of 5% per year will help reduce the public debt-to-GDP ratio in the medium term because when GDP expands, the ratio will narrow.

“If we don’t do anything and allow the government’s public debt to exceed 70%, the country’s credit rating would be derailed,” said Mr Julapun.

However, Mr Jatuporn said some members of the Council of State — which is preparing to vet the bill seeking to borrow 500 billion baht to fund the scheme — might find the bill short of being legal.

“Failure to survive scrutiny by the Council of State, the government’s legal arm, is the least of the political injuries bound to be inflicted on the government,” he said.

The more hurtful “wound” would be for the measure to attract insufficient support from coalition parties in parliament, Mr Jatuporn added.

“The underlying question here is whose fault would it be if the scheme didn’t pull through. Mr Srettha might have to face the music and become the political sacrificial lamb,” he said.

Meanwhile, Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, the head of the Progressive Movement, says the question people should be asking is, if the government had 500 billion baht, what would be the best way to spend it?

He said in a recent presentation that Thailand is no longer competitive enough to support high levels of economic growth. Investing in fundamental improvements to restore competitiveness would be better than just giving away “helicopter money” for a quick fix, he said.

He suggested that the money earmarked for the handout policy would be better spent revamping public transport, public health, water management, environmental protection and the education system.

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The grand strategy shaping Australia's new worldview

The term “grand strategy” may perplex, but many employ the technique even if not naming it such. Most governments seek to build and then apply national power in their attempts to establish sought-after relationships with other states.

Grand strategies are whole-of-government, involving diplomaticinformational, military and economic power. They are of most use to states with limited power that need to focus scarce resources on their most important concerns.

The grand strategy methodology is a useful framework with which to consider Australia and its contemporary international policies and activities as a middle power

Like other small and middle powers, grand strategy informs Australia’s statecraftthe application of diverse forms of national power. Grand strategy also involves building particular forms of national power in a manner appropriate to achieving the desired objectives.

Australia has developed a balance of power grand strategy that will be of a scale “sufficient…to deter aggression and coercion” and generate “a strategic equilibrium.” Such a grand strategy assumes that others can be stopped from achieving their ambitions by being as, or more, powerful than them.

Power is gained by building up military and economic might, by forming collective defense alliances with others, or by doing both. This grand strategy is clearly focused at the great power level and implicitly at China.

The balance of power grand strategy is steadily being implemented. 

Diplomatically, AUKUS is strengthening the US alliance and UK partnership. Internally, Canberra is hardening societal resilience by criminalizing foreign interference, blocking specific foreign telecom firms, toughening foreign investment laws, strengthening critical infrastructure regulations and countering misinformation and disinformation actions.

In addition to the AUKUS submarines, Australia is buying new long-range strike missiles, getting anti-ship missiles for the army, upgrading northern defense bases and developing offensive cyber capabilities.

Building economic power actions include the National Reconstruction Fund which provides targeted investments in defense capability, advanced manufacturing and critical technologies.

The AUKUS nuclear submarine deal is making ripples across the Indo-Pacific. Image: US Embassy in China

Looking beyond the great powers, Australia has also devised an engagement strategy focused on middle and smaller powers. This grand strategy involves working with others to achieve common goals.

Australia will work with Southeast Asia and the Pacific “to enhance our collective security and prosperity.” Supporting regional states to be more resilient to outside pressures aligns with a balance-of-power grand strategy.

In recent years Australia reached numerous bilateral and multilateral economic agreements with Indonesia, the Pacific IslandsIndia, Japan and South Korea.

Australia also aims for greater trade and investment with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the two sides have deepened ties with the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and its associated Aus4ASEAN Futures Initiative.

The initiative includes financing smart cities, digitization, technology innovation, digital skills training and a scholarship program in the areas of maritime, connectivity, economic development and sustainable development goals.

The two grand strategies are “mutually reinforcing.” Having different strategies to achieve different outcomes is necessary as a single grand strategy cannot achieve all a state seeks and combining them has proven problematic.

The balance of power grand strategy will not solve the problem of a possible great power war. Instead, the strategic equilibrium must be maintained indefinitely until the risk of major war fades. 

Australia has little control over what the great powers do, meaning its grand strategy must maintain a high level of defense expenditure and industry as well as a focus on major high-technology wars.

Australia is effectively trapping itself within a narrow range of possible domestic and foreign policy options. On the other hand, a great power war in the region is critically important to avoid. Reduced autonomy in the international system may be a price worth paying.

The engagement grand strategy brings its own complications. Australia’s new trade and investment strategy with Southeast Asia needs a whole-of-nation effort. 

It calls for better Southeast Asia literacy across Australia’s business, government, education and community sectors, proposing sectoral business missions to the region, more capable business chambers, deeper SME links with the region and more professional exchanges and internships. 

It also calls for Australia to be a substantial regional investor using monies from its corporations, capital markets, national savings and superannuation funds.

Ultimately, grand strategies must generally gain domestic approval to be successfully implemented. It’s not simply a national government endeavor. Instead, Canberra needs to persuade Australians of the merits of the two grand strategies by building legitimacy and crafting a strategic narrative that encourages buy-in.

strategic narrative can provide an interpretive structure to make sense of these challenges and emerging issues. Such narratives should appeal to both people’s rational and emotional cognition.

The two grand strategies set out a path, even if their success is uncertain. More definite, is that over time they will impact all Australians.

Peter Layton is a visiting fellow at the Griffith Asia Institute, an associate fellow at the Royal United Services Institute and the author of Grand Strategy.

This article was originally published by East Asia Forum and is republished under a Creative Commons license.

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Sarawak gears up for anticipated surge in foreign tourist arrivals next year

PLANS TO PROMOTE SARAWAK’S RICH CULTURE, BIODIVERSITY

Recent attractions include a 99m flagpole – the tallest in Southeast Asia – overlooking the Sarawak River, and the new Borneo Cultures Museum, the second largest in the region. To light up the city, the Darul Hana Bridge at the waterfront greets tourists with dazzling lights.
 
Sarawak’s Premier Abang Johari Openg has big plans to promote Sarawak’s rich culture and biodiversity in a bid to drive the state’s economic recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic.
 
In an interview with CNA, he explained about his proposed move to take over domestic carrier MASwings to turn it into a regional airline by the middle of next year.
 
“It is part and parcel of connectivity that we have to establish between Sarawak and the outside world,” said Mr Abang Johari, adding that it would be a small airline that allows Sarawak to be connected to the Far East and the rest of Southeast Asia.
 
“Basically, this airline will stabilise airfare between Peninsular Malaysia and Sarawak. As long as we cover the overhead, it’s okay.”
 
To get ready for the expected increase in tourist arrivals, existing hotels are being refurbished and new ones are being built.
 
Sarawak’s Minister of Tourism, Creative Industry and Performing Arts Abdul Karim Rahman Hamzah said there will be more offerings next year.
 
For a start, the Niah National Park in coastal city Miri is set to be listed as another United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Site after Mulu National Park.

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Myanmar military, insurgents battle over port town

Reuters could not independently verify the report and a junta spokesperson did not respond to request for comment. Pauktaw is about 500km northwest of Myanmar’s main city of Yangon. The offensive, which the insurgent alliance calls “Operation 1027” after the date it was launched, is the biggest the junta hasContinue Reading

MyEg, Yayasan Chow Kit partner to prepare youth for the Web3 era

Youth gained exposure to digital skills & basic AI knowledge
Workshop aims to enhance individuals’ digital skills for improved career prospects 

MY E.G. Services Berhad (MyEG) has collaborated with Yayasan Chow Kit (YCK) to foster digital inclusivity for marginalised youth in and around Chow Kit area in Kuala Lumpur. 
In a statement, the leading…Continue Reading

What's it like to be digital nomad? Tips on long-term travel in Southeast Asia and Europe from those who've done it

Another nearby destination with a comparable cost of living is Chiang Mai. Temperatures dip as low as 14 degrees Celsius at the start of the year, providing a much-needed respite for travellers who prefer mountains to beaches. Sabrina Tan, who left her job as a Fraud Investigator in Kuala Lumpur to work remotely in Chiang Mai as a translator and travel writer, said,

“Chiang Mai was the digital nomad capital of the world back in 2017. There were a lot of co-working spaces at affordable prices and it was very expat-friendly. Connectivity was cheap as SIM cards would cost around 1,000 THB (S$38) a month for unlimited internet.”

In 2017, renting a two-bedroom landed property cost around 13,000 THB (S$492) per month. Similar to digital nomads in Bali, she got around by renting a scooter from Chloe Motorbike Rentals or a car from Facebook pages with a rating of at least 4.5 stars.

“The most difficult part about living in Thailand for a long period of time is dealing with visa extensions at Thai immigration. The rules change all the time and sometimes it can be hard to keep up. So it’s important to check in with other nomads and the official website for the latest information,” Sabrina suggested.

To stay in Thailand legally without the need to leave the country every month, the Malaysian digital nomad signed up for a 6-month Thai language course, which turned out to be a rewarding endeavor in the grand scheme of things.

“Currently, the most affordable destinations (to work in) are definitely still in Southeast Asia. Personally, I would stay in Chiang Mai, Taipei, and Hanoi for the quality of life that I’ll get per dollar spent.”

Vietnam, as Sabrina astutely pointed out, seems to be an underrated hotspot for digital nomads. Sharlyn Seet, a student and content creator, suggests cities like Ho Chi Minh and Da Nang and recommends living close to the city centre.

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TikTok may open training centre

TikTok may open training centre
Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, third from right, meets representatives of TikTok at The Ritz-Carlton hotel in San Francisco on Wednesday. (Photo: Government House)

TikTok has expressed interest in setting up a training centre in Thailand for Thai users to promote Thai food and soft power as tax incentives will be offered to the company, Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin said.

The PM made the remarks after talks with TikTok executives on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (Apec) summit in San Francisco.

Mr Srettha said Thailand has about 43 million TikTok users.

“We have to find ways to help each other — helping them operate a good business and helping Thais, such as by promoting Otop [One Tambon, One Product] products.

“I told them that Thailand does not have only Bangkok, Chiang Mai, or Phuket. There are also several other provinces which need to promote their products and services, soft power, and food.

“Several business operators uploaded cooking video clips onto TikTok with lots of viewers. I asked TikTok to open a training centre in Thailand to give advice on how to make optimal use of the social media platform.

“The Board of Investment has also offered tax incentives, and TikTok is interested,” Mr Srettha said.

Developed and owned by the Chinese technology company ByteDance, TikTok is a popular video-sharing social media app.

According to figures released by TikTok, there are over 325 million active monthly users in Southeast Asia, while 15 million small businesses use the platform each month in the region.

Government spokesman Chai Wacharonke said the prime minister invited TikTok to help Thailand promote its soft power in provinces which have their own Otop goods and services, apart from major provinces. TikTok executives appreciated that there are numerous TikTok users in Thailand, Mr Chai said, adding the company also plans to diversify into the field of education.

Mr Srettha said he also talked with executives of Booking.com, an online booking platform where hotels and other types of accommodation make their rooms available to travellers around the world.

He said the number of people visiting the website has increased seven-fold since the visa-free policy for Chinese and Kazakh tourists was announced.

He also said the executives would contact the Tourism Authority of Thailand’s governor to discuss ways to benefit both sides.

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Delay may blunt effect of handout

Deputy finance minister denies scheme will be abandoned if Council of State rejects loan idea

Delay may blunt effect of handout
Deputy Finance Minister Julapun Amornvivat (centre) attends a rally staged at Pheu Thai Party headquarters by supporters of the digital wallet scheme on Oct 17. (Photo: Somchai Poomlard)

The digital wallet handout, estimated to cost the government 500 billion baht, is two to three months behind schedule, which may result in diminishing economic stimulus effects, says Deputy Finance Minister Julapun Amornvivat.

Originally scheduled to launch in February, the plan to give 10,000 baht in digital money to some 50 million people is now expected to start in May. However, the government still requires parliamentary approval of a lending bill to borrow 500 billion baht to fund the scheme.

Mr Julapun said the Ministry of Finance has not yet drafted the bill, pending an opinion from the Council of State, the government’s legal advisory body.

He declined to say whether the government would cancel the project if the Council of State disagrees with state borrowing as a funding option. Mr Julapun said the council would probably provide an explanation rather than simply saying it agreed or disagreed with the project.

Under Section 53 of the 2018 State Fiscal and Financial Discipline Act, the government can pass a borrowing bill if there is a justification for an urgent handout to solve an economic crisis.

There is a wide disparity between economists and the government, as the latter views the current situation as a crisis, conceded Mr Julapun.

Pheu Thai Party officials have been repeating the message that in their view, a decade of GDP growth averaging less than 2% a year — one of the poorest performances in Southeast Asia — constitutes a crisis.

Mr Julapun said that borrowing 500 billion baht by issuing government bonds would not create an instant burden for the government as the loan would be taken out only after the digital money was exchanged by businesses or cashed out from a state bank. The government could create incentives for people to hold the digital money for as long as possible, said Mr Julapun.

He said the government’s stimulus measures, which include the digital wallet, a trillion-baht southern land bridge, and incentives to attract foreign direct investment, should increase gross domestic product growth. The government has set a target for average annual GDP growth of 5%, about double the current level.

In any case, Mr Julapun said he believed the ratio of public debt to GDP would either remain steady at its current level of 63% or decline.

He also denied the government plans to halt the digital wallet project if borrowing under the Loan Act is blocked by the Council of State.

“We never had any intention to end the project. We want to see the successful implementation of this initiative,” said Mr Julapun.

He said the Thai economy is in crisis and economic growth is inadequate to provide the government with sufficient income to support the country’s ageing demographics over the next 4-5 years, particularly as welfare expenses rise.

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