JAKARTA: Prominent Cambodian opposition figure Sam Rainsy on Friday (May 19) denounced the upcoming general election as a “fake and sham” after the country’s the sole opposition party was disqualified from the race this week. The Candlelight Party was disqualified by the election commission on Monday over what the pollContinue Reading
Chheav Bora’s calm demeanour gives little away, even over the chess board.
If it weren’t for the intermittent congratulations from his teammates, there’d be no way to tell the former King of Cambodian Chess had just won another high-stakes match of ouk chaktrang, the variant of the game most popular in Cambodia.
As crowned by subsequent victories in national chess competitions of 2014 and 2015, Bora was humble and soft-spoken as he waited for his teammates to finish their matches. They were all playing for the home team in this year’s, Southeast Asian Games (SEA Games), hosted in Phnom Penh.
Bora was happy to be there – it was his first time representing Cambodia on the national team. In fact, it was the first time ouk was played in the regional sporting event across its 32 iterations.
As the host country, Cambodia added the chess game to the roster of 37 different sports for the games, which drew to a close on Wednesday night.
“Whenever I play chess, I feel super calm,” Bora said after his SEA Games match, held on a balmy afternoon at the Royal University of Phnom Penh. “It makes me think consciously – whenever I want to do something, the way that I think, [the way] my mind processes, the order is not messy.”
Ouk is distinct from international chess in several ways, and though the variant is played throughout the Mekong region, many SEA Games athletes had to quickly learn the rules ahead of time to participate in this year’s contest. As ouk undergoes a resurgence in the Kingdom, the regional sporting event provided a showcase for the game on a wider stage, elevating the style to a new level of play and a never-before-seen visibility at home and around the world.
Still, despite what some might consider an inherent advantage, it wasn’t all easy for team Cambodia. Players from Laos, Thailand, Vietnam, Myanmar, the Philippines and Malaysia were stiff competition for a team that might seem like it would have a home-field edge.
“The Philippines and Malaysia, we had no idea that they would play very well like this,” said Pen Khemararasmey, another member of the Cambodian team.
The exclusion of international chess from the games met with some grumbles from the Philippines, where the ouk variant was unknown. But that isn’t such a bad thing, according to Kuch Kimlong, the president of the Cambodian Ouk Chaktrang Federation.
“Through the 32nd SEA Games event, [ouk] is becoming popular for people of ASEAN countries,” he said, pointing to the variant’s presence in Thailand and Vietnam. “They like to play this game very much.”
They also turned out to be pretty good at it.
The rival Thais walked away with four gold medals, the most of any team through the seven ouk events, and Vietnam bagged two.
Overall, Cambodia’s chess team closed out the SEA Games with one gold medal, four silvers, and one bronze. Bora, the former King of Chess, ended up placing second in the men’s triple 60-minute final event, netting a silver medal.
A modern tradition with ancient roots
Though ouk is typically described as Cambodian chess, the game is also popular in Thailand, where it’s known as makruk, and in Myanmar as sittuyin.
Believed to have possibly split more than 1,000 years ago from chaturanga, an Indian ancestor of the internationally known version of chess, the exact historical roots of the game are lost to history. The progenitor of ouk may have come to Southeast Asia with travelling merchants by about 800 AD.
In the Angkorian period, at least two kings built temples and shrines with bas reliefs depicting what could be a version of the game. Today, ouk is commonly played in cafes and parks by tuk-tuk drivers, nine-to-fivers and anyone else who knows the rules and is up for a challenge.
“Ouk chaktrang is a part of Cambodian national identity,” said Bora, “there is a sculpture [of it] on the wall of Angkor Wat.”
The pieces used in the game are the same as those used in international chess. But their names and rules of play are very different.
Where international chess calls pieces pawns, rook, knight, bishop, queen and king, a player of ouk would refer to them respectively as the fish, boat, horse, pillar, maiden and king.
Both games share the aim of capturing an opponent’s king but vary in the ways of getting there. For international chess, the queen is the most powerful piece on the board, able to move as far as it likes in any direction. In ouk, the maiden can only move a single square at a time, and strictly on a diagonal line.
To find potential champions of this tiny battlefield, the Cambodian team drafted players through rounds of qualifications. This included recruiting competitors, such as Bora, who have already dominated the sport in the country, but also finding new faces with players who learned on the streets and in cafes.
The sound of clattering pieces and calls of “ouk”, which is said in the same way an international player would say “check” when attacking the king, are common in such settings.
While the game has always been held as a national pastime within Cambodia, Bora thinks recent years have seen an increase in its popularity.
“In the past, after the fall of the Khmer Rouge, most of the Cambodian chess players passed away,” he said. “Now, gradually, Cambodia is getting back a lot of ouk chaktrang players.”
As the game’s visibility expands, its base of players might stand to change with the times.
Ouk has traditionally been seen in Cambodia as a male pastime – while women are often expected to go home from work to care for their households, men are free to retire to cafes or other drinking spots where they can play with friends.
National team member Khemararasmey, one of the women who represented Cambodian chess in the SEA Games, said she only learned how to play because her father owned a cafe where men gathered over ouk.
She grew up around the game and said she doesn’t remember exactly when she learned to play. But when she heard ouk was to be featured in the SEA Games, she was quick to enter the qualifiers and win a spot on the national team.
She hopes the future will see more women included at ouk boards around the country.
“The society has changed, the next generation is more open,” she said. “After the SEA Games, this game will attract more women in Cambodia to play, because this game is very nice, it trains us to think, to be patient, to work hard.”
Adrenalin was high amid flashes of lightning in the humid air of Phnom Penh as spectators crowded into the new 60,000 capacity, Chinese-built Morodok Techo National Stadium.
Amid performers intermingling national flags and fireworks echoing like a starting pistol, a flame was extinguished and the Southeast Asian Games were declared closed.
The 17 May ceremony signalled the close of the 32nd iteration of the bi-annual regional sports event. The Kingdom’s first time as host saw participants from 11 Southeast Asian countries vie for victory in 37 different sports, the highest number of any SEA Games so far.
Now, at the finish line of more than two weeks of intense competition, the games have strengthened national identities, resurfaced old rivalries and laid the terrain for new sports and generations of future athletic champions from the region.
There were 581 medals at stake in this year’s games, with last year’s host Vietnam yet again emerging in pole position with 355 medals in total, including 136 gold.
The country set a winning pace when they beat Cambodia and gained an early victory over Laos in the “Group of Death” qualifying football tournament, which took place before the games’ official opening during the week of 24 April.
The Vietnamese team racked up further victories in track and field, three-cushion carom billiards and Kun Khmer kickboxing, putting their final tally a commanding 42 ahead of Thailand, which came in second place with 313 medals. Indonesia placed third, with Cambodia taking fourth.
On the other end of the spectrum, Timor-Leste trailed in 11th place, with eight bronze medals spread across taekwondo, boxing and karate.
But behind the medal tallies are individual stories of personal motivation and achievement, particularly for host-country Cambodia.
Runner Bou Samnang, 20, went viral after fighting to complete the women’s 5,000m race in a heavy downpour. Though she came in last, Samnang inspired viewers with her determination to reach the finish-line on behalf of the Kingdom.
Fellow Cambodian Chhun Bunthorn made history when he won the country’s first gold medal for athletics after clinching first place in the 800m race. The games also saw the entry of Cambodia’s women’s football team qualifying for the semi-finals.
The team had spent six months training in China as part of an official arrangement, according to Sareth Keo, general secretary of the Cambodia Football Association.
“Beforehand, we never used to focus so much on women’s football,” Sareth said. “Now, the women’s team is doing better than the men’s.”
Inspirational narratives aside, the games weren’t without their share of drama that ran contrary to the otherwise carefully constructed messages of regional collaboration and friendship.
Thailand boycotted the Kun Khmer event after unsuccessfully demanding Cambodia refer to the sport as Muay Thai. The fighting disciplines are very similar, enough to where the countries regularly host cross-border bouts, and both sides claim to be originators of the style.
Fighting also broke out on the football field during the men’s football final on 16 May, which erupted into a brawl between the Indonesian and Thai teams.
Coaches and players tore into each other following Indonesia’s mistaken early exit from the pitch, allowing Thailand to equalise 2-2 on a penalty. Five red cards were handed out to each team, and Indonesia eventually gained a 5-2 victory, winning their first gold medal in the sport.
But despite the fierce rivalries, regional alliances and building relations lies at the roots of the SEA Games.
“[It] is always an excellent opportunity to unite countries to rally and support their country’s best athletes … [and] also an opportunity for cultural exchange,” said Emily Ortega, head of psychology programme and sports psychology specialist at Singapore’s University of Social Sciences.
The region’s largest sporting event has its origins in the first Southeast Asian Peninsular Games in 1958, following a delegates’ meeting that same year at the Asian Games in Tokyo.
The brainchild of Luang Sukhum Nayapradit, then-vice president of the Thailand Olympic Committee, the first SEAP Games took place in Bangkok eight years before the founding of the ASEAN bloc.
Hosted under the late King Bhumibol, the event welcomed more than 527 regional athletes from the six founding countries – Thailand, Burma, Malaya, Singapore, South Vietnam and Laos – who competed across 12 sports. In an early hint of the political considerations that attend the games, host Thailand made the inaugural event exclusive to neighbours which shared its anti-communist interests.
The SEAP Games Federation was founded the next year with a symbol of six interlinked gold rings, each representing a founding nation.
The recent games also served as an opportunity for regional leaders to meet and discuss bilateral collaboration. The visiting Laos President Thoungloun Sisoulith reportedly had discussions with Hun Sen about enhanced disaster relief collaboration. And as Timor-Leste progresses towards its goal of ASEAN membership, former Timorese President Xanana Gusmão’s attendance at the opening ceremonies could be seen as a public sign of strengthened ties between the two countries.
But hosting countries can also capitalise on the opportunity to boost their own soft power and national interests, not just through the selection of sports.
For this year’s SEA Games, the $160 million stadium that hosted the opening ceremony, neighbouring 3,000-capacity aquatic centre and 6,100 bed athlete village are a signal of Cambodia’s status to the wider region. Accommodation and food for the 5,300 athletes is estimated to have cost the Kingdom approximately $550,000, an investment in regional status.
Geopolitics aside, for many athletes, the games represent a cherished opportunity to compete on the world stage.
For some, it was a long time coming. Cambodian football organiser Keo is a former professional footballer who used to play on the national team. He says he would have loved to represent his country, but his peak fitness and playing years coincided with the era when the Khmer Rouge’s brutal rule from 1975-79.
Now, as the closing ceremony draws near, he feels a sense of victory for Cambodia that is not related to the medal tally or the evolving diplomatic relations, but a sense of history overcome.
“We have been waiting for 64 years,” he said. “This is about more than sport, more than football.”
At the 42nd ASEAN Summit held last week in Labuan Bajo, Indonesia, Southeast Asian countries once again reiterated their enduring interests – indifference to great games and focus on economic rebound.
Regional countries remain averse to taking sides in the US-China schism. They know it is something they cannot stop and have to live with – even gain from if they play their cards right.
Indecision, inaction, and remaining inclusive long served their purpose, although the cross-Strait cauldron is testing these time-honored coping mechanisms. The Philippines’ growing tilt toward the United States may also strain the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ non-alignment and push rival powers to do more to bring other countries into their camps.
ASEAN continues to double down on its centrality and relevance in the evolving geopolitical and economic architecture. Worries about arms buildups and nuclear proliferation were evident as security minilaterals like AUKUS came into effect. Regional and global hotspots were covered, although ASEAN failed to pick up from its Foreign Ministers’ Statement in February, in which it cited concerns about the situation in the Taiwan Strait.
On the economic front, the 10-member bloc laid out plans for developing a regional electric-vehicle ecosystem. A regional payment mechanism that promotes the use of local currencies is also in the works, which could boost the digital economy. Such de-dollarization may also be seen as a hedge against the weaponization of financial sanctions and a step toward promoting a more multipolar world economy.
Host Indonesia, the region’s largest economy, is developing its own indigenous payment system to diminish reliance on external financial platforms. Regional countries have been developing their capacity to use local currency to settle accounts since 2017, and the Russia-Ukraine war adds fresh impetus to this thrust.
Protecting migrant workers and fishermen and combating technology-enabled human trafficking were also discussed.
ASEAN reported more countries joining the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia, a foundational pact for the 55-year-old regional organization. Mexico, Panama, Saudi Arabia and Spain will soon join the 51 countries that had already acceded to the treaty as of November 2022.
The 1976 TAC embodies universal principles like respect for independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity; non-interference in internal affairs; peaceful settlement of disputes; renunciation of the threat or use of force; and cooperation. Such principles are in short supply and great demand these days. As the TAC is a cornerstone for inter- and extra-regional relations, ASEAN is likely to welcome more countries signing up.
ASEAN is also reaching out to other inter-governmental organizations. Secretariat-to-secretariat cooperation will be forged with the 18-nation-member Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and the 23-nation-member Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA).
At the heart of the Indo-Pacific region, ASEAN is flanked by PIF countries to the east and IORA countries to the west. Four ASEAN countries are also members of IORA. Such synergies will benefit all three groups. ASEAN will invite the chairmen of these two organizations to take part in the 18th East Asia Summit this September.
ASEAN remains open to engaging external partners in maritime exercises, including in the South China Sea hotspot, on a non-exclusive basis. ASEAN navies sailed with their Indian counterpart early this month as they did with China in 2018 and the United States in 2019. This puts on the spot Manila’s proposed joint sailings with Washington on the strategic waterway.
Joint patrols elsewhere in the region, such as in the Strait of Malacca and the Sulu Sea, are between neighboring coastal states and not with extra-regional partners. The Philippines’ move may inadvertently raise tensions in an already edgy flashpoint and undermine Manila’s regional standing.
Not even Brunei, with the smallest navy among the South China Sea disputants, has ventured into joint patrols in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ). There is no substitute for modernizing one’s coast guard and navy, and this – not joint patrols in contested maritime spaces – provides a less controversial area where allies and partners can play big roles.
As Indo-Pacific militaries ramp up their arsenals, and with Australia acquiring nuclear-powered submarines, regional countries restate their desire to keep nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction out. This is enshrined in the Treaty of Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ Treaty) and the ASEAN Charter.
This said, ASEAN leaves the door open to engaging nuclear-weapon states. It is fine with letting such states sign on to the protocol provided there is written assurance that they will sign and ratify the treaty without reservations.
Regional capitals are wary about ballistic-missile and nuclear-powered subs transiting chokepoints and playing cat and mouse in the depths of the South China Sea.
Regional countries tackled that maritime spat and also expressed concerns about developments in the Korean Peninsula, Ukraine, the Middle East and Myanmar. However, the ASEAN Summit statement was regrettably mum on the simmering cross-Strait strains.
Incendiary rhetoric and actions, drills and counter-drills, and troop and arms buildups absent dialogue and crisis communications raise the specter of accidents. ASEAN should do more. Neighbors need to understand the potential adverse spillovers should a downward action-reaction spiral be allowed to gather more momentum.
Southeast Asian countries should go beyond readying evacuation plans for their nationals or providing military bases for use in a possible emergency. Such actions have the danger of conditioning regional governments to accept fatalistically the worst and leave the rest to divine providence. It is risky and unimaginative.
Turkey, along with the UN, helped broker the Black Sea grain initiative. Iraq and Oman played crucial roles in the early stages of the Iran-Saudi detente before China stepped in. Russia and Iran are working to normalize ties between Syria and Turkey and help end a brutal 12-year-old civil war.
The Philippines’ temerity to offer the US access to bases close to Taiwan should be matched by a willingness to encourage dialogue and prod ASEAN to exert more diplomacy to dial down tensions.
While the continuing violence in Myanmar may have undercut ASEAN’s reputation, regional countries have proved they can arrange dialogues between opposing sides. The first cross-Strait summit since the end of the Chinese Civil War was hosted by Singapore in 2015. Two US-North Korea summits were held in Singapore and Vietnam in 2018 and 2019 respectively.
As war games, simulations, and talks of enlisting the support of neighboring countries for a potential showdown in Taiwan grow, ASEAN should step up.
Researchers say extreme conditions will become more common unless deep emissions cuts are made
The extreme heat that baked parts of Southeast Asia last month was largely driven by human-induced climate change, according to analysis from a team of scientists.
Temperatures that soared beyond 40C from India and Bangladesh to Thailand and Laos were at least 2C hotter than they would have been without climate change, according to researchers associated with the World Weather Attribution initiative.
Extreme events like that seen in Asia will become more frequent and severe until overall greenhouse gas emissions are halted, they said.
Climate change made the record-breaking heatwaves at least 30 times more likely, the researchers said.
Parts of India saw temperatures above 44C in mid-April, with at least 11 deaths near Mumbai attributed to heat stroke on a single day. In Bangladesh, Dhaka suffered its hottest day in almost 60 years.
In Thailand, the highest official temperature ever recorded, 45.4C, was reported in Tak province, while Sainyabuli province in Laos hit 42.9C, an all-time national record, the study by the World Weather Attribution group said.
Two deaths were reported in Thailand, but the real toll was likely higher as the extreme heat caused widespread hospital admissions, with the poor and vulnerable the worst affected.
The new study by international climate scientists looked at the average maximum temperature and the maximum heat index, which includes humidity.
“In both regions, the researchers found that climate change made the humid heatwave at least 30 times more likely, with temperatures at least 2 degrees Celsius hotter than they would have been without climate change,” WWA said in a statement.
“Until overall greenhouse gas emissions are halted, global temperatures will continue to increase and events like this will become more frequent and severe.”
The analysis also found that such events in India and Bangladesh, previously once-a-century, can now be expected around once every five years because of human-caused climate change.
For Laos and Thailand, if global temperatures rise by two degrees Celsius — as will happen within around 30 years if emissions are not cut rapidly — such extreme events could happen every 20 years, compared to every two centuries now, the study said.
“We see again and again that climate change dramatically increases the frequency and intensity of heatwaves, one of the deadliest weather events there are,” said Friederike Otto of the Grantham Institute for Climate Change and the Environment, who was involved in the study.
“Still, heat action plans are only being introduced very slowly across the globe. They need to be an absolute priority adaptation action everywhere, but in particular in places where high humidity enhances the impacts of heatwaves,” she added.
Scientists were previously reluctant to directly link a particular event to climate change, but in recent years a new field of “attribution science”, like that done by the WWA, has emerged.
Some weather events have a more complicated relationship to global warming than others, with the relationship to heatwaves and increased rainfall relatively easy to study.
Other phenomena such as droughts, snowstorms, tropical storms and wildfires are more complicated however, according to the WWA.
PHNOM PENH: Nearly two weeks of triumphs, tears and the occasional tantrum will come to an end on Wednesday (May 17) when the Southeast Asian Games close in Cambodia, with Vietnam topping the final medal table. Women’s football gold capped a glittering Games for Vietnam, who reigned over the medalsContinue Reading
The last time voters headed to the polls in Thailand was in 2019, following five years of a repressive military dictatorship. Thai voters spoke nervously of their democratic aspirations and allowed a military-led government into power.
Now, after four years of a functioning parliamentary democracy, Thai voters have roared. In Sunday’s parliamentary election, they appear to have resoundingly rejected the junta and its successor military-proxy parties.
Also read: A resounding vote for change in Thailand
Thailand’s most progressive party, Move Forward, looks set to gain the most seats in the new Parliament. Close behind is the more established and similarly liberal Peua Thai party of the polarizing Shinawatra dynasty.
Following them in third place is Bhumjaithai. This rural-based, more traditional party of patronage politics had recently been the previous government’s coalition partner.
Trailing far behind, in fourth and fifth place, are the two military-proxy parties: Palang Pracharat, headed by former deputy prime minister and army chief Prawit Wongsuwan, and United Thai Nation, headed by current Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha, leader of the 2014 coup.
The result reflects a huge boost in support for Move Forward, which won half as many seats outright in the 2019 election. Now, Move Forward looks likely to take all of but one of the 33 Bangkok seats in Parliament, which in the past was seen as the stronghold of Peua Thai.
It is hard not to wonder whether the strong performance of recently elected Bangkok Governor Chadchart Sittipunt, an independent who has set new standards in transparency, accountability and pure hard work, might have affected the choices of Bangkok voters.
Move Forward has a similar leader in the Harvard-educated former businessman Pita Limjaroenrat – someone who is both well-educated and business-minded.
The formation of a new government trenchantly opposed to the involvement of the military in politics seems logical, potentially ushering in a new progressive, democratic era in Thai politics, with Pita as the new prime minister.
This could be transformational for all of Southeast Asia – especially the countries on the mainland. Democratic institutions have taken a battering in the region in recent years, with Myanmar’s 2021 coup and Cambodia’s turn to increasingly autocratic rule under Hun Sen.
The dramatic decline in support for Thailand’s military-aligned incumbent government likely reflects a general sentiment among the Thai people that it was simply time for the military to go.
Prayut has been prime minister since May 2014, when as a military officer he undertook a coup against Yingluck Shinawatra’s democratically elected government. Since then, the Thai people have grown tired of his autocratic style of rule, short temper and mediocre management of the economy.
To speculate further, Thais may feel that the military’s job in overseeing a monarchical transition from Rama IX to Rama X is well and truly now complete.
But the election result also doesn’t guarantee Thailand’s opposition forces will be able to form a government.
The primary challenge facing the leading parties is the illiberal design of the 2017 constitution. Because it contains a clause allowing 250 unelected, junta-appointed senators to participate in a joint sitting to choose the next prime minister, the military-proxy parties can still, in theory, cobble together a coalition to retain power.
If they received the support of the parties that made up the previous government (Bhumjaithai and the Democrats), they could form a ruling coalition with the roughly 170 seats they all won in total in Sunday’s vote, along with the support of the 250 junta-appointed senators.
If this were to occur, they would be a minority government, unable to pass laws without opposition support, and subject to no-confidence motions. But they might hope they could lure away opposition parliamentarians, using various inducements like ministerial positions, to achieve a majority in the lower house.
The second challenge for the opposition parties is forming a democratic coalition. Will Peua Thai accept Pita as prime minister, rather than one its own three candidates, Srettha Thavisin, Paetongtarn Shinawatra or Chaikasem Nitisiri, as the prime-ministerial candidate? Would Peua Thai try to elevate Paetongtarn – the daughter of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra – into the role?
Another major question is whether Peua Thai would agree to Move Forward’s controversial policy of reforming Thailand’s draconian lèse-majesté law. Move Forward wants to change the law, which criminalizes insulting the monarchy, so it is less vulnerable to being weaponized as a way to attack political opponents. The party insists this is not a step toward becoming a republic.
The chances of the two parties forming a working coalition would be strengthened if they could bring Bhumjaithai into the government. That party has swung between both sides of the political spectrum over the decades.
But this would mean Bhumjaithai accepting the stances of both Move Forward and Peua Thai to roll back Thailand’s controversial decision last year to decriminalize marijuana. Both parties are proposing to restrict use to medical purposes.
Bhumjaithai’s leader, Anutin Charnvirakul, the current health minister and a cannabis advocate, has insisted that changing Thailand’s cannabis law is non-negotiable for his party.
The third challenge facing the opposition parties is perhaps the most worrying. This is the possibility the conservative establishment in Thailand will find a way to invalidate the election result through court action, or a “judicial coup,” as it has become known in Thailand.
There are strong precedents for this, as previous progressive parties have been dissolved through court rulings – a misfortune yet to befall any of the conservative parties.
Pita is currently facing a lawsuit related to his possession of shares in a media company. Meanwhile, Peua Thai is facing litigation related to allowing “outsiders” to run its affairs.
There is reason to think we may know the election outcome sooner than in 2019. The Electoral Commission seems to have performed more competently in counting votes this time, and does not have to decide how to implement a complicated formula to allocate party-list seats. This means the joint sitting of Parliament should happen faster and a coalition will soon emerge.
But only then will we have any certainty the people’s voices have truly been heard.
Greg Raymond is a lecturer at the Australian National University.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
As the dry season nears an end in the Mekong region, flashpoints have threatened to send thermometers to the breaking point.
Extreme heat waves battered Southeast Asia from April to May, with temperatures rising upwards of 45°C and setting harsh new records in Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. As meteorologists track worldwide warming trends, the UN warns temperatures in Asia-Pacific are rising faster than the global average, adding to a climate crisis that experts say Southeast Asia is not prepared for.
Those already living in poverty are left feeling the heat the most.
“Globally, 2023 is forecast to be the hottest year on record and we have already seen records falling all over Southeast Asia,” said Laurie Parsons, a lecturer in human geography at Royal Holloway, University of London, who focuses on intertwined climate and labour issues. “But in livelihood terms the worst may well still be to come.”
Local Outlook
Much of Southeast Asia falls within the tropical climate zone, meaning temperatures are usually above 25°C year-round and, in the hottest months, can briefly rise above 40°C.
But even with those historic highs, recent temperatures stand above and beyond. In the Mekong basin, neighboring nations set back-to-back records of sweltering heat through April and May.
On 14 April, Thailand breezed past their national record, clocking in with a temperature of 45.4°C, which marked the first time the country recorded heat above 45°C.
A few weeks later, Laos and Vietnam set dual records on 6 May posting 43.5°C and 44.2°C respectively. The next day, Cambodia recorded the hottest day ever in the month of May with a temperature of 41.7°C.
Experts say it’s only going to get worse.
“Extreme weather events will increase in frequency and intensity – so will heatwaves and the associated impacts,” said Tiziana Bonapace, the director of disaster risk reduction with the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific.
Bonapace added that such heat waves will likely go hand-in-hand with droughts.
She believes an early warning system to alert the public of impending extreme heat could mitigate its danger to vulnerable populations such as the poor, the elderly and the very young.
Most regional governments already have ongoing initiatives to mitigate rising temperatures by upping investments in green energy and warning systems for some extreme weather events.
But as it stands, Mekong-region countries don’t yet have the infrastructure and services needed to meet the challenges presented by a warming climate. That’s especially true where heat presents a risk to the livelihoods of society’s most vulnerable, who are more likely to work outdoors or otherwise in manual labour.
“They are people that live on the subsistence line, and they live on daily earnings,” Bonapace said. “Being absent from their daily economic activity means no income for that day.”
The physical risk posed by extreme heat is the combination of heat and humidity which creates the “heat index”, according to Parsons. The index reflects the ability of the body to cool itself, with personal risk increasing with the two related factors.
“From April to May, temperature generally drops by less than humidity rises, so it can be a very dangerous time for workers doing strenuous work,” said Parsons, who published an investigation last year into how the global garment industry affects vulnerable populations in Cambodia.
The government there is updating its occupational health and safety regulations, but this remains a work in progress.
“How comprehensive or effective this turns out to be, we will see,” Parsons said. For vulnerable workers, he added, “as of now, they are largely on their own.”
Regional Outlook
While the effects of climate change are felt around the world, the UN reports that over the past 60 years temperatures in the Asia-Pacific region have increased faster than the global average.
Without decisive action, climate change will increasingly drive poverty and inequality across the region.
Heat waves, which Bonapace classifies as “slow-onset disasters,” are to a large extent predictable. Authorities generally know the areas, timeframe, and people most likely to be affected.
Even just a 24-hour warning of a heatwave can cut ensuing damages by 30%, Bonapace says. But even with an early warning, without proper social welfare protections the cyclical nature of poverty may keep vulnerable populations at risk.
Those who rely on daily wages may still subject themselves to unsafe working conditions for fear of losing out on a day’s wages, she said. To combat this, Bonapace believes governments should learn from the Covid-19 pandemic and implement a social protection scheme for periods of extreme heat.
But for many countries in the region, this will be easier said than done.
With that, rising temperatures are likely to be especially dangerous in countries such as Cambodia where social welfare laws are yet to be implemented and at-risk sectors – including the garment industry, but also agriculture and construction – dominate the national economy.
“Those with the least privilege tend to have the least capacity to choose and shape their environments, so they end up facing the worst impacts of the climate in the short and long term,” Parsons said. “In a country like Cambodia, poverty, climatic hazards and ill health become a vicious cycle.”
របងស្រោបដោយបន្លាលលួសបានហ៊ុមបរិវេណក្រុមហ៊ុន Vanny Bio Research ក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ដែលបិទបាំងប្រតិបត្តិការបង្កាត់ពូជសត្វព្រៃនៅក្នុងនោះ។
មានផ្លាកសញ្ញាស្វាគមន៍មួយត្រូវបានបិតនៅក្បែរច្រកទ្វារធំរបស់កសិដ្ឋាននេះ និងត្រូវបានគេសរសេរថា «មិនទទួលយកការសម្ភាសពីស្ថាប័នសារព័ត៌មានណាមួយឡើយ»។
ម្ចាស់កសិដ្ឋាន អ្នកគ្រប់គ្រងកន្លែងនេះ ព្រមទាំងមន្ត្រីរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជាចំនួនពីររូប ត្រូវបានព្រះរាជអាជ្ញាសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ចោទប្រកាន់ពីបទជួញដូរសត្វព្រៃ កាលពីខែវិច្ឆិកា។
តាមរយះឯកសាររបស់តុលាការសហព័ន្ធ សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកបានចោទប្រកាន់ថា «បណ្តាញរត់ពន្ធសត្វព្រៃអន្តរជាតិ» នេះ បានប្រើប្រាស់រូបភាពមួយ ដែលស្ថិតក្រោមការជួញដូរស្របច្បាប់ទៅលើសត្វស្វាទុកសម្រាប់បង្កាត់ពូជ ជាហេតុផលក្នុងការរត់ពន្ធសត្វស្វាដែលបានចាប់ពីព្រៃរាប់ពាន់ក្បាល ទៅមន្ទីរពិសោធន៍របស់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ក្នុងរយៈពេលយ៉ាងតិចបួនឆ្នាំ។ ឧស្សាហកម្មស្របច្បាប់ដែលមានតម្លៃរាប់ពាន់លានដុល្លារនេះ ផ្ដោតខ្លាំងទៅលើប្រភេទសត្វស្វាកន្ទុយវែង ទុកសម្រាប់ធ្វើការពិសោធផ្នែកវេជ្ជសាស្រ្ត។
អ្នកស្រី Sarah Kite សហស្ថាបនិកនៃអង្គការ Action for Primates បាននិយាយថា «ប្រទេសអាមេរិចគឺជាចំនុចកណ្ដាល នៃពាណិជ្ជកម្មពិភពលោក ទាក់ទងនឹងការប្រើប្រាស់សត្វស្វាសម្រាប់ការស្រាវជ្រាវ។ អ្វីៗដែលកើតឡើងនៅក្នុងរង្វង់ពាណិជ្ជកម្មនាំចូល និងនាំចេញរបស់អាមេរិក នឹងមានផលប៉ះពាល់លើសង្វាក់ផ្គត់ផ្គង់ទូទាំងពិភពលោក។”
ភាពលេចធ្លោរបស់កម្ពុជាលើពាណិជ្ជកម្មនេះ ដែលបានកើនឡើងកំឡុងពេលជំងឺរាតត្បាតកូវីដ ១៩ ធ្វើឱ្យអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវមានការងឿងឆ្ងល់ និងចាប់ផ្ដើមមើលទៅលើអាជីវកម្មជួញដូរសត្វស្វាដ៏ស្រពិចស្រពិលរបស់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។ ក្រៅពីផលប៉ះពាល់ដល់ប្រព័ន្ធអេកូឡូស៊ី និងចំនួនសត្វស្វាព្រៃដែលថយចុះ អ្នកជំនាញបសុសាស្ត្រនិយាយថា ការលាយលំនូវសត្វ ដែលចាប់ចេញមកពីព្រៃ ជាមួយសត្វចិញ្ចឹមក្នុងកសិដ្ឋាន អាចបង្កហានិភ័យដល់សុខភាពសាធារណៈជាសាកល ដោយវាអាចនាំយកជំងឺ ចម្លងទៅមន្ទីរពិសោធន៍បរទេស។
យោងតាមទិន្នន័យពាណិជ្ជកម្ម សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកបាននាំចូលសត្វស្វារស់ច្រើនជាងគេ ពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជាក្នុងមួយឆ្នាំៗ ដែលត្រូវបានគេចោទប្រកាន់ថា មានសត្វស្វាសរុបចំនួន ៧០,០០០ ក្បាល។ មកទល់ពេលនេះ គេនៅមិនទាន់ដឹងច្បាស់ថា មានស្វាប៉ុន្មានក្បាល ត្រូវបានគេយកចេញពីព្រៃនោះទេ ប៉ុន្តែព្រះរាជអាជ្ញាបានបង្ហើបថា មានចំនួនដល់ទៅរាប់ពាន់ក្បាលឯណោះ។
សត្វដែលត្រូវបានជួញដូរក្នុងតួរលេខមិនច្បាស់លាស់ សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកគ្រាន់តែជាទីតាំង ទទួលចែកចាយបន្តតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ នោះក៏ព្រោះតែមន្ទីរពិសោធន៍នៅទីនោះ តែងតែធ្វើកោសល្យវិច័យសត្វស្វានាំចូលមកពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ដើម្បីនាំចេញបន្តនូវតួខ្លួនរបស់សត្វស្វារាប់រាយ ទៅកាន់ប្រទេសកាណាដា និងទូទាំងទ្វីបអឺរ៉ុប។
សកម្មភាពនេះអាចជម្រុញនូវសកម្មភាពខុសច្បាប់ ដែលអាចកើតមាន នៅក្នុងពាណិជ្ជកម្មជួញដូរនូវសត្វប្រភេទនេះ ដោយសត្វស្វាមួយក្បាលទំនងជាត្រូវបានគេកាត់ជាដុំៗ ចាប់តាំងពីឈាម រហូតដល់ខួរក្បាលរបស់ពួកវា សម្រាប់ធ្វើការពិសោធន។ ទោះមិនទាន់ប្រាកដ មន្ទីរពិសោធន៍ដែលនាំចេញសំណាកទាំងនេះឡើងវិញ អាចជាការជួញដូរបន្ត នូវសត្វស្វាដែលចាប់ពីព្រៃក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបន្ថែមទៀត ដែលអាចឱ្យអ្នកនាំចូល អាចមើលរំលង អំពើពុករលួយដែលត្រូវបានចោតប្រកាន់។
«នេះមិនមែនគ្រាន់តែជាបញ្ហាក្នុងស្រុកទេ ព្រោះនេះជាពាណិជ្ជកម្មអន្តរជាតិ។ ដោយសារតែហានិភ័យដែលស្តែងចេញពីសកម្មភាពទាំងនេះ វាជាក្តីបារម្ភរបស់ពិភពលោកតែម្តង» អ្នកស្រី Anne-Lise Chaber ជាអ្នកជំនាញផ្នែកសុខភាពសាធារណៈ និងជាសាស្ត្រាចារ្យមកពីសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ Adelaide របស់ប្រទេសអូស្ត្រាលី បានលើកឡើង។ ថ្មីៗនេះអ្នកស្រីទើបតែបានចេញផ្សាយការសិក្សាមួយស្តីពីពាណិជ្ជកម្មជួញដូរសត្វស្វា។
អ្នកស្រីបានបន្ថែមថា «ពិភពលោកប្រៀបបីដូចជាភូមិមួយ។ ជំងឺកូវីដ១៩ បានបង្ហាញឱ្យយើងដឹងថា ប្រសិនបើអ្នកមានជំងឺមួយ ដែលកំពុងកើតឡើង ដូចជានៅក្នុងប្រទេសមួយដូចជាប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នោះមានន័យថា ឱកាសនៃការរីករាលដាលជុំវិញពិភពលោក គឺមានកម្រិតខ្ពស់ណាស់»។
អាជីវកម្មសត្វស្វា៖ ការជួញដូរសត្វព្រៃពិភពលោក ក្នុងតម្លៃរាប់ពាន់លានដុល្លារ
សត្វស្វាកន្ទុយវែង គឺជាពូជសត្វដែលមានការជួញដូរច្រើនបំផុត អស់រយៈពេលជាច្រើនទសវត្សរ៍មកហើយ ដោយសារតែតម្រូវការប្រើប្រាស់ពួកវា ក្នុងការស្រាវជ្រាវផ្នែកវេជ្ជសាស្ត្រ។
ការពិសោធផ្នែកវេជ្ជសាស្ត្រ ដែលត្រូវបានគេប៉ាន់ស្មានថាមានតម្លៃ ១,២៥ ពាន់លានដុល្លារ ត្រូវបានត្រួតពិនិត្យដោយអនុសញ្ញាពាណិជ្ជកម្ម របស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ ដែលត្រូវបានគេស្គាល់ថា CITES (សាយតេស) ដែលផ្តល់ភាពស្របច្បាប់ដល់ពាណិជ្ជកម្មតាមរយៈប្រព័ន្ធអនុញ្ញាត បទបញ្ជាសុខុមាលភាពសត្វ តម្រូវការបង្កាត់ពូជ និងច្បាប់ផ្សេងៗទៀត។ ប៉ុន្តែប្រព័ន្ធដែលមានអាយុកាលជិត ៥០ឆ្នាំនេះ បែរមានឈ្មោះមិនសូវល្អ ទាក់ទងចន្លោះប្រហោងផ្លូវច្បាប់ និងកង្វះខាតទិន្នន័យ។
ខណៈពេលដែលប្រទេសកម្ពុជា បានបង្កាត់សត្វស្វាអស់រយៈពេលជាច្រើនឆ្នាំ ជាមួយនឹងការនាំចេញលើកដំបូងទៅកាន់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០០៥ ប្រទេសនេះ បានបង្វែរទីផ្សារក្នុងអំឡុងពេលជំងឺរាតត្បាតកូវីដ១៩។
ការផ្ទុះឡើងនៃកូវីដ១៩ នាំឱ្យមានការរីកដុះដាលនៃការនាំចូល និងការនាំចេញជាសាកល ខណៈដែលប្រទេសនានា កំពុងប្រជែងគ្នាដើម្បីបង្កើតវ៉ាក់សាំង។ កាលពីខែកក្កដា សត្វស្វាត្រូវបានគេដាក់បញ្ចូលពី «ងាយរងគ្រោះ» ទៅ «ជិតផុតពូជ» ក្នុងបញ្ជីក្រហមនៃប្រភេទសត្វរងការគំរាមកំហែង ដែលបានលើកឡើងពី «ការប្រើប្រាស់ជីវសាស្ត្រ» ជាការកត្តាគំរាមកំហែងសំខាន់។
កម្ពុជាបានជួញដូរសត្វស្វារស់ជាង ៣៣ ០០០ក្បាល ក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០២០ ដែលច្រើនជាងពាក់កណ្តាល នៃការជួញដូរសត្វស្វាពិភពលោក ដែលបានកត់ត្រានៅឆ្នាំនោះ។ ក្នុងចំណោមស្វា១០ក្បាល ប្រមាណ ៧ក្បាល បញ្ចូនចូលសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។
ក្រុមហ៊ុន Vanny Bio Research ដែលត្រូវបានចោទប្រកាន់ គឺជាអ្នកនាំចេញសត្វស្វាដ៏ធំបំផុតរបស់កម្ពុជា ក្នុងរយៈពេលប៉ុន្មានឆ្នាំចុងក្រោយនេះ។ ក្រុមហ៊ុនមិនបានឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹងសំណើសុំការអត្ថាធិប្បាយទេ ប៉ុន្តែ ការចេញផ្សាយជាសាធារណៈរបស់ក្រុមហ៊ុន បានបដិសេធយ៉ាងខ្លាំងទៅលើការចោតប្រកាន់នានា។ បើយោងតាមទិន្នន័យដែលចេញផ្សាយដោយប្រធានក្រសួងកសិកម្ម រុក្ខាប្រមាញ់ និងនេសាទរបស់កម្ពុជា កសិដ្ឋាននេះបាននាំចេញសត្វស្វារស់ជាង ៤០,៧០០ក្បាល ទៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកចាប់ពីឆ្នាំ ២០២០ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ២០២២។
ការចោទប្រកាន់ខែវិច្ឆិកា កើតឡើងបន្ទាប់ពីការចាប់ខ្លួនមន្ត្រីរដ្ឋបាលព្រៃឈើកម្ពុជា ដែលអនុវត្តដោយ CITES ក្នុងប្រទេស នៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ពីបទជួញដូរសត្វព្រៃ។ អ្នកស្រី Kite ចាត់ទុកថាវាជា «សោកនាដកម្មដ៏ហួសចិត្ត» ។
នៅពេលនោះ លោក គ្រី មះផល អនុប្រធានផ្នែកសត្វព្រៃ និងជីវចម្រុះ កំពុងធ្វើដំណើរទៅកាន់កិច្ចប្រជុំអន្តរជាតិមួយ អំពីបទប្បញ្ញត្តិពាណិជ្ជកម្ម សម្រាប់ប្រភេទសត្វជិតផុតពូជ។ ថ្នាក់លើរបស់គាត់ លោក កែវ អូម៉ាលីស អគ្គនាយករដ្ឋបាលព្រៃឈើ ក៏ត្រូវបានចោទប្រកាន់ក្នុងដីកានេះដែរ ប៉ុន្តែនៅតែមានសេរីភាពនៅកម្ពុជា។
ព្រឹត្តិការណ៍ទាំងនេះបានធ្វើឲ្យមានការសង្ស័យរឹតតែជ្រៅ ទៅលើការនាំចេញស្វារបស់កម្ពុជា។ វាក៏បានលើកឡើងសំនួរថ្មីៗផងដែរ អំពីតួនាទីរបស់មន្ទីរពិសោធន៍របស់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ដែលអាចនឹងដើរតួក្នុងការរត់ពន្ឋឡើងវិញ នូវសត្វដែលចាប់បានពីព្រៃ តាមរយៈការនាំចេញសំណាកសត្វទាំំងនោះ។
«ប្រសិនបើសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកកំពុងនាំចេញសត្វស្វារស់ ឬសំណាកសត្វ ដែលនាំចូលពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នោះច្បាស់ណាស់ មាននូវការព្រួយបារម្ភអំពីប្រភពដើម ថាតើពួកវាអាចត្រូវបានគេចាប់បានពីព្រៃ ឬយ៉ាងណា។ វាមានផលវិបាកសម្រាប់រាល់ពាណិជ្ជកម្មណាដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ក៏ដូចជាការនាំចូល និងនាំចេញសត្វស្វាសម្រាប់ការស្រាវជ្រាវ»។ អ្នកស្រី Kite បាននិយាយ។
សត្វស្វានៅចំកណ្តាល៖ ខ្សែសង្វាក់ផ្គត់ផ្គង់សំណាកសត្វ
ការកើនឡើង និងប្រាក់ចំណេញនៃការធ្វើពាណិជ្ជកម្មបន្តផ្ទាល់ ជារឿយៗគ្របដណ្តប់លើទីផ្សារសំណាក ដែលពង្រីកខ្សែសង្វាក់ផ្គត់ផ្គង់សត្វស្វារបស់កម្ពុជា។
លោក Nedim Buyukmihci សាស្ត្រាចារ្យពេទ្យសត្វមកពីសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ California-Davis ដែលបានចុះផ្សាយការស្រាវជ្រាវកាលពីឆ្នាំ២០២៣ ស្តីពីសុខុមាលភាពសត្វនៅក្នុងបន្ទប់ពិសោធន៍ បាននិយាយថា «មែនទែនទៅ វាមិនមានភាពខុសប្លែកគ្នាទេ រវាងការជួញដូរទាំងពីរបែបនេះ។ ដើម្បីទទួលបានសំណាកសត្វ គេត្រូវតែមានសត្វរស់នៅកន្លែងណាមួយ។ គេមិនដែលបង្កាត់សត្វ នៅក្នុងបំពង់សាកល្បងវិទ្យាសាស្ត្ត្រទេ។ អ្នកទទួលបានផលប៉ះពាល់ដូចគ្នា ទៅនឹងការធ្វើពាណិជ្ជកម្មផ្ទាល់»។
ដូចនៅក្នុងពាណិជ្ជកម្មផ្ទាល់ដែរ CITES តាមដានការនាំចូល និងនាំចេញសំណាកសត្វទាំងនេះ ដែលត្រូវបានកំណត់ឈ្មោះជាផ្លូវការថាជា «ផ្នែកណាមួយដែលអាចស្គាល់បាន» នៃសត្វ។ ទិន្នន័យទាំងនោះកម្របញ្ជាក់ផ្នែកនីមួយៗ នៃសត្វស្វាណាស់។ លោក Buyukmihci ដែលជាអ្នកបង្កើតសមាគមបសុពេទ្យដើម្បីសិទ្ធិសត្វ បាននិយាយថា របៀបដែលគេប្រើដើម្បីវាស់ស្ទង់សំណាកទាំងនោះ ផ្តល់តម្រុយថាវា[សំណាក]ជាផ្នែកណាមួយនៃសត្វស្វា។
សំណាកដែលបានកត់ត្រាជាទម្រង់បរិមាណ (volume) ជាធម្មតាជាវត្ថុរាវ ដែលគាត់និយាយថាទំនងជាឈាម ឬសារធាតុរាវក្នុងឆ្អឹងខ្នង។ ចំនែកសំណាកដែលបានកត់ត្រាជាទម្រង់ម៉ាស(mass) គឺប្រហែលជាសរីរាង្គ ដូចជាខួរក្បាល ថ្លើម ឬសាច់ដុំ។
សត្វស្វាកន្ទុយវែងត្រូវបានចាត់ទុកថា ជាសត្វដែលត្រូវបានគេជួញដូរច្រើនបំផុតនៅលើពិភពលោក ដោយសារតែការប្រើប្រាស់របស់វានៅក្នុងការស្រាវជ្រាវជីវវេជ្ជសាស្ត្រ។ កាលពីខែកក្កដាឆ្នាំមុន ប្រភេទសត្វនេះត្រូវបានចុះបញ្ជីពី «ងាយរងគ្រោះ» ទៅ «ជិតផុតពូជ» នៅក្នុងបញ្ជីក្រហមនៃប្រភេទសត្វរងការគំរាមកំហែង ដែលបានលើកឡើងពី «ការប្រើប្រាស់ជីវសាស្រ្ត» ជាការគំរាមកំហែងដ៏សំខាន់មួយ។ រូបថតដោយ Anton L. Delgado សម្រាប់ Southeast Asia Globe។
អ្នកស្រី Kite ដែលធ្លាប់គ្រប់គ្រងការស៊ើបអង្កេតសម្ងាត់នៅក្នុងមន្ទីរពិសោធន៍ស្វា បាននិយាយថា «ប្រសិនបើយើងសម្លឹងមើលប្រភពដើមពិតប្រាកដ ដែលផ្នែករាងកាយទាំងនេះបានមកនោះ វាពិតជាលំបាកណាស់ក្នុងការដឹងថា តើមានសត្វស្វាចំនួនប៉ុន្មានក្បាលនៅក្នុងការជួញដូរនោះ»។ អ្នកស្រីបានសន្និដ្ឋានចំនួនសត្វស្វារស់ ជាប់ពាក់ព័ន្ធនឹងការធ្វើពាណិជ្ជកម្មសំណាកសត្វនេះ «អាចមានចំនួនច្រើន»។
ក្នុងរយៈពេល ៤ឆ្នាំ ដែលព្រះរាជអាជ្ញានិយាយថា សត្វស្វាព្រៃ ត្រូវបានគេជួញដូរទៅសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ក្រោមការធ្វើពាណិជ្ជកម្មស្របច្បាប់ មន្ទីរពិសោធន៍នៅទីនោះ បានដើរតួជាអ្នកផ្គត់ផ្គង់[បន្ត] សំណាកសត្វស្វាពីកម្ពុជាដ៏សំខាន់ សម្រាប់បណ្តាប្រទេសនៅទូទាំងលោកខាងលិច។
នេះជាការធ្វើពាណិជ្ជកម្មដើម្បីរកប្រាក់ចំណេញ ប៉ុន្តែវាមិនច្បាស់ថា ប្រាក់ចំណេញនោះ មានទំហំធំប៉ុនណាទេ។
យោងតាមទិន្នន័យពាណិជ្ជកម្មរបស់ CITES អ៊ីតាលីបាននាំចូលសំណាកចំនួនជិត ៤១,០០០សំណាក ជាចំនួនច្រើនជាងគេ តាមការនាំចេញដ៏ធំចំនួនពីរ ក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០២០ និង ២០២១។ គ្មានឯកតានៃការវាស់វែងណាមួយ ត្រូវបានគេកត់សម្គាល់ទេ។
ត្បិតមិនមែនជាអ្នកនាំចូលច្រើន បើគិតតាមចំនួនដង ចក្រភពអង់គ្លេស ជាប្រទេសដែលនាំចូលញឹកញាប់បំផុត ជាមួយនឹងការដឹកជញ្ចូនជិត ២០ដង ចាប់ពីឆ្នាំ ២០១៨ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ២០២១។
ប្រទេសកាណាដាបាននាំយកសំណាកស្វា ប្រភពដើមពីកម្ពុជាជាង ២៦ ៥០០មីលីលីត្រ ពីឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ២០១៩ ដែលជាបរិមាណធំជាងប្រទេសដទៃទៀត ដែលធ្វើពាណិជ្ជកម្មជាមួយសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក។
ក្នុងរយៈពេលដូចគ្នានោះ ជាលើកដំបូងដែលត្រូវបានកត់ត្រាដោយ CITES កាណាដាក៏បាននាំចូលសត្វស្វារស់ជាង ២ ០០០ក្បាល ដោយផ្ទាល់ពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជាផងដែរ។ លើសពីនោះ មន្ទីរពិសោធន៍កាណាដាបានទិញសត្វស្វារស់ចំនួន ១៥៩ក្បាល បន្ថែមទៀតពីសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក ដែលមានដើមកំណើតមកពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។
លោក Daan Van Uhm សាស្ត្រាចារ្យផ្នែកឧក្រិដ្ឋកម្មនៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ Utrecht ប្រទេសហូឡង់ ដែលបានសិក្សាអំពីការនាំចូលស្វារបស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប បាននិយាយថា «តាមទស្សនៈរបស់អ្នកប្រើប្រាស់ វាពិបាកណាស់ ក្នុងការចោទសួរពីភាពស្របច្បាប់នៃសត្វជាក់លាក់មួយ បើមើលតែលើឯកសារ។ នេះគឺជាទំនួលខុសត្រូវប្រទេសដើមច្រើនជាង … ដើម្បីស្វែងយល់ពីភាពស្របច្បាប់នៃពាណិជ្ជកម្ម»។
ជុំវិញពាណិជ្ជកម្មស្វា៖ ការបង្កាត់ និងកសិដ្ឋាននៅកម្ពុជា
ដោយសារកម្ពុជានាំមុខទីផ្សារស្វាពិភពលោក ការចោទប្រកាន់ដ្ឋាភិបាល និងកសិដ្ឋានស្វាដ៏ធំបំផុតរបស់ប្រទេស បានធ្វើឱ្យមានការសង្ស័យលើសង្វាក់ពាណិជ្ជកម្មទាំងមូល។
មន្ត្រីរដ្ឋាភិបាលបានបដិសេធយ៉ាងម៉ឺងម៉ាត់ ចំពោះការចោទប្រកាន់អំពើពុករលួយនេះ។
ជាទូទៅ អង្គការឃ្លាំមើល ដូចជាអង្គការតម្លាភាពអន្តរជាតិ បានរកឃើញថា អំពើពុករលួយជាជំងឺរាតត្បាតនៅកម្ពុជាជាយូរណាស់មកហើយ ដោយជាប្រចាំ ស្ថិតក្នុងចំណោមចំណាត់ថ្នាក់ចុងតារាងនៅលើ «សន្ទស្សន៍នៃការយល់ឃើញអំពីអំពើពុករលួយប្រចាំឆ្នាំ» របស់ខ្លួន។
ទោះបីជាយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ការកើនឡើងនៃការនាំចេញស្វា បានធ្វើឱ្យអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវភ្ញាក់ផ្អើល។ ការរកឃើញនៃការសិក្សាឆ្នាំ ២០២៣ បង្ហាញពីភាពមិនគួរឱ្យជឿ ដែលថាប្រទេសកម្ពុជា កំពុងបំពេញតម្រូវការទីផ្សារ ដោយស្របច្បាប់។
លោក Chaber អ្នកនិពន្ធជាន់ខ្ពស់នៃការសិក្សានេះ រួមជាមួយនឹងអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវផ្សេងទៀត មកពីសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ Adelaide បាននិយាយថា «ការស្រាវជ្រាវរបស់យើង កំពុងសួរសំណួរច្រើនជាងការផ្តល់ចម្លើយ។ យើងកំពុងសួរថា តើការជួញដូរស្របច្បាប់នេះ គឺជាចន្លោះប្រហោង សម្រាប់ពាណិជ្ជកម្មខុសច្បាប់មែនទេ? យើងផ្តល់នូវធាតុផ្សំនៃចម្លើយនេះ ព្រោះតួរលេខដែលផ្តល់ឲ្យ CITES មិនត្រូវគ្នានឹងសមត្ថភាពកសិដ្ឋាន[បង្កាត់ស្វា] របស់កម្ពុជា»។
ទន្ទឹមនឹងក្តីកង្វល់ផ្នែកច្បាប់ទាំងនេះ លោក Chaber ក៏បានចង្អុលបង្ហាញអំពីហានិភ័យ ដែលអាចមានចំពោះសុខមាលភាពសាកល នៃការលាយសត្វស្វាចាប់ពីព្រៃ ជាមួយសត្វស្វាដែលបង្កាត់។ នៅពេលដែលមានការចាប់ផ្តើមនៃខ្សែសង្វាក់ផ្គត់ផ្គង់សកល ដែលតភ្ជាប់ប្រទេសជាច្រើន ការផ្ទុះជំងឺនៅក្នុងកសិដ្ឋានធំដូច Vanny Bio Research អាចមានផលវិបាកជាអន្តរជាតិ។
ឯកសារសាធារណៈតែមួយគត់ ដែលមានព័ត៌មានអំពីកន្លែងបង្កាត់ពូជក្នុងប្រទេស គឺជាលិខិតបែកធ្លាយឆ្នាំ ២០១៤ ពីអាជ្ញាធរគ្រប់គ្រង CITES នៅកម្ពុជា ដែលត្រូវបានដឹកនាំដោយ លោក អូម៉ាលីស ដែលត្រូវបានចោទប្រកាន់។
លិខិតនោះបានបញ្ជាក់ថា កសិដ្ឋានស្វាកំពុងប្រតិបត្តិការទាំងប្រាំមួយ របស់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា មានសត្វស្វាសរុបចំនួនជិត ៥៦,០០០ ក្បាលក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០១៤ ដែលជាឆ្នាំដែលព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា បាននាំចេញបានចំនួនប្រហែល ៥ ០០០ក្បាល ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។
ដោយផ្អែកលើចំនួនទាំងនេះ អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវបានគណនាថា កសិដ្ឋាននឹងត្រូវការបង្កាត់ពូជស្ទើរតែទ្វេដង អោយដល់ចំនួនប្រហែល ១០៣ ០០០ក្បាល ដើម្បីអាចនាំចេញប្រហែល ៣៣, ០០០ក្បាល នៅឆ្នាំ២០២០។
ពួកគេបាននិយាយថា នោះទំនងជាការប៉ាន់ប្រមាណរបស់ក្រុមអភិរក្ស ដោយផ្អែកលើកត្តារួម ទាំងអត្រាការស្លាប់របស់ស្វា និងអត្រាមានកូនរបស់ពួកវា។
« មើលឃើញការកើនឡើងក្នុងរយៈពេលខ្លីបែបនេះ វាស្ទើរតែភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលដល់ចំណុចដែលអ្នកស្ទើរតែត្រូវសួរ៖ ប្រសិនបើវាជាការពិត ពួកគេកំពុងធ្វើអ្វីមួយមិនគួរឲ្យជឿ។ ហើយប្រសិនបើវាមិនមែនជាការពិតទេ នោះពួកគេកំពុងធ្វើអ្វីមួយដែលគួរឱ្យសង្ស័យ»។ អ្នកស្រី Regina Warne អ្នកដឹកនាំការស្រាវជ្រាវបាននិយាយ។
បន្ថែមទៅលើការសង្ស័យរបស់អ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវ គឺរបៀបដែលកសិដ្ឋានធ្វើការនាំចេញ ក្នុងទំហំទ្វេដងក្រោយឆ្នាំ២០១៩ នៅពេលដែលសត្វស្វាតិចជាង ១៤,០០០ក្បាល ត្រូវបានជួញដូរ។ យោងតាមទិន្នន័យរបស់ CITES កម្ពុជារក្សាបាននូវកម្រិតខ្ពស់នៃការនាំចេញនេះក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០២១ ដោយបានជួញដូរសត្វស្វាចំនួន ៣១,០០០ក្បាល។
អ្នកស្រី Warne បាននិយាយថា «ការធ្វើការគណនាទាំងនេះ ត្រូវការពេលយូរ និងស្មុគ្រស្មាញ ដើម្បីទៅដល់តួលេខ ដែលអាចផ្តល់ឱ្យយើងនូវចម្លើយ។ វាមានសារៈសំខាន់ណាស់ក្នុង ការបង្កើតអោយចេញនូវរូបភាពទាំងមូល ដើម្បីអាចជំរុញថាតើបញ្ហានេះមានសារៈសំខាន់យ៉ាងណា។»
មិនមែនជាស្វារបស់ខ្លួន ក៏មិនមែនជាបញ្ហារបស់ខ្លួន៖ ការជួញដូរនៅតែបន្ត ពេលដែលការសង្ស័យកាន់តែជ្រៅ
វាមិនច្បាស់ទេថាតើការផ្លាស់ប្តូរគោលនយោបាយឬ បទប្បញ្ញត្តិជាក់ស្តែង បានកើតឡើង នៅតាមកសិដ្ឋានរបស់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាឬយ៉ាងណា។
លោក ណៅ ធួក ប្រធានអាជ្ញាធរគ្រប់គ្រង CITES ថ្មីនៅកម្ពុជា បានសរសេរក្នុងអ៊ីមែលមកកាន់ Southeast Asia Globe ថា «យើងនឹងចាត់វិធានការតឹងរ៉ឹងជាងមុន ដើម្បីធ្វើឱ្យប្រាកដថា កសិដ្ឋានទាំងអស់អនុវត្តតាមច្បាប់ជាតិ ក៏ដូចជាតម្រូវការរបស់ខាង CITES»។
គាត់បានសរសេរថា វិធានការទាំងនោះ នឹងរួមបញ្ចូល «ការត្រួតពិនិត្យសម្ភារៈបរិក្ខារ» ក៏ដូចជាធ្វើឱ្យប្រាកដថាសត្វស្វា «កើតនៅក្នុងកសិដ្ឋាន» ហើយមិនត្រូវបានគេសង្ស័យថា ត្រូវបានគេចាប់សត្វព្រៃនោះទេ។
Vanny Bio Research គឺជាអ្នកផ្គត់ផ្គង់សត្វស្វាកន្ទុយវែងដ៏ធំបំផុតនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ដែលបានចាប់ផ្តើមគ្របដណ្តប់ទីផ្សារពិភពលោក សម្រាប់សត្វប្រភេទនេះ បន្ទាប់ពីការផ្ទុះឡើងនៃ កូវីដ ១៩ អស់រយៈពេល ៣ ឆ្នាំចុងក្រោយនេះ។ កាលពីខែវិច្ឆិកា បុគ្គលិកចំនួនប្រាំមួយនាក់ ត្រូវបានចោទប្រកាន់ពីបទជួញដូរសត្វព្រៃ។ រូបថតដោយ Anton L. Delgado សម្រាប់ Southeast Asia Globe។
ទាំងនេះគឺជាតម្រូវការអនុវត្តមូលដ្ឋាន ដែលកំណត់ដោយ CITES ។ ប្រសិនបើរដ្ឋបាលព្រៃឈើចាត់ទុកវិធានការទាំងនេះជាវិធានការថ្មី គេមិនច្បាស់ថា មានវិធានការធ្វើអ្វីខ្លះទេចាប់តាំងពី Vanny Bio Research ត្រូវបានដាក់ឱ្យដំណើរការ ក្នុងឆ្នាំ២០០៤។
ខណៈពេលដែលការគ្រប់គ្រងអាចមិនមានការផ្លាស់ប្តូរ ការពិភាក្សាអំពីការចោទប្រកាន់ ឬឧស្សាហកម្មស្វារបស់កម្ពុជា បានក្លាយជាប្រធានបទក្ដៅ ក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកអភិរក្សសត្វព្រៃ។
តំណាងមកពី សមាគមអភិរក្សសត្វព្រៃ (Wildlife Conservation Society) សម្ព័ន្ធមិត្តសត្វព្រៃ (Wildlife Alliance) អង្គការសត្វព្រៃ និងរុក្ខជាតិអន្តរជាតិប្រចាំកម្ពុជា (Fauna Fauna & Flora International) អង្គការអភិរក្សអន្តរជាតិ (Conservation International) និងអង្គការ WWF-Greater Mekong ទាំងអស់ បានបដិសេធមិនធ្វើអត្ថាធិប្បាយលើប្រធានបទនេះទេ ដោយចង្អុលទៅភាពរសើបនៃនយោបាយ។ WWF ប្រចាំកម្ពុជាបាននិយាយ ប៉ុន្តែមិនច្រើនទេ។
ការិយាល័យនេះបានសរសេរមកកាន់ Globe ថា «ការជួញដូរសត្វព្រៃនៅតែជាឧក្រិដ្ឋកម្មធំដ៏ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរនៅទូទាំងពិភពលោក។ កម្ពុជាជាភាគី ដែលបានផ្តល់សច្ចាប័នពី CITES។ ដូច្នេះការជួញដូរ និងរត់ពន្ឋសត្វខុសច្បាប់ គឺផ្ទុយនឹងច្បាប់»។
រាយការណ៏បន្ថែមដោយ ឡាយ សុផាន់ណា
អត្ថបទនេះត្រូវបានផលិតឡើងដោយសហការជាមួយ Kontinentalist ដោយមានការគាំទ្រពី បណ្តាញស៊ើបអង្កេតព្រៃទឹកភ្លៀង របស់មជ្ឈមណ្ឌល Pulitzer ។
From the fallout of FTX in November 2022, to the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank (SVB) and other US lenders associated with start-up clients, the last few months have been challenging for the crypto industry.
Singapore-based cryptocurrency exchange, Coinhako, however, remains optimistic in terms of its industry outlook as sector participants focus on “rebuilding trust and faith” across the digital asset universe.
Coinhako was conceptualised in 2014 and started off as a bitcoin wallet service for Singaporeans. Today, it is a multi-currency trading platform for cryptocurrencies and is licensed, regulated and headquartered in the city-state.
Receiving its Major Payment Institution licence from the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) in May 2022, the firm is one of nine financial institutions in the market permitted to provide Digital Payment Token (DPT) services.
Confident about Singapore’s future as a Web3 hub, its team wants to play a part in growing the market’s ecosystem. To do so, the company founders recently launched Berru.co, a separate entity that seeks to support Web3 start-ups as they navigate setting up in the city.
In this interview, Coinhako’s co-founder and CEO, Yusho Liu speaks to FinanceAsia about the challenges faced by the crypto industry; the future of Singapore as a digital asset hub; and where exactly the company has its sights set on next.
Excerpts from the interview have been edited for clarity and brevity.
FA: What’s your take on the cryptocurrency market and what developments are you focussed on?
2023 is the year of reset. With the developments of the last few months and bad actors bringing the industry back several steps, we need to rebuild trust and faith in the sector.
Beyond this, we are seeing more regulatory clarity from the likes of the Hong Kong and EU authorities, which paves the way for Asia and Europe to lead when it comes to innovation in the space.
Given that Washington’s current regulatory environment is less hospitable – coupled with the issues faced by the wider US tech industry, it will be challenging for innovation to emerge from the market.
FA: Was Coinhako exposed to any of the US banks that recently collapsed?
We had zero exposure to Silvergate and SVB. We did have some exposure to Signature Bank, but no money parked there. The collapse of these banks has affected many companies but thankfully, our strongest banking relationships are based in Asia.
FA: Is Coinhako looking to raise funds to expand further? How do you view the fundraising environment?
Overall, global and regional venture capital (VC) firms have poured record amounts of money into Southeast Asian technology companies because they consider them to be at the next frontier of growth and these countries have shown very high rates of adoption and interest in digital assets. They have focussed less on companies based in more mature, traditional markets, such as the US, Europe, China, South Korea or Japan.
However, it is currently a challenging climate and investments into crypto start-ups or in the broader technology space have slowed down. While we are continuing conversations with investors, we do not think this is the right timing or environment in which to be actively fundraising.
FA: Do you have any expansion plans?
We do have plans to expand, but this year our focus is on embedding deeper into Singapore, because we think the city-state is going to be a relevant crypto hub, regardless of what the rest of the world is doing.
We see a lot of Web3 founders building a nexus in the market. There is an influx of start-ups looking to establish their presence in Singapore and we’ve set up a separate, professional advisory entity, Berru.co, to support them. Since inception this year, we’ve connected with 10 or more clients and hope to grow this multi-fold further down the road.
Drawing on Coinhako’s experience since entering the market in 2014, we want to help founders navigate the crypto landscape. We’ve done the legwork and we know what works and what doesn’t – whether that be related to finance, accounting, tax or legal considerations. This is in line with Singapore’s status as a hub, and as such, we want to make sure that companies can develop easily. A bad user experience would likely make these founders consider going elsewhere.
FA: Where else in Asia do you see opportunity?
We are watching developments in Hong Kong, with the government having recently come up with a crypto framework to foster growth in the industry. But Hong Kong is just one of the markets we’re looking at for expansion, alongside other countries in Southeast Asian and the broader Asia region.
Coinhako has a domicile-registered licence in Singapore and the beauty of being based here, is that we can use it as a centre from which to reach the rest of the region.
FA: What’s your view on Singapore’s future as a crypto hub, given that many peers have relocated to Dubai?
I’ve always said that time will tell the story.
Dubai was a hot spot when its authorities announced updated licensing frameworks. But I think that, to date, we haven’t really seen or heard much about crypto exchanges moving to the market, except for Bybit, that is trying to establish global headquarters there.
The reality is that Dubai is a regional hub for the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), but if you’re trying to establish a global or Asian base, Singapore might be more suitable.
FA: Is Dubai perceived to be friendlier from a regulatory perspective, compared to Singapore?
I think it’s important to differentiate between what people say, versus what people do.
From our perspective, we don’t see many licensed entities going to Dubai, but we’re seeing unlicensed entities go there to try to obtain a licence.
FA: How optimistic are you about the growth of the Web3 and crypto industries in Asia?
We remain optimistic about the growth of the Web3 sector, in general. Yes, the industry is volatile, but most nascent industries are.
Of course, where money is involved, so too will there be bad actors. And indeed, we are seeing more overlap between the tech and finance industries.
However, as long as builders continue to come in to develop purposeful technology and applications – and good people enter the space, we remain positive.
¬ Haymarket Media Limited. All rights reserved.