NetApp appoints Kenneth Poh as country manager for Singapore and the Philippines

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  • Does lead NetApp’s businesses &amp, go-to-market strategy&nbsp,
  • Over 20 times of IT expertise with experience in store, AI &amp, large data

NetApp appoints Kenneth Poh as country manager for Singapore and the Philippines

NetApp®, the intelligent data infrastructure company, has appointed industry veteran Kenneth Poh ( pic ) as country manager for Singapore and the Philippines. Poh will be in charge of operations and go-to-market plans, with an emphasis on fostering business expansion and increasing companion and customer relationships in both markets.

As AI increasingly integrates into daily life, nearly half ( 49 % ) of technology executives in Singapore prioritise investment in data management and infrastructure, according to NetApp’s 2024 Data Complexity Report released in December.

But, long-term victory in AI requires organisations to tackle important challenges, including data difficulty, security, and conservation, with greater commitment and resources.

” I am delighted to welcome Poh to NetApp. His remarkable track record of guiding businesses and helping organizations harness the power of information makes him the ideal leader to unlock the full potential of our customers. With his command, I am confident we can scale our activities and reach our progress ambitions in Southeast Asia”, said Henry Kho, place vice president and general director for Greater China, ASEAN, and Korea, NetApp.

” It is a pleasure to meet NetApp, a consistent president in the data backup industry”, said Poh. With the introduction of Singapore’s National AI Strategy 2.0 and the Philippines ‘ National AI Roadmap, the location is at a new chapter in its development. Leveraging NetApp’s 30 years of technology and knowledge, I look forward to helping companies become more innovative and tenacious in today’s age of data and knowledge”.

Poh brings over 20 years of IT industry practice, specialising in store, AI, and great information. Prior to joining NetApp, he spent time at Dell Technologies as city director for the public and corporate segments, where he oversaw a strong sales team and encouraged business expansion. Poh has even held management roles at foreign IT companies, including Dell EMC, Oracle, HP, and Sun Microsystems.

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LoopMe continues to invest in its APAC operation following sustained growth

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  • chooses past MiQ SEA managing chairman to lead APAC.
  • Tasked with driving progress across APAC, focusing on Australia, SEA &amp, China

LoopMe continues to invest in its APAC operation following sustained growth

LoopMe, a leading technology company using artificial intelligence ( AI ) to enhance brand advertising performance, has announced continued expansion of its APAC operations. The business achieved a fully organic gross revenue CAGR of 40 % between 2018 and 2024 and, together with Chartboost, has now generated more than US$ 2 billion ( RM8.9 billion ) in gross revenue.

Entering a new phase of development, LoopMe is opening a local business, recruiting ability to help its development plans, and pursuing acquisitions to strengthen its position for 2025, the organization said in a declaration.

To support its APAC ambitions, James Parker ( pic ) has been appointed as the new head of APAC. Based in Singapore, Parker, previously managing director of Southeast Asia at MiQ, will generate business progress across APAC, with a emphasis on Australia, Southeast Asia, and the Greater China Region.

With a new business in Melbourne, LoopMe has likewise expanded its footprint in Australia. HS Shin has been appointed top sales manager, taking the opportunity to expand its customer base in Victoria and beyond. Also, the Sydney business has been strengthened with the appointment of Alicia Placer as revenue manager, who will concentrate on fostering growth with separate agencies and company holding groups.

This funding follows LoopMe’s subsequent acquisition of Chartboost, a mobile marketing and crowdfunding system. The merger brings ashore a group of mobile apps experts and cutting-edge systems, further solidifying LoopMe’s existence in the mobile application and gambling markets. By tapping into cellular in-app as a vital growth area for model marketing, the deal opens up new online opportunities.

The acquisition complements LoopMe’s Audience and Measurement platform ( AMP), launched last year after several years of development. AMP enables advertisers to build customized viewers using survey data, range them using LoopMe’s AI capabilities, and use assessment tools to monitor progressive company growth and conversions for campaigns of any length. In APAC, AMP is anticipated to increase development, with an emphasis on strengthening product integrations with regional company partners.

” 2024 has been important for our company, marking a new book in our development”, said Stephen Upstone, CEO and founder of LoopMe. ” Building on seven years of consistent healthy growth, we’ve seized a powerful M&amp, A chance to expand our development. Our development plans are largely based on APAC, and we believe there is a lot of potential for expanding regional growth opportunities.

” With Parker taking over as head of APAC, we are assured that our business in this region will continue to grow successfully. We enthusiastically welcome Parker, Shin, and Placer to the LoopMe team”.

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Muzinich & Co appoints director in Asia | FinanceAsia

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Private credit specialist Muzinich & Co. has appointed of Pam Hsieh as director – marketing & client relations.

Hsieh (pictured), based in Singapore, will focus on developing the firm’s relationships with financial intermediaries and wealth managers across Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, according to a January 6 media release.

In her new role, Hsieh will report to Sashi Nambiar, head of financial intermediaries and wealth, Asia. She has over a decade of experience in asset management and wealth management, having held senior positions at Fidelity and BlackRock in Taiwan, most recently as vice president, wealth at BlackRock.

Nambiar said in the media release: “We welcome Pam to Muzinich at a time of growing interest in both public and private credit solutions among Asian investors. Her deep understanding of the wealth market and strong track record of building relationships with financial intermediaries will be invaluable as we continue to expand our presence in the region.”

Andrew Tan, chief executive officer, Asia Pacific (Apac), Muzinich & Co., added: “Pam’s appointment demonstrates our commitment to building a strong presence across both institutional and wealth management segments in Apac.”

Tan continued: “As Asian investors increasingly seek to diversify their portfolios through credit solutions, we are strategically expanding our team to better serve their evolving needs while maintaining our focus on delivering excellence in credit investing.”

The appointment follows a partnership with First Bank to bring its “parallel” lending strategy, MLoan, to the Taiwanese market.

And In September, Muzinich announced a partnership with Hong Kong’s Orion3 to launch an up to $1 billion infrastructure and real assets private debt strategy targeting several key markets in Apac. 

For more FinanceAsia people moves click here.  

 


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Trump’s China trade war plan keeps markets guessing – Asia Times

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Your shift, President Xi. This may be the important information from Donald Trump’s amazing reversal on large “day one ” tariffs on China.

The reprieve Trump appears to have granted  Asia’s biggest economy  is one Xi Jinping’s Communist Party certainly did n’t see coming. For weeks now, Trump and the gang of anti-China advisers he’s named to his new administration promised immediate 60 % tariffs as the centerpiece of a “shock-and-awe ” trade war.

No so quickly, it turns out. Taxes on Chinese goods are somewhat excluded from the storm of first-week executive orders. When pressed, Trump actually lowered his places. Whereas Canada and Mexico face 25 % levies by February 1, China might suffer a mere 10 %.

Chances are, this is Trump’s means of cajoling Xi to the dealing stand for a large Group of Two  business deal. To be sure, slow-walking China levies are aimed primarily at the share market.

Though Trump was n’t worry less about laws, standards or political politeness, he cares a great deal about Wall Street. Stories about stocks tumbling this year are the last thing the new US senator wants.

But Trump is also spoiling for an incredible clash with China, particularly once he realizes that Xi is n’t Shinzo Abe.

Beginning in December 2012, Japanese Prime Minister Abe pledged to revive an market hard being eclipsed by China. In the years that followed, Abe empowered the  Bank of Japan  to force its ultraloose guidelines into unknown territory and took steps to improve corporate governance.

Next came the Trump 1. 0 age, threatening trade war the likes of which Asia had never seen. Instantly, Abe snapped to focus to attempt to protect Asia’s No. 2 business from Trump’s taxes.

Following Trump’s impact vote win in November 2016, Abe made a run for New York. He was the first earth leader to visit Trump Tower to thank the man.

Abe did more than that, vouching for the “America First” leader in flowing words. “ I am convinced Mr. Trump is a leader in whom I may have great confidence ” and “a relationship of trust, ” Abe told investigators that day.

In the months and years that followed, Abe made a world splash  wining and dining  with Trump’s second White House group— including at Trump’s Florida sport team. On top of throwing praise, He gifted him premium golf equipment, including a US$ 3,755 motorist, among other extravagant gifts.

Abe was feted as a political Trump vehicle, credited for protecting Japan from the worst of the business conflict. One method Abe tamed Trump was acquiescing to a diplomatic trade deal in 2019. Abe’s genuine success was in running out the time on Trump 1. 0. By slow-walking on negotiations, Tokyo managed to achieve a “draw ” between the two nations.

At the end of the process, Japan effectively agreed to the same market-opening steps it had under the Barack Obama-led Trans-Pacific Partnership ( TPP ) pact that Trump scrapped.

Group Abe distracted Trump with greater market exposure for US meat, pork, and maize exporters. But the offer clearly did n’t include electrical products. Tokyo rejoiced.

“With typical hyperbole, President Trump declared the deal phenomenal, ” notes Matthew Goodman, who at the time led economic policy for the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “ But once again, President Trump … settled for a simple package. ”

You Xi pull off a comparable rearranging-of-the-deckchairs US business deal? The question is whether Xi’s group may even care.

After all, some earth leaders had a worse  2024  than Xi. China ’s home issue, weak home need, near-record youth unemployment and aging people have produced negative forces for seven consecutive rooms now.

The second-biggest market also saw an alarming increase in in-person demonstrations. And  China Inc.   is also dealing with the fallout from Xi’s tech-sector onslaught.

Xi, in other words, has some issues for which to reply. It is questionable his group would be glad to see the most prominent Chinese leader since Mao Zedong appearing to lose ground to Trump — or appearing to bow to Washington on the world stage.

But Xi even definitely knows that after a period of quiet, Trump will almost certainly purchase up the taxes he’s threatened — and perhaps even bigger types than he’s telegraphed. Trump’s leading patron, Tesla businessman Elon Musk, last month talked about the  needed for tariffs on Chinese energy cars.

“The Taiwanese car companies are the most economical car companies in the world, ” Musk told investors. “So, I think they will have major success outside of China depending on what kind of taxes or business restrictions are established. ” Musk has since walked backwards these remarks, but China has every reason to worry Trump might come after China ’s car market.

For today, Trump claims to have commissioned a broad overview of Washington ’s trade ties with China and other vital trading lovers. The White House, Team Trump says, will “investigate and treatment consistent trade deficits that damage our business and safety. ”

Such evaluations take occasion, of course. Times, in some cases. But Trump’s US Trade Representative company almost needs satellites to know that his 2018 cope with Xi was a failure. To Chad Bown at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, the way in which the second Trump-Xi trade deal “fell little ” is the “anatomy of a dud. ”

As Bown sees it, “attempting to  maintain trade  — to join Trump’s goal of reducing the diplomatic trade imbalance— was self-defeating from the  begin. It did not help that neither China nor the United States was eager to de-escalate their painful price war. ”

Nor does that seem the path now as Trump surrounds himself with China secularists. They include assistant Peter Navarro, who co-wrote a text titled  “Death By China. ” And deal king Robert  Lighthizer, who’s signaled that Trump 2. 0 is considering a  currency devaluation ploy.

Yet US Treasury Secretary-nominee Scott Bessent, who’s considered less MAGA-ish than most Trump government takes, has taken to discussing China in dark conditions. During his subsequent confirmation reading, Bessent  said China had “the most uneven business in the history of the world ” and that it might be suffering a “severe recession/depression. ”

Bessent even segued to MAGA talking factors about Beijing’s presumably flooding the world with cheap products to finance its military passions. Commenting on Trump’s earlier deal, Bessent argued that “China has not made good on their [agriculture ] purchases ” and that the US will push Beijing to resume those purchases and perhaps add a “make-up provision. ”

But all this speaks to the great odds that Trump’s industry war may reemerge sooner rather than later. “If there’s any training for US-China ties from Trump 1. 0, it is that he is a fluctuation system and predicting what he will do is a sucker’s game, ” says lifelong China watcher  Bill  Bishop, who writes the Sinocism email.

Bishop notes that investors “had found some comfort in the fact that President Trump did not impose more tariffs on [ China ] on his first day in office, but they forget his earlier promise to impose 10 % tariffs, in addition to any other tariffs that may come on, because of fentanyl. He reiterated the 10 % tax hazard Tuesday. ”

The wait does purchase Xi a huge opportunity. While Trump is distracted with local exploits – from avenging his critics to overseeing a large imprisonment system for illegal residents to devising tax cuts – Xi’s team may expand efforts to reduce its trade surplus the natural way by increasing regional demand as a means of boosting import activity.

On the one hand, China ’s nearly US$ 1 trillion trade surplus proves that efforts by Trump 1. 0 and the West in general to alter the mechanics of world trade came up short. China ’s global manufacturing dominance has only grown since 2017, a fact Trump 2. 0 can verify with a mere Google search. Yet Xi has the power to alter these  global dynamics.

A vital first step would be to end the property crisis once and for all. The drip, drip, drip of bad news about housing demand and prices is deflating consumer prices and confidence simultaneously. Beijing’s slow response continues to inspire “Japanification ” chatter and have some on Wall Street debating if China is “uninvestable. ”

On Monday, Fitch Ratings downgraded homebuilder  China Vanke Co. , a reminder that default risks continue to hover over the sector. The move “reflects a deterioration in China Vanke’s sales and cash generation, which is eroding its liquidity buffer against large capital market debt maturities in 2025,” says Fitch analyst  Rebecca Tang.

Trouble is, Vanke’s challenges are hardly unique. The extreme downward  pressure on the yuan, meantime ,  could increase default risks as offshore debt payments become harder to make. This tug of war is limiting the People’s Bank of China ’s latitude to cut interest rates.

Xi could take steps to accelerate China ’s pivot toward increased domestic demand-led growth, reducing Trump 2. 0’s argument that Beijing is n’t sharing its 5 % rate of annual output globally.

At the moment, “China’s  economy is showing signs of revival, led by industrial output and exports, ” says Frederic Neumann, chief Asia  economist at  HSBC.

Yet a trade war would put these drivers in harm’s way. What’s needed are large and robust social safety nets to encourage  households  to spend more and save less. Xi and Premier Li Qiang talk often about doing so, but little has been achieved to transform China ’s consumption dynamics.

The drop in “spending on property by roughly half since the peak in 2021 represents a huge drop in  domestic demand, which cannot be easily replaced by more spending on consumer goods or government investment, ” says economist Duncan Wrigley at Pantheon Macroeconomics.

Only top-down policy shifts in Beijing could jumpstart household demand and halt the deflationary pressures making headlines. At the same time, international funds are still waiting on moves to strengthen capital markets, improve corporate transparency, reduce the dominance of state-owned enterprises and make more space for startups to disrupt the economy.

This will require considerable political will in Beijing – and patience on the part of investors. Though markets crave major retooling, they don’t often afford Team Xi the space and time needed to execute them.

Moves to repair, change or tweak China ’s engines are certain to depress growth somewhat. Markets, though, tend to react badly when upgrades soften growth.

This paradox has carried over into 2025. The slow pace of reform in recent years is catching up with Xi’s government, and markets are reacting badly. Mainland stocks began 2025 with their  weakest start since 2016. That has Beijing rolling out measures to stabilize equities.

Among them is boosting how much pensions can invest in listed Chinese companies as investors brace for the second Trump administration. It’s part of a Beijing directive is to “steady the stock market, and clear bottlenecks for the introduction of mid-to-long-term capital, ” according to the China Securities Regulatory Commission.

Yet nothing might steady Chinese markets faster than knowing how or when Trump might tax Beijing– and by how much. Until traders get an answer, 2025 is sure to make market volatility great again.  

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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‘Europe Last’: How von der Leyen’s China policy traps the EU – Asia Times

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Donald Trump’s returning to the White House has exposed Europe’s proper paralysis in impressive fashion. For all their lauded vision, replete with disaster programs, location papers and closed-door sessions entertainment out a second Trump administration, EU leaders find themselves now exactly where they were four years ago: ready and knocked out.

More than two months after Trump’s success, Brussels’ response has been limited to clear reassurances, dismissing his proposals as bare hypotheticals, including his very severe claims to Greenland, which threaten a member state’s regional integrity. Instead of taking important action, the EU has resorted to political hand-wringing and repurposed platitudes about atlantic unification.

However, Europe’s right-wing officials have planted their colors in the Oval Office; Italy ’s Giorgia Meloni and Hungary’s Viktor Orban have now secured their bright cards, while the EU’s conventional power brokers—Germany and France—remain sidelined. Brussels ’ humiliation was complete when the inauguration invitations went out: the EU’s institutional leadership did n’t even make the B-list.

This cracking of Western unity may not appear at a worse instant. Europe faces a delicate balancing act between its Chinese economic pursuits and American protection relationships. Some states are now positioning themselves closer to Trump, eyeing security from taxes, while others remain tied to Chinese markets, their industries greatly intertwined with Beijing’s business.

In this scenario, Ursula von der Leyen’s European Commission is stubbornly sticking to its hawkish stance on China, unaware of the mounting repercussions. All the while, Washington and Beijing could be moving toward their own détente. Trump, ever the dealmaker, might forge an early accommodation with Chinese Xi Jinping—leaving Europe isolated in a confrontation that neither America nor China desires.

In what may become a case study in diplomatic self-sabotage, Brussels has maneuvered itself into a geopolitical dead end, trapped between two colliding giants with neither the tools nor the unity to protect its interests.

The Commission has doubled down on this misguided path, firing off China-focused measures—de-risking policies, economic security frameworks, trade investigations and relentless critiques of China ’s political system—with the fervor of a convert at a revival.

Meanwhile, European industry depends increasingly on Chinese capital goods. According to Eurostat, “ When it comes to the most imported products from China, Telecommunications equipment was the first, although it went down from €63. 1 billion ( US$ 65. 6 billion ) in 2022 to €56. 3 billion in 2023. Electrical machinery and apparatus ( €36. 5 billion ) and automatic data processing machines ( €36 billion ) were the second and third most imported goods respectively. ”

Autos and other consumer goods comprise a small portion of EU imports from China and the political attention given to the automotive sector is in inverse proportion to its economic weight. Paradoxically, after years of American lobbying with European governments to exclude Chinese telecom infrastructure, it has become Europe’s single largest import from China.

Europe-China trade rose modestly in 2024. The Chinese state-run website Global Times reported on January 13, “China’s exports to the EU totaled 3,675. 1 billion yuan, a year-on-year growth of 4. 3 percent, reflecting strong European demand for Chinese goods. Imports from the EU reached 1,916. 4 billion yuan, which is down 3. 3 percent decrease from a year earlier. ”

European industry is already fully integrated into China ’s supply chains. The European Commission ’s talk about “de-risking ” belies the economic reality. Decoupling Europe from China would be like separating conjoined twins with a meat cleaver.

Despite securing her position with just 54 % support, Von der Leyen has cast China as Europe’s strategic nemesis, mirroring Washington ’s stance while disregarding the economic realities facing European businesses and undermining the continent’s geopolitical interests.

This predicament is the result of mistaking submission for strategy. Under Joe Biden, Brussels eagerly auditioned for the role of America’s most compliant ally, parroting tough talk on Beijing while neglecting to build real strategic autonomy.

The real problem is not merely following Biden—it’s the delusion that his policies should endure beyond his tenure. Under MAGA 2. 0, Europe clings to a plan that ’s bound to backfire. The 47th president is not exactly extending an olive branch to Europe, yet, inexplicably, its leaders have operated pretending otherwise.

Now, as Trump’s “America First ” doctrine roars back to life, Europe is about to learn a costly lesson: In the world of great power politics, there are no points for loyalty, only consequences for naivete.

China: Partly Malign, Security Threat, Systemic Threat

In 2024, a year when China and Europe’s institutional leadership failed to meet even once, the US-EU operation to escalate tensions with Beijing appeared meticulously choreographed.

This combative stance found its perfect expression in October, when Europe’s High Representative, Kaja Kallas, took EU diplomacy to new self-destructive heights by inventing a new category, labeling China as “partly malign”—whatever that means.

It was n’t a slip of the tongue but rather a carefully crafted written response that manages to be both inflammatory and meaningless. The same statement anointed Washington as the EU’s “most consequential partner and ally ” while ignoring the looming shadow of Trump 2. 0.

Leading EU-US-aligned think tanks proposed adding a “fourth category ” to the tripartite framework—partner, competitor, systemic rival—labeling China a “security threat ” for its alleged “support ” for Russia in Ukraine, despite Beijing’s refusal to supply lethal weapons. The move prioritized US demands over European interests, reducing complex geopolitics to simplistic binaries while villainizing China without fitting evidence.

In September, a China hawk misquoted von der Leyen to claim she viewed China as a “systemic threat ” requiring “closer transatlantic cooperation. ” Facts did n’t matter—it fit the mainstream narrative.

This rhetoric from prominent leaders and influential advisors signals a hardening stance that heightens tensions without providing viable paths for engagement or resolution. It’s a posture fit for a true military and political superpower—something Europe, under its current leadership, is far from being or achieving.

Let’s be clear about what’s really at stake. Europe’s legitimate grievances with China—the massive trade imbalance, market access restrictions, excessive dependencies, asymmetric competition with Chinese state-owned enterprises—have been buried under an avalanche of ideological posturing. Instead of addressing these concrete issues through pragmatic negotiation, Brussels opted for hostility, torching bridges that took decades to build.

By hitching its wagon to Washington ’s confrontational approach, the bloc forgot a fundamental rule of geopolitics—when two elephants clash, the grass agonizes. And in this case, Europe has enthusiastically volunteered to be the grass.

Today, the EU’s “China abandoned agenda ” collides with the “Trump factor, ” exposing a glaring tactical misstep. Trump’s first term made it crystal clear: he views the EU as an economic rival, not an ally. “The EU is possibly as bad as China, just smaller. It is terrible what they do to us, ” Trump said this week after his inauguration.

And Brussels has resolutely behaved as if this reality could be ignored. Regrettably, five years after the self-proclaimed “Geopolitical Commission ” vowed to restore Europe’s faded glory, the continent is more irrelevant than ever. Washington and Beijing dominate the global stage, while Brussels —stripped of strategy —has played the role of America’s most enthusiastic cheerleader.

The consequences of this negligence are already unfolding. Firstly, Europe has exposed itself to economic and trading pressure from both sides while gaining nothing in return, with limited leverage to negotiate favorable terms with either power.

Moreover, its blind alignment with Biden’s agenda has gutted its ability to forge an independent foreign policy—a reliance that becomes more problematic as Trump’s policies diverge sharply from European interests.

Most critically, by choosing sides in the US-China rivalry rather than maintaining strategic ambiguity, the EU has sacrificed its potential role as a political bridge-builder.

The supreme irony? When Trump starts slapping tariffs on European goods —and he will—Brussels will come crawling back to the East for relief. China, ever the pragmatist, stands ready to rescue Europe from irrelevance—certainly not out of altruism, but calculated realpolitik.

The 50th anniversary of the EU-China diplomatic association in 2025 offered a perfect opportunity for a pivot. Beijing signaled its openness to reset relations. Instead, Von der Leyen swept it under the rug, as if ignoring it might make it irrelevant. It took Xi’s call with European Council President António Costa to remind everyone that this diplomatic milestone even existed.

Brussels, therefore, faces a stark choice: continue its march toward geopolitical irrelevance or chart an independent course. The EU must confront reality. In the great power game, there are no permanent allies, only permanent interests. Until Brussels grasps this fundamental truth, it will continue to play checkers while Beijing and Washington play chess.

All in all, if Europe envisions itself as more than a collection of states, it must adopt the tenacity of a “Europe First ” strategy. It is not about rivalry or mimicry; it ’s about evolution. Trump’s “America First ” was about unapologetic leverage. When it comes to angling for America’s vantage, Trump negotiates hard with friend and foe alike.  

Likewise, from dependency to agency, Europe should frame itself as a balancing force: neither submissive nor aggressive, but a power that asserts its autonomy and compels respect from both allies and adversaries.

Sebastian Contin Trillo-Figueroa is a Hong Kong-based geopolitics strategist with a focus on Europe-Asia relations.

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Trump rekindles hope for a US-China trade deal – Asia Times

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Some were bracing for an instant and terrible increase of US-China industry conflicts upon Donald Trump’s returning to the White House on January 20.  

For decades, his campaign rhetoric had hinted at violent actions targeting Chinese imports, with some fearing taxes as high as 60 % on goods flowing from the world’s second-largest market into American businesses.  

But his starting moves, though destructive, were not the sledgehammer some had anticipated. Rather, they signaled a potential way toward dialogue, leaving space for cautious optimism in Beijing and among specific industry observers.

The initial volley—a 10 % tariff threat linked to China ’s role in America’s opioid crisis, particularly in relation to fentanyl—was enough to rattle markets.   The CSI 300 index fell by 1 %, Hong Kong ’s Hang Seng slid 1. 6 %, and the onshore yen weakened somewhat against the dollar.

However, the threatened methods paled in comparison to the blanket 25 % taxes Trump announced for Mexico and Canada.   For Beijing, it seems that this caution is a sign that the door to discourse remains available, at least for today.

Strategic beginning strategy

Trump’s original techniques suggest a calculated plan. By pairing the tax risk with an exploration into China ’s broader business procedures, he has given both flanks room to maneuver.  

While this method is doubtful to remove the deep trust that has built up over years of economic opposition, it does create an opening for creative deals. Beijing, accustomed to Trump’s chaotic fashion, is no fear taking note of this recorded preface.

China ’s management appears to know that Trump’s transactional approach to international relations usually leaves space for bargains. His hinted connection of business taxes to the future of TikTok—a Chinese-controlled social media platform that has drawn scrutiny from US protection eagles —underscores this place.

A package that addresses Washington ’s safety concerns while preserving some financial ties may serve as a model for broader contracts. The Chinese authorities, now faced with a slowing economy, entrenched home problems and mounting debts forces, has little taste for a full-scale trade conflict with the US.  

The consequences from the last round of US-China price wars, which strained supply chains and weighed on development, may be new in politicians ’ thoughts. With international demand uncertain and local challenges piling up, Beijing possible sees negotiations as a way to maintain its economic perspective.

For Trump, a package with China represents a major political option. While his foundation generally celebrates his aggressive stance, it also values outcomes. A trade deal that delivers agreements on issues like intellectual property theft, morphine exports or market exposure for US firms may help Trump to claim victory without tipping the global market into conflict.

At the same time, Trump’s tendency to view economic policy through the lens of personal branding complicates the picture. His willingness to reverse course or shift priorities based on perceived political gains could undermine the consistency needed for successful negotiations.  

Yet, this unpredictability may also work in his favor, creating opportunities to extract concessions from Beijing in exchange for scaling back his more extreme threats. The critical question now is what kind of deal would satisfy both sides.  

For the US, a meaningful agreement would need to address longstanding grievances such as forced technology transfers, intellectual property theft and the two sides ’ yawning trade imbalance. For China, the priority will be securing relief from tariffs while preserving its sovereign control over key industries and technologies.

One possible area of compromise could be technology regulation.   If Beijing agrees to stricter controls on data security, Washington might ease restrictions on Chinese tech companies now operating in the US, not least TikTok. Another potential avenue is joint commitments to supply chain resilience, which could help both economies weather future disruptions while fostering a sense of mutual benefit.

Risks to optimism

Of course, the risks to a potential deal remain significant. Trump’s unpredictability and penchant for last-minute demands could derail progress, as could hardliners on both sides who view compromise as weakness. Additionally, any agreement would need to address deep-seated structural issues, a task that may prove too complex for short-term diplomacy.

There is also the matter of trust—or the lack thereof. Years of tension have left both sides wary of each other’s intentions. And any agreement would likely face scrutiny from domestic constituencies eager to portray the other side as an unreliable partner.

Still, the mere possibility of negotiations has provided a glimmer of hope in an otherwise fraught relationship. For markets, Trump’s softer-than-expected opening has already delivered a sense of relief, even as uncertainty lingers. For businesses, it suggests that a return to the trade chaos of years past is not yet a done deal.

Ultimately, the road to a deal will be fraught with challenges. But the fact that both sides appear willing to engage in dialogue is a positive sign. Trump’s approach, while far from conciliatory, leaves room for pragmatism.  

For Beijing, the focus will be on crafting a deal that stabilizes its economy without conceding too much ground. For Washington, the challenge will be to balance toughness with the need for tangible results.

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LA fires, climate change and the coming collapse of insurance – Asia Times

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The destructive wildfires in Los Angeles have made one danger very clear: Climate change is undermining the healthcare systems National people rely on to protect themselves from catastrophes. This breakdown is starting to be painfully obvious as families and communities fight to recover.

But another threat remains less recognized: This collapse may present a threat to the stability of financial markets well beyond the reach of the flames.

It’s been widely accepted for more than a decade that mankind has three choices when it comes to responding to climate challenges: react, abate or experience. As an expert in economy and the atmosphere, I know that some level of suffering is expected — after all, people have now raised the average global temperature by 1. 6 degree Fahrenheit, or 2. 9 degrees Celsius. That’s why it ’s so essential to own working insurance industry.

While insurance firms are usually cast as monsters, when the program works well, carriers play an important role in improving social security. When an insurer sets prices that properly reflect and communicate risk — what economists call “actuarially fair insurance ” — that helps people communicate risk quickly, leaving every personal safer and society much away.

But the size and strength of the Southern California fires — linked in part to climate change, including record-high global temperatures in 2023 and again in 2024 — has brought a huge problem into focus: In a world impacted by increasing weather danger, standard insurance models no longer use.

How climate change broke insurance

Historically, the insurance system has worked by relying on experts who study records of past events to estimate how likely it is that a covered event might happen. They then use this information to determine how much to charge a given policyholder. This is called “pricing the risk. ”

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Many California wildfire survivors face insurance struggles, as this CBS Evening News report shows.

When Americans try to borrow money to buy a home, they expect that mortgage lenders will make them purchase and maintain a certain level of homeowners insurance coverage, even if they chose to self-insure against unlikely additional losses.

But thanks to climate change, risks are increasingly difficult to measure, and costs are increasingly catastrophic. It seems clear to me that a new paradigm is needed.

California provided the beginnings of such a paradigm with its Fair Access to Insurance program, known as FAIR. When it was created in 1968, its authors expected that it would provide insurance coverage for the few owners who were unable to get normal policies because they faced special risks from exposure to unusual weather and local climates.

But the program’s coverage is capped at US$ 500,000 per property – well below the losses that thousands of Los Angeles residents are experiencing right now. Total losses from the wildfires ’ first week alone are estimated to exceed$ 250 billion.

How insurance could break the economy

This state of affairs is n’t just dangerous for homeowners and communities — it could create widespread financial instability. And it ’s not just me making this point. For the past several years, central bankers at home and abroad have raised similar concerns. So let’s talk about the risks of large-scale financial contagion.

Anyone who remembers the Great Recession of 2007-2009 knows that seemingly localized problems can snowball.

In that event, the value of opaque bundles of real estate derivatives collapsed from artificial and unsustainable highs, leaving millions of mortgages around the US “underwater. ” These properties were no longer valued above owners ’ mortgage liabilities, so their best choice was simply to walk away from the obligation to make their monthly payments.

Lenders were forced to foreclose, often at an enormous loss, and the collapse of real estate markets across the US created a global recession that affected financial stability around the world.

Forewarned by that experience, the US Federal Reserve Board wrote in 2020 that “features of climate change can also increase financial system vulnerabilities. ” The central bank noted that uncertainty and disagreement about climate risks can lead to sudden declines in asset values, leaving people and businesses vulnerable.

At that time, the Fed had a specific climate-based example of a not-implausible contagion in mind – global risks from sudden large increases in global sea level rise over something like 20 years. A collapse of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet could create such an event, and coastlines around the world would not have enough time to adapt.

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In a 2020 press conference, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell discusses climate change and financial stability.

The Fed now has another scenario to consider – one that ’s not hypothetical.

It recently put US banks through “stress tests ” to gauge their vulnerability to climate risks. In these exercises, the Fed asked member banks to respond to hypothetical but not-implausible climate-based contagion scenarios that would threaten the stability of the entire system.

We will now see if the plans borne of those stress tests can work in the face of enormous wildfires burning throughout an urban area that ’s also a financial, cultural and entertainment center of the world.

Gary W Yohe is Huffington Foundation professor of economics and environmental studies, Wesleyan University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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iMotorbike completes Series A funding with USD million to drive regional growth

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  • Round led by Headline, with contribution from 500 Global, Gobi Partners etc
  • Funding will grow iMotorbike with facilities and shops in Penang & Johor

(From left to right: Gil Carmo and Sharmeen Looi, co-founders of iMotorbike, Akihiko Okamoto, partner of Headline Asia and Brian Yen of Headline Asia principal)

iMotorbike, Southeast Asia’s leading motorcycle platform for buying and selling pre-owned motorcycles, has announced the completion of a US$ 10 million ( RM44. 6 million ) Series A funding large. The round was led by Headline, a worldwide venture capital firm renowned for backing revolutionary B2B and B2C projects, with contribution from other popular investors, including Ondine, 500 Global, Gobi Partners, Astor Management, and Endeavor Catalyst. The Series A revenue was completed in two tranches: the first in June 2023, and the most recent large led by Headline.

Akihiko Okamoto, companion at Headline Asia, said: “iMotorbike has demonstrated extraordinary vision and murder in addressing cracks in the pre-owned scooter business. Their emphasis on quality, accountability, and customer satisfaction has established them as the head in this growing industry. As they prepare to provide new lands and develop across Southeast Asia, we are excited to help their trip and see them continue to innovate. ”

This financing will help iMotorbike’s rise in Malaysia, where the business plans to open new examination centres and shops in important locations, including Penang and Johor. Also, the funding will allow workforce development, with plans to hire competent mechanics and operations staff. Beyond Malaysia, iMotorbike is also planning to establish a new unit in Taiwan.

“We initially invested in iMotorbike in 2017 and remain confident that the world used motorcycle market may be adaptable as riders seek economical and reliable solutions amid financial uncertainties. As early movers, Carmo and his team have spent the past eight years creating a blueprint for trust and comfort in the motorcycle industry, positioning them to lead this freedom pattern far beyond Southeast Asia, ” said Khailee Ng, managing companion at 500 Global.

Fast growth and expansion

iMotorbike’s growth in Malaysia has been accelerating, bolstered by the launch of its Glenmarie showroom in 2024, a three-storey, 46,806-square-foot facility in Selangor. Co-founded by Gil Carmo and Sharmeen Looi, iMotorbike reached a significant milestone in 2024, serving 10,000 customers and becoming the go-to platform for motorcycle enthusiasts across Southeast Asia. Its growing online presence, particularly on TikTok, where content has garnered up to 1. 6 million views, has further cemented its popularity among digital-savvy users. By seamlessly integrating online and offline experiences, iMotorbike ensures a smooth trading journey, offering a trusted platform for buying, selling, and trading motorcycles.

Randolph Hsu, co-founder of Ondine Capital, commented: “As the lead investor in iMotorbike’s previous funding round, we are proud to support them with a super pro-rata investment in this new round. We have witnessed their remarkable growth and unwavering commitment to transforming the motorcycle market in Asia. We are confident in their vision, leadership, and ability to deliver value to clients. We foresee iMotorbike further strengthening its presence locally and internationally, and Ondine Capital will continue supporting them by bridging resources across Asia. ”

Since its founding in 2016, iMotorbike has established a strong presence in Malaysia and Vietnam by prioritising customer trust and convenience. Features such as a comprehensive 170-point inspection, a six-day return policy, and a six-month warranty have solidified its reputation as a reliable, customer-focused platform.

Looking ahead

Commenting on the funding, Gil Carmo, co-founder and CEO of iMotorbike, said: “ From day one, our goal has been to create a platform that people can trust, whether buying or selling motorcycles. This funding validates the work we’ve done and the potential of pre-owned motorcycles in Southeast Asia. With this investment, we are excited to take iMotorbike to the next level. ”

He continued: “Beyond expanding our footprint in Malaysia and launching in Taiwan, we will continue improving our platform and scaling our operations to meet growing demand. We are deeply grateful for the trust our investors and customers have placed in us and remain committed to setting new standards within the industry, making pre-owned motorcycles more accessible and hassle-free for everyone. ”

Looking towards 2025, iMotorbike is steadfast in its mission to provide a trusted, seamless platform for motorcycle transactions. With new markets on the horizon and an expanded team, the company is poised to sustain its impressive growth and solidify its leadership across Southeast Asia and beyond.

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China’s ‘iPhone city’ Zhengzhou braces for uncertainty as Trump returns to office

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Despite speaks that Foxconn may depart Zhengzhou, there have been new indicators that the condition may be improving.

The technology producing large brought in around 50,000 workers in its latest getting rampage in August. It also promised to invest 1 billion yuan ( US$ 137 million ) to build a new business headquarters in the city.

Foxconn did not respond to CNA’s ask for opinions on its Zhengzhou plan.

TRUMP AND Taxes

Trump’s taxes pose a significant risk not only to the town ’s market, but also to the livelihoods of many workers who rely on those sectors. The flutter effects extend to the areas where these staff live, potentially disrupting regional economies and social security.

However, the influence of Trump’s industry plan on China may be felt beyond its technologies sector, said businesses.

For example, Jungle Tiger, a Zhengzhou-based company that sells outdoor experience products such as camping tents, tents, and pan, is worried it may be affected.

The business ’s items are listed on e-commerce programs like Alibaba and exported to overseas buyers.

Its leader Zhang Gaofeng said the company started selling to the US in 2018, and managed to buck the trend in Trump’s first name because it principally targets the high-end business.

The company exports mainly to Europe and America, with the US being its largest industry, accounting for about 40 per cent of its imports.

However, Zhang said he is not putting all his eggs in one basket, especially after Trump’s challenges to hit further tariffs on Foreign items.

“We are now entering areas in the Middle East and Southeast Asia. The Middle East accounts for 20 per cent of our sales, ” he added.

“As US laws evolve, we are diversifying our business target. We are likewise exploring Russia due to its potential and proper relations with China. ”

Authorities said many companies still need to supply components or components from China.

“Redirecting funding to Vietnam, to India, is not as red. The business environment may not be able also to compare with Zhengzhou, ” said Liu Baocheng, director of the Center for International Business Ethics at the University of International Business and Economics.

“The important matter is that China has a pretty strong professional cluster. For some of the little devices or parts, you still need to supply within mainland China. ”

Chinese President Xi Jinping recently reaffirmed China’s devotion to more open up its business and align itself with global trade rules, warning that business wars produce no winners.

But whether that is enough to encourage Trump that China is in for good business remains to be seen, said spectators.

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Cohesity appoints Lim Hsin Yin as vice president of Sales for Asean

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  • Over 30 years of practice in the technology industry
  • Originally the managing director for Singapore at SAS

Cohesity appoints Lim Hsin Yin as vice president of Sales for Asean

Cohesity, a leader in AI-powered data security, has announced the appointment of Lim Hsin Yin ( pic ) as vice president of Sales for the Asean region. In this position, Lim may oversee Cohesity’s business strategy, sales procedures, and development initiatives across the area.

An economy veteran with over 30 years of experience in the software industry, Lim joins Cohesity from SAS, where she was managing director for Singapore. At SAS, she led the organisation’s company transition plan and drove significant market share growth through strategic alliances and increased deployment of AI and predictive analytics solutions.

Due to SAS, Lim spent 11 years at Dell EMC, starting as financial services chairman in Singapore before taking on local authority roles in mid-market income across Asean and Korea, and sky and data backup for Singapore and Malaysia. Under her leadership, sales and channel teams consistently surpassed revenue targets year after year. Earlier in her career, Lim served as managing director for Avaya in Singapore and held senior roles at IBM in software and financial services.

“Success in cybersecurity requires organisations to enhance their cyber resilience as cyber criminals increasingly exploit modern tools to amplify the scale and speed of their attacks. While modern technologies like AI enable efficiency and innovation, they also demand constant vigilance to meet data security and regulatory requirements, ” Lim said.

“ In today’s evolving threat landscape, it is crucial for organisations to prioritise cybersecurity and cyber resilience in their digital transformation efforts to ensure data is always secure and accessible. I look forward to leading the ASEAN team in strengthening our customers ’ cyber resilience and data management capabilities, empowering them to unlock the full potential of AI and achieve their business goals, ” she added.

Mark Nutt, senior vice president, Sales, International Region, Cohesity, commented: “This is an exciting time for Cohesity as we deliver industry-leading cyber resilience solutions for data security with cutting-edge AI capabilities. I’m delighted to welcome Lim to lead our Asean sales team and build on the strong growth we’ve experienced across individual markets in recent years.

“ I look forward to her joining the International Leadership team and contributing her extensive experience in driving market share growth across cloud infrastructure, AI, data analytics, and enterprise software at SAS and Dell EMC. Her proven ability to foster trust and lead high-performance, diverse teams aligns perfectly with Cohesity’s values. Our customers, partners, and employees will undoubtedly benefit from her expertise and personal approach, ” he added.

In her free time, Lim champions social causes and mentoring initiatives. She serves as Chairwoman of the SGTech AI Skills and Training Committee and participates in industry councils.

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