Counting on coal: A visual guide to Cambodia’s big bet on fossil fuel


Photo story

An investigation of Cambodia’s three planned coal-fired power plants found the sites stalling as uncertainty continues to cloud the future of coal

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avatar-Anton L. Delgadoavatar-Anton L. Delgado

October 27, 2023

Counting on coal: A visual guide to Cambodia’s big bet on fossil fuelCounting on coal: A visual guide to Cambodia’s big bet on fossil fuel
Operations continue at the Yun Khean coal mine near Cambodia’s stalled Han Seng power plant in Oddar Meanchey province. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Three years ago Cambodia defied the global push for clean energy by doubling down on fossil fuels.

After companies and embassies expressed concerns about coal, the Cambodian government pledged that its plans to develop three new coal-fired power plants would be the Kingdom’s last foray into coal-fuelled electricity.

Since 2020, energy production globally has continued to diversify away from coal, as volatile markets rock the industry and spike fuel prices. Despite surviving China’s funding cuts to overseas coal, the planned power plants in Koh Kong and Oddar Meanchey are in varying stages of inertia, plagued by long delays. Meanwhile in Sihanoukville, the operations of two of Cambodia’s active coal complexes in the same district are raising concerns among local residents.

Southeast Asia Globe reported from each of these locations. While taking more than 4,300 images, Globe spoke to 35 people about the projects; from concerned residents and struggling fisherfolk to plant workers, local officials and energy experts. Read Part I of Globe’s Counting on Coal project and continue to see Part II, an accompanying photo story. Click or tap any image to expand for a slideshow.

Oddar Meanchey province

In Oddar Meanchey, the 265-megawatt, semi-built Han Seng project missed its deadline to go online last year. Falling revenue for the Chinese companies in charge pivoted the project to new contractors, who are sticking with coal but also investing in solar energy production at the same power plant.

Chrek Pechneng, who proudly shared that she is the only female commune chief in Oddar Meanchey, said she has conflicting feelings about coal activity in her district. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

“I want electricity to be accessible to everyone in my community, but I am also concerned about the health risks to workers and local people,” she said. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Chrek Pechneng

Roeun Phearin, who was a commune consultant for the Han Seng power plant, has received no new information about the plant during the long pause of its construction. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Two kilometres from the semi-built power plant, down the provincial road connecting Anlong Veng and Trapeang Prasat, is an active coal mine that one day hopes to supply the Han Seng project. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
The Han Seng power plant has been dormant for more than a year, according to local residents and officials. For those in Oddar Meanchey, there are no clear reasons why and no set date for construction to resume. Photos by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Heaps of earth and coal at the Yun Khean coal mine two kilometres from the semi-built Han Seng power plant. The active mine is small but is proposed to one day supply the nearby plant. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Chunks of coal at the Yun Khean coal mine two kilometres from the semi-built Han Seng power plant. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Koh Kong province

In Koh Kong, the Royal Group of Cambodia conglomerate has yet to break ground on a 700-megawatt power plant scheduled to go online this year. Though former residents continue to allege unfair deals and heavy-handed evictions.

On overview of one of two land concessions given to the conglomerate Royal Group by the Cambodian government. While the first, given for a coal power plant, has seen little to no activity, the area given to the company in a second concession within a national park is steadily being cleared. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
A former resident evicted from the concession area shows a picture of his former home, which he says was destroyed by government officials. As he had no title for the land, the resident received no compensation for lost property. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
The proposed site of the Royal Group coal power plant has seen little to no activity. The plant was initially intended to go online this year. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Sihanoukville province

In Sihanoukville, Cambodia International Investment Development Group’s (CIIDG) new 700-megawatt coal project shares a road with the already operational 250-megawatt Cambodian Energy Limited (CEL) power plant complex. Steung Hav residents fear for the effects these two coal sites could have on their health and environment.

An Indo-Pacific humpback dolphin comes up for air by coal loading docks that supply two power plants in in Steung Hav district. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Cambodia’s active coal-fired power plants are concentrated in the district of Steung Hav in Sihanoukville province. Photo by Anton L. Delgado Fishing boats pass the two active coal-fired power plants in Steung Hav. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Sun sets on the coal loading docks in Steung Hav district as workers make their way home. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Contributed reporting by Andrew Haffner and Sophanna Lay. A Khmer-language version of this story can be found here, with translations by Sophanna Lay and Nasa Dip.

This article was supported by a ‘News Reporting Pitch Initiative’ from the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Foundation in Cambodia.

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After junket crackdown in Macau, SEA casinos target Chinese gamblers – Southeast Asia Globe

The quiet transfer of a major casino in Vietnam from the former company of an imprisoned gambling tour kingpin to a billionaire Hong Kong family suggests China’s massive gaming industry still sees potential in Southeast Asia.

Driven by Chinese government crackdowns from the casino enclave of Macau, some organisers of VIP gambling tours – known as junkets – appear to be enduring the storm while also transferring business elsewhere in their regional networks. Meanwhile, in Vietnam, locally owned gambling operators are restyling themselves to snap up Chinese whales of their own, potentially cutting deeper into the besieged junkets.

The legal pressure in Macau sought to cut down on money laundering and capital flight, both of which are often suspected of jet-setting Chinese gamblers. 

Junket operators in the enclave developed a reputation for helping the affluent ferry their money across the border of the special administrative district to gamble in casinos. There, they could obtain their winnings in U.S. dollars or other foreign currencies that could then be used to invest in property or offshore tax havens. 

But with the effects of the pandemic on this clientele still reverberating across the region’s casinos, unfavourable foreign currency exchange fees and slippery Macau junkets refusing to die, the prospect of Vietnam or other regional destinations becoming hubs for such exiled gamers is up in the air. Gambling operators both in Macau and across Southeast Asia are left to adapt to secure their piece of the market. 

“I think that there’s going to be new intermediaries which won’t call themselves junkets, but in effect, are going to be providing the sorts of services that junket operators used in the past,” said John Langdale, a researcher and expert on money laundering at Australia’s Macquarie University. 

Vietnam is already a node of the bustling Chinese gambling tour business that re-emerged after the pandemic. As junkets in Macau get pushed further underground, preexisting Vietnamese gaming firms, known as “international tour operators” seem eager to fill a gap. 

For now though, their organisations have a more limited reach than the Macau giants that came before them. In general, Southeast Asian junkets “tend to be what we call ad-hoc casual junkets,” said gaming industry consultant Ben Lee. 

That stands in contrast to what former junket operators in Macau utilised as an almost vertical integration model, where gambling tour operators had junket rooms in various casinos. There, they could staff their own cashiers, food and beverage services, and even drivers due to their enormous market share of affluent Chinese gamblers, Lee explained.

Southeast Asian junket operators – at the moment – simply do not have the ability to target the Chinese as they do not have the network in the country. Their main markets are the various Southeast Asia countries with nowhere near the size or volume of Chinese players, Lee said. 

Only a few regional facilities right now may have the clout to break through.

The Hoiana, a multi-billion-dollar integrated resort-casino, could be one of them. It stretches across 1,000 hectares of land in the Chu Lai Open Economic Zone south of Da Nang, Vietnam.

“The Hoiana is probably one of the first proper five-star resorts that has a chance to target [the Chinese market],” Lee said. “But, by the end of day, the volume of mainland patronage in Vietnam is small compared with China.”

The casino-resort didn’t respond to a request for comment, but Hoiana president and CEO Steve Wolstenholme said in an interview earlier this year that following the pandemic and a return of Chinese tourists, the Hoiana was focused on “diversifying our products and services, especially services for high-class guests”.

An entrance to the Hoiana casino-resort outside Danang, Vietnam. Photo by Coby Hobbs for Southeast Asia Globe.

In recent months, control of the Hoiana seems to have passed hands from LET Group Holdings – previously known as the Suncity Group, one of Macau’s largest junket organisers pre-crackdown – to the billionaire Cheng family from Hong Kong through its flagship investment firm, Chow Tai Fook Enterprises. 

The family and Suncity were already deeply connected before the now-embattled tour operator was all but crushed by law-enforcement agencies in Macau. 

As a gambling investor in casino-dense Macau, now-deceased family patriarch Cheng Yu Tung allegedly partnered with triad organisations such as 14K and Sun Yee On as early as the 1980s. Macau prosecutors would later say he was in business with the notorious 14K leader Wan Kuok Koi – better known as “Broken Tooth” Koi – before the gangster met with a dramatic 1998 arrest.

The Cheng family later partnered with a man reportedly seen as Koi’s protege – Alvin Chau, founder and CEO of the once-powerful Suncity tour company. After starting his company in 2007, Chau built a fortune with Chinese VIP gamblers and, later, real-estate development. But his success put him under the thumb of the Chinese junket crackdown and he was arrested in 2021, effectively cratering that industry.

Last year, Suncity officially rebranded itself as the LET Group while Chau awaited trial in Macau for 286 criminal charges, including fraud and money laundering. By January, Chau was convicted of heading a criminal organisation and sentenced to 18 years in prison.

Suncity had publicly led development of Hoiana and held a major ownership stake in the project, which reportedly struggled in recent years. 

The recently publicised change in management coincides with the shutdown of Suncity’s VIP rooms in Macau following Chau’s jailing. It also follows upon the regulatory tightening of Macau junket operators documented as having associations with organised crime and money laundering – or simply suspected of such.

Jeremy Douglas, regional representative of the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, fears that in the months and years ahead, the Hoiana could prove to be a model for still-ambitious junket bosses and Chinese gamblers eager to launder their money.

Vietnam currently has no specific licensing regimes for operators of gambling-related tours. Still, the Hoiana has kept much cleaner operations than the many more notorious casinos littered across the region’s special economic zones.

Regional casinos located in these special economic zones (SEZs) are often known to deploy a model whereby casinos become money-laundering fronts for displaced Chinese and regional syndicates. In addition, they may harbour other illicit activities such as cyber scams, human trafficking, drug trafficking and the wildlife trade. 

Some zones, such as the notorious “Golden Triangle” SEZ in Laos, become self-policed areas for syndicate bosses migrating from China. The Golden Triangle SEZ is organised under the Kings Romans Group, owned and operated by the U.S.-sanctioned syndicate chief Zhao Wei. 

Other SEZs are clustered along Mekong region borders and closely overlap with casinos. 

More than 100 casinos in Myanmar are nestled among 13 such zones, according to maps and data provided by the UNODC, while Vietnam has an estimated 41 casinos in or near 44 SEZs.

The diversification into entertainment and conventions and all the rest of it, they provide the cover and the legitimacy for the casinos

John Langdale

The prospect of lawlessness in these zones has caught the attention of authorities, contributing to China’s tightened control over outbound visas. With that, Macau has remained the ideal gambling destination due to its proximity and limited autonomous status.

The former Portuguese colony – despite the supposed shutdown of junket operations in the zone – has developed an underground model that is giving just enough space for high-rolling Chinese gamblers on the hunt for capital flight destinations and elaborate gambling tours.

“What most people don’t know is that the (junket) agents are still operating in Macau, but they’re no longer being identified as junkets because that’s no longer politically correct,” said Lee. “They are now being recognized by the casinos as players.”

As “programme players”, junket operators are able to allocate a private VIP room in a casino with a large enough buy-in. The junket agents are then able to organise a private gaming setting for their “friends” in which only the agent deals with the casino directly. The agent will then redistribute the buy-in chips to their friends, who are actually their clientele, Lee explained. 

“They don’t make any money, but they’re doing that to keep the relationship with their players warm, waiting for the day when they and their players can start going to the casinos around the region,” he said.

In the meantime, operators in Vietnam appear to be looking to team up with Macau’s veteran casino concessionaires.  

The tour operator Let’s Win Group, which had its soft-opening at the Hoiana in February 2022, held a grand opening ceremony and gala dinner for its VIP club in March of this year – and flaunted an invitation to six of Macau’s casino concessionaires. 

Still, as Vietnam shows benevolence to foreign investment from the moguls of the gambling-tour industry, the country heavily restricts lending money to foreigners. This results, among other things, in a bureaucratic bump in the road for the junket-diaspora to the country. 

According to Langdale, the Hoiana also resembles the trendy “integrated resort” model – such as Singapore’s Sentosa Island – that has been established in the gaming industry as a guise to revamp an outdated Macau junket model. In the case of Singapore, where junkets are illegal, it disguises the fact that the real money is coming from high rollers. 

“[Instead of] smoky casinos with Chinese gamblers – gambling 24 hours a day – they’ll present a nice, healthy family-oriented resort,” he said.

The integrated resort model stresses an atmosphere of a holiday destination with family entertainment, and incentivizes hosting conventions. The Hoiana advertises itself only as a resort and golf destination “but you’re still getting VIP gamblers,” said Langdale.

“The diversification into entertainment and conventions and all the rest of it, they provide the cover and the legitimacy for the casinos,” he added. “By going down as the integrated resort, the casino operator can say we’re no longer relying on hardcore gamblers.”

As Thailand begins to relax visa rules for Chinese tourists, Langdale suspects that Vietnam will follow a similar shift. This could attract affluent Chinese tourists and investors seeking a landing zone for capital flight.

“And the Hoiana is one mechanism for doing that,” he said.


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Japan, not quite ‘back’, has a new fighting chance – Asia Times

There was some reason for cheer among Japanese commentators on February 22. The Nikkei 225, Japan’s flagship stock index, finally reattained its previous peak from 1989:

Graphic: @marikakatanuma

(Note: Technically this isn’t adjusted for inflation, but since Japan hasn’t actually had much total inflation since 1989, that doesn’t make much of a difference.)

Bloomberg’s detailed breakdown shows that the rally over the past year has been driven entirely by foreign buyers. But the foreign buyers probably have the right idea — most Japanese companies still look very cheap compared to the value of their assets.

Unfortunately, a country can’t eat its stock market; Japan’s real economy is looking much more anemic. The country experienced a surprise recession in late 2023, with manufacturing and exports both looking very weak.

The country lost its spot as the world’s third-biggest economy at market exchange rates, falling behind Germany (whose economy is also pretty weak). Economists are pessimistic, predicting further economic shrinkage in early 2024.

Still, there are some reasons to be optimistic about Japan’s economy in general. First, the country is finally taking its own defense seriously — defense spending surged from 5.4 trillion yen (US$35.9 billion) in 2022 to 7.95 trillion yen ($52.5 billion) in 2024. That’s still only about 1.5% of GDP but the rapid increase is pretty stunning.

Defense spending will stimulate manufacturing, but will also give Japan the chance to build its own military-related tech industries. More fundamentally, it demonstrates that Japan’s leaders realize the magnitude of the threat China poses, and realize that they need economic growth in order to fund a more robust defense.

Second, Japan is bringing in large numbers of foreign workers to ease its labor shortage:

Now, this could end up causing trouble down the road; unlike the US, Japan is not a nation of immigrants and does not have much experience assimilating large numbers of foreigners. The Japanese public fears that immigration will lead to an increase in crime and social disorder, and they’re probably right to some extent.

So I do expect an anti-immigration backlash at some point. But for now, the inflow of workers is helping to bolster the economy. Meanwhile, Japan’s fertility rate is low, but at around 1.4 it’s still much higher than China or other East Asian nations, and the country has had some modest success boosting birthrates.

Finally, the big international push to de-risk from China should end up benefitting Japan. Asia isn’t going to be displaced as the world’s electronics manufacturing mega-cluster, so Asian countries other than China are going to be the biggest beneficiaries of the de-risking trend.

So anyway, Japan is in an interesting place right now — some trends are pointing in the right direction and some in the wrong direction. Japan’s policymakers and business leaders need to take action to reinforce the strengths and shore up the weaknesses. Here are some ideas about how to do that.

The first two ideas focus on industrial policy, which was a Japanese strength in the past, and which I think could serve it well again.

Use FDI to reclaim Japan’s position in the electronics supply chain

If there’s one lesson I’ve taken from reading about a bunch of successfully developing countries, it’s that foreign direct investment is better and more important than people give it credit for. Economic research strongly supports this.

Some small rich economies, like Singapore and Ireland, were basically built by FDI, and their industrial policies are almost entirely focused on courting foreign investors. But even big countries like China managed to learn a huge amount from foreign companies who set up shop there.

Industrialists have often underrated FDI. Japan and South Korea succeeded in autos and electronics by developing their own brands, largely refusing to make things for foreign brands. This allowed their companies to retain the profits, control the intellectual property, and choose to keep the most valuable parts of the supply chain in the country.

But in recent decades, this “do everything in-house” strategy began to fail Japan. First the US, then Taiwan and South Korea took over semiconductor design and fabrication — the most high-value and high-tech parts of the electronics supply chain.

Japan promoted multiple national champions and consolidated some of its existing firms to try to increase competitiveness, but nothing worked. Samsung, TSMC, and Intel ruled the roost, and Japanese chipmakers largely became also-rans.

In order to get back in the game quickly, Japan needs to change tactics, abandoning what failed and learning from the companies that succeeded. It needs to entice other countries — especially South Korea and Taiwan, but also the US and Europe — to build fabs in Japan.

This will facilitate learning — Japanese workers who work at TSMC or Samsung factories will learn lots of useful tricks. It will foster human capital; the new fabs will train a large and expanding semiconductor workforce, facilitating follow-on investments from other countries.

It will facilitate entrepreneurship, as homegrown Japanese semiconductor startups spring up to sell things to the fabs, use the fabs’ chips to make electronics, and eventually make chips themselves. And it will boost exports because foreign companies making chips in Japan will want to sell them overseas.

Luckily, Japan has a ton of natural advantages that make it the perfect place to build chip fabs. I went over these in a post a couple of months ago. The first four reasons are:

  1. The weak yen (and low interest rates)
  2. A lot of high-quality semiconductor tools and materials companies that still exist in Japan
  3. A highly skilled semiconductor workforce that will work for relatively low wages
  4. Pro-development land use policy and few NIMBY barriers

At this point, building chips in Japan is almost an arbitrage.

I also added government support and entrepreneurs’ hunger and ambition as the fifth and sixth advantages. But these are, of course, highly contingent.

The Japanese government is spending a lot of money on the industry, but it needs to make a conscious choice to do whatever is necessary to court FDI, including building new infrastructure and providing specialized education and training as necessary.

Japanese businesses, meanwhile, have to be determined to win back their traditional place in the global electronics supply chain. That success will require humility — an admission that South Korean and Taiwanese companies have become the industry leaders, and a willingness to learn from them.

Develop a software industry, an EV industry and a military-industrial complex

Beyond chips, there are other important industries Japan should try to promote. The first of these is software. Like Europe, Japan has fallen behind the US and China in terms of creating new highly productive software businesses. Japan doesn’t overregulate software like Europe does, but there is still no Japanese equivalent to Microsoft, Amazon, Meta, OpenAI and so on.

There are a number of reasons for this, but a big one is that Japanese companies tend to create their software in-house instead of purchasing it from specialized third parties. Japanese software startups are ambitious and talented, but they have a hard time finding Japanese business clients, so they can’t scale up.

Meanwhile, companies that keep software in-house end up with crappy software, since it isn’t their core competency as firms. This ends up hurting Japanese hardware manufacturing as well.

The solution here is for the Japanese government to incentivize hardware companies to purchase software from third-party vendors. That will give Japanese software companies a huge business opportunity, and allow them to build up the scale they need to go out and challenge overseas rivals in world markets. On top of that, Japan should try to improve software education.

Another industry Japan needs is EVs. Autos, even more than electronics, have been Japan’s greatest success, but, like Germany, the country’s industry is in grave danger from a technological shift.

Japanese companies like Toyota and Nissan are way behind when it comes to EVs, and their sales are starting to suffer as a result. The Japanese carmakers have invested some money in battery EVs, but at the same time, they’ve continued to insist that dead-end technologies like hydrogen are a viable alternative.

Japanese companies need to wake up and realize that batteries are just going to defeat everything else on the market. The government can facilitate this realization by increasing Japanese consumers’ demand for EVs. And the way to do that is to build lots and lots and lots of battery charging stations throughout the country.

Right now, Japan has very few charging stations, meaning that Japanese people don’t want to drive battery-powered cars, meaning that Japanese car companies can’t sell EVs in their own domestic market. If the Japanese government builds a ton of charging stations, this vicious cycle will reverse itself, and Japanese car companies will be scrambling to switch to batteries.

Finally, Japan’s increased defense spending gives it the opportunity to create a military-industrial complex. Defense-related research has been an incredible industrial boon to the US, creating tons of cutting-edge technologies that US companies have then capitalized on.

Japan needs to study the DARPA model and create something similar on its own shores. And defense spending can revitalize Japan’s lagging universities, including by hiring researchers from overseas.

Reform Japanese corporate culture

So far I’ve been talking about industrial policies that Japan can use to boost key industries and regain technological leadership.

But I fear that most of that will come to naught unless Japan addresses the root cause of its long decades of economic underperformance. That root cause is Japan’s broken corporate culture.

In a post back in 2022, I tried to lay out exactly what I thought was wrong with Japan’s corporate culture, and how to fix it. My suggestions were:

  1. Encourage mid-career hiring of managers from other companies, instead of promoting everyone in-house
  2. Encourage employees to do some of their work from home (hybrid work)
  3. Stop using government money to bail out failed companies
  4. The first of these, mid-career management hiring, addresses two fundamental problems with corporate Japan.

First, it will enhance idea diffusion and recombination across firms. Technologies and business models spread from company to company via human beings who go to work for one company and then work for a different company. Japan’s traditional lifetime employment system keeps good ideas siloed within individual firms, preventing them from benefitting Japan Inc at large.

Second, mid-career hiring will help to combat the problems of an aging society. Research shows that aging is moderately bad for productivity growth. One likely reason is that elderly managers are less capable of understanding the importance of new technologies, new markets, and new business models.

When most of the people in a society are old, as in Japan, old guys clog the ranks of upper management at companies. Corporate Japan, with its traditional focus on promoting managers up through the ranks as they age, has become a gerontocracy. Mid-career hiring can shake up that gerontocracy because management hires will tend to be selected for talent rather than tenure.

Hybrid work will be another big productivity booster for Japanese companies. Traditionally, Japanese companies prize hours of work input over actual results, and this needs to change. Right now, Japanese offices are open-plan affairs where everyone sits there trying to look busy.

Looking busy: Japan companies tend to value hours of work over actual output. Image: Twitter Screengrab

It’s no coincidence that Japan’s white-collar productivity is some of the lowest in the developed world. Cubicles would help, but letting workers take some of their work home with them would do far more. At home, the goal of work is not to look busy, but to accomplish a specific task in order to please your boss on the following day.

Thus, hybrid work will help Japanese companies shift their attitudes toward the fundamental goal of work. It would also help parents balance work and family more effectively, which would probably help raise the fertility rate.

Finally, the Japanese government needs to stop using a bunch of so-called “stimulus” slush funds to bail out failed companies. Instead, its industrial policy should be focused on boosting new, more productive companies.

Japanese business leaders should see the wisdom of mid-career management hiring and hybrid work, and implement these changes on their own. But the Japanese government, with its strong and capable bureaucracy, can also do quite a lot in this regard.

In the 2010s, Japan’s Ministry of Finance introduced a new Corporate Governance Code that probably helped push Japanese companies to become much more profitable. Now, either the Ministry of Finance, or the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, or both of them acting in concert need to intervene to push Japanese companies to become more efficient.

To sum up, I think that what Japan really needs in order for its economy to be fully “back” is to rediscover the zeal for industrial policy and cultural transformation that it had during its catch-up years in the 1960s and 1970s. The specific policies just need updates for the modern age.

Instead of shutting out FDI, Japan now needs to draw it in. Instead of building a corporate culture based on lifetime employment and seniority promotion, it needs to build one based on flexibility in hiring and in work hours.

And instead of clinging to fading dominance in the industries of the 1970s, it needs to muscle in on the industries of the 2020s. Japan can do it but it’s not going to be easy or quick.

This article was first published on Noah Smith’s Noahpinion Substack and is republished with kind permission. Read the original and become a Noahopinion subscriber here.

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NetApp appoints Alwyn David, Country Manager Malaysia, Sheraine Chua as Senior Director for ASEAN

Reaffirms commitment to ASEAN with new executive hires
Help organizations accelerate business transformations

Data infrastructure company NetApp® has announced the appointments of Sheraine Chua (pic, left) as Senior Director for ASEAN, NetApp, and Alwyn David (pic, right) as the Country Manager for NetApp Malaysia.
“The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a…Continue Reading

Tourism, trade MoUs to bolster Kazakh ties

Thai investors enjoy Astana, Almaty trip

Tourism, trade MoUs to bolster Kazakh ties
Deputy Foreign Minister Jakkapong Sangmanee

The government is confident that tourism and trade between Thailand and Kazakhstan will improve after the two governments sign three memoranda of understanding (MoUs) in April, said Deputy Foreign Minister Jakkapong Sangmanee on Sunday.

Mr Jakkapong and Tourism and Sports Minister Sudawan Wangsuphakijkosol led a group of Thai investors to Astana, the Kazakh capital, and Almaty, its largest city, on Friday.

They visited various food manufacturers and economic sites in Almaty. They also stopped at nearby Shymbulak Mountain Resort, a ski resort billed as the biggest in Central Asia, to learn about the country’s promotion of ecotourism.

Ski resorts are one of the magnets that attract visitors to Kazakhstan during the winter, said Mr Jakkapong, adding the country also now has many attractions during summer, leading to a rapid increase in international visitors.

He said Kazakhstan also is one of the newest markets for Thailand’s tourism industry.

According to the Tourism Authority of Thailand, more than 172,000 Kazakhs entered Thailand last year alone, he said, adding most Kazakh travellers in Thailand are families and couples.

They stayed on average for 14 days, mostly in beach resorts, spending about 75,000 baht per person, he said, adding Thailand expects to welcome more than 200,000 Kazakh tourists this year.

The visit to Kazakhstan, said Mr Jakkapong, was a chance for Thailand to look at how it is encouraging more investment and trade opportunities from the kingdom.

The three MoUs, to be signed by both countries’ foreign affairs ministers in April, will provide a clearer direction on trade and tourism, he added.

Thailand’s Ambassador to Kazakhstan, Lt Chatchawan Sakornsin, added the MoU, as well as the six-month extension of the visa exemption policy for Kazakh tourists, will improve trade between both countries.

Chanintr Chalisarapong, of the Board of Trade of Thailand’s Executive Committee, said it was unexpected to see Kazakhstan has so much potential for business development.

It was a good opportunity for Thai investors to promote not only their own tourism industry but also their wellness, food and agricultural products to the people of Kazakhstan.

In other news, the Commerce Ministry recently discussed the promotion of the government’s soft power with Parson Lam Chun Wah, director-general of the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office (HKETO) of Bangkok, ministry spokesman Chai Watcharonke said on Sunday.

Both sides agreed on the need to promote Thai goods and service exports, he said.

HKETO Bangkok has worked with the government on trade cooperation many times to inform the people of Hong Kong about the quality of Thai goods and services, he said.

It also helped support Thai investment in Hong Kong, with a 43% growth in Thai fashion sales and 55% in jewellery sales seen last year, he said.

“The government is glad the Hong Kong government supports Thai investment, as it has helped strengthen both countries’ economies,” according to Mr Chai.

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Lantern Festival sparks colourful celebrations

Artists performing during a fishing Lantern Festival in Luyang Village, Dajijia Street, Huang-Bohai New District, Yantai, eastern China's Shandong provinceCFOTO/Future Publishing/Getty Images

Dazzling displays of lanterns have been lighting up the skies to mark the end of Lunar New Year celebrations and hail the coming of spring.

The Lantern Festival is held two weeks after Lunar New Year, which was on 12 February this year and ushered in the Year of the Dragon.

The new year, and subsequent Lantern Festival, is typically celebrated in parts of Asia, including China, South Korea and Vietnam, as well as in diaspora communities around the world.

As well as with the traditional lighting of lanterns, this weekend’s festival also saw firework displays, night markets and entertainment from dancers and performers.

People look at light installations as part of Lantern Festival in Beijing, China

Reuters

People release Kongmin lanterns to celebrate the Lantern Festival in Chongqing, China

CFOTO/Future Publishing/Getty Images

People perform a dragon dance amid fireworks in Taijiang County, Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture, Guizhou Province of China

VCG / Getty Images

Folk artists and children parade with fish lanterns in Sanming, Fujian Province, China

China News Service / Getty

People perform a dragon dance during Cap Go Meh festival on the occasion of the last day for Lunar New Year of the Dragon celebrations, at a shopping mall in Bogor, West Java, on February 24, 2024

ADITYA AJI / AFP / Getty Images

A child carrying a lantern visits a park during the Lantern festival in Beijing

WANG ZHAO/AFP/Getty Images

Dancers perform the Puzhai fire dragon dance in Meizhou, Guangdong Province, China

VCG / Getty

People release sky lanterns during the celebration of Sky Lantern Festival, in Pingxi, New Taipei City, Taiwan

RITCHIE B TONGO/EPA-EFE/REX/Shutterstock

People enjoy light installations at a park on Lantern Festival in Beijing, China

Reuters

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Commentary: CPF Special Account closure forces a rethink of retirement planning

WHY DOES THIS MATTER TO ME? RETIREMENT IS STILL FAR OFF

Young adults may be inclined to feel they have 30 or 40 years before they hit retirement age and thus feel little urgency to immediately search for an alternative for the higher Special Account yields. But the changes to the CPF scheme are as relevant to young adults, if not more so.

First, it’s important to keep in mind that the CPF scheme with its structure and rules may continue to evolve, as the Singapore government tries to help citizens secure their retirement and financial future.

Second, young adults have time on their side to make hay while the sun shines. With a longer horizon, they can take proactive steps to take control, protect and grow their retirement nest egg, including their CPF funds, to sufficiently support their future.

INVESTING ISN’T FOR ME. I’M REACHING THE RETIREMENT WITHDRAWAL AGE SOON

The dangers of inflation eroding one’s nest egg is not isolated to young adults.

Singaporeans are not just getting older; we are also living longer. When Singapore became independent in 1965, the life expectancy at birth was 65 years. Residents can now expect to live, on average, to about 84 years of age.

With a longer runway, even “young seniors” in their 50s and 60s will have decades to live, necessitating careful retirement financial planning amid the rising costs of living.

Also announced in Budget 2024, the CPF contribution rates for those above 55 years to 65 years will be increased by a further 1.5 percentage points in 2025. These are funds that should be continually managed to beat inflation.

The truth is, there are ample investment options that can align with one’s goals. Markets do not discriminate as everyone benefits from investing in a balanced and diversified portfolio and compounding will do the heavy lifting for one to grow the returns over time. 

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Turkey’s homemade fighter poised to storm global markets – Asia Times

Turkey’s Kaan Next-Generation Fighter, previously known as the TF-X, has made its first flight, giving rise to geostrategic speculation the fighter jet may soon be available for export to a range of states, according to multiple news outlets.

The aircraft was airborne for 13 minutes, reached an altitude of 8,000 feet and a speed of 230 knots while flying alongside an F-16D for support, the reports said.

The TF-X cum Kaan project, launched in 2016, aims to replace Turkey’s fleet of US-made F-16s, which will be phased out starting in the 2030s. The Kaan’s design philosophy has evolved since Turkey left the US-led F-35 consortium following the country’s controversial procurement of Russia’s S-400 missile defense system in 2019.

The Kaan will be the flagship of Turkey’s military aerospace industry, with the country working on a project to produce locally manufactured jet engines and the design being considered for a sixth-generation fighter replete with artificial intelligence-powered capabilities.

Popular Mechanics notes in a March 2023 article that the Kaan is in the same league as South Korea’s indigenously made KF-21 Boramae fighter. This 4.5 generation jet falls short of being a 5th generation aircraft, although a complete stealth configuration and indigenous engines are planned for a third production batch.

Popular Mechanics mentions that the Kaan is expected to meet performance benchmarks for modern fighter jets, with a top speed between Mach 1.8 to 2.2, a service ceiling of 55,000 feet, a 700-mile range on internal fuel and supersonic capability without afterburners. However, the report assesses those capabilities are still more aspirational than assured.

The Kaan features an indigenous, bird strike-resistant canopy, single-wheel landing gears, 7050-grade aluminum nose and cockpit, titanium central fuselage and lightweight carbon composite thermoplastic coatings on the engines and surface inlets to reduce radar reflectivity.

While the Popular Mechanics report says Turkey claims up to 85% indigenous parts for the Kaan, it features imported components such as two General Electric F110-GE-129 turbofan engines and a Martin-Baker ejection seat.  

Popular Mechanics says the Kaan is expected to feature an indigenous Aselsan AESA-class multimode radar that can scan and jam simultaneously, increasing resistance to jamming, and will have twice as many transmit-receive elements on the AN/APG-77 radar used on the US F-22.

It also says the Kaan has a nose-mounted forward infrared search and track (IRST) sensor, an electro-optical system with 360-degree coverage. Turkish firms have already built various laser, missile and radar warning receivers, including digital radio frequency memory (DRFM) jammers, for integration in the Kaan.

Turkish Defense Minister Hulusi Akar at a Kaan unveiling ceremony. Image: Turkish Defense Ministry

The Kaan can reportedly store four weapons in an internal weapons bay and four more in its side fuselage bays alongside an autocannon. It also has four underwing hardpoints for non-stealth options.

While the Kaan may be a sound design, Turkey’s economic woes may prevent it from getting past the prototype technology demonstrator stage or limit the actual number of production airframes.

In an article for The National Interest (TNI) this month, Stavros Atlamazoglou notes that the Kaan’s reliance on key imported parts and Turkey’s poor economic prospects may jeopardize the aircraft’s future. Atlamazoglou mentions that the weak Turkish lira could result in extreme cost overruns for advanced projects like the Kaan.

While Turkey can still spread out costs over several years of production, such attenuation may result in capabilities that are obsolete on delivery, as Turkey plans to have an operational capability by 2040 with a fleet of 300 aircraft.  

Nevertheless, Turkey likely aims to pitch the Kaan on the international fighter jet market. Aside from longtime strategic partner Azerbaijan, the UAE, Indonesia and Pakistan have been cited as potential customers.

Asia Times reported in January 2022 that Russia and the UAE have entered into talks to co-produce the former’s Su-75 Checkmate fighter, following US restrictions on F-35 sales to the UAE due to its telecoms contracts with Huawei that Washington believes could compromise the F-35’s technology.

However, the Su-75’s future is uncertain. Paul Iddon mentions in a June 2023 Business Insider article that unconfirmed reports state the UAE has stopped funding for the Su-75, with the threat of secondary sanctions and import restrictions on microelectronics to Russia serving as strong disincentives for continued participation in the program.

Iddon also states the possibility that the UAE’s involvement in the Su-75 program was more bluff than intent in a negotiating tactic to pressure the US into eventually selling F-35s.

While Ashley Roque notes in a February 2023 Breaking Defense article that the US has not completely ended the possibility of F-35 sales to the UAE, the latter’s close relations with China is still a sticking point. Should the US refuse to sell F-35s to the UAE and the Su-75 fails to materialize, Turkey’s Kaan fighter could be a viable alternative candidate.

While Indonesia participates in South Korea’s KF-21 Boramae project, Asia Times reported in July 2023 that Jakarta is struggling to pay its share of the venture, which is reported at 20% of the total cost. Those late payments could force South Korea to look for new partners for its KF-21, such as the UAE, Malaysia and Poland.

Indonesia has been struggling to modernize its air force, with cost constraints and strategic concerns driving a multi-pronged acquisition approach that includes acquiring 24 US-made F-15EX jets, 42 French-made Rafales, sourcing used F-15 engines from Japan for its F-16 fleet, and buying used ex-Qatari Mirage 2000-5 jets.

The KF-21 Boramae at its roll-out ceremony. Photo: KAI

Turkey’s Kaan could be a viable replacement for the KF-21, offering some of the capabilities of Western 5th-generation fighters at a fraction of the cost while keeping in line with Indonesia’s strategy of diversifying its military equipment suppliers to maintain strategic autonomy.

While Pakistan is building up its air force with Chinese fighters, those jets may not perform as expected in a high-intensity conflict. Asia Times noted in January 2024 that while Pakistan is a repeat customer for China’s fighter jets, the JF-17, which makes up the backbone of Pakistan’s fighter fleet (alongside US-made F-16s), is not designed to compete with 5th-generation fighters and is better equipped for low-intensity conflicts such as insurgencies or basic air defense.

Significantly, the TF-X project, which led to the Kaan, is a joint Turkish-Pakistani project. The Kaan may allow Pakistan to alleviate concerns that its dependence on China for sophisticated weapons could lead to the subjugation of its foreign and defense policies to China’s interests. However, the troubled Turkish and Pakistani economies call into question the viability of such cooperation.

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Carousell fined S,000 over data leaks that affected more than 2.6 million users

FIRST BREACH

The first data breach took root in July 2022 when Carousell implemented changes to its chat function.

The changes were meant to be limited to users in the Philippines who were responding to property listings. When the users provided prior consent, their first name, email address and phone number would be automatically sent to the owner of the property listing.

Due to human error, however, the email addresses and names of guest users were automatically appended to all messages sent to the listing owners of all categories in all markets.

For guest users in the Philippines, their telephone numbers were also appended to the messages.

Carousell did not pick up on this bug at the time. Instead, a month later, it implemented a fix to resolve an unrelated issue with the pre-fill functionality of the chat function.

This worsened the effect of the original bug. The email addresses and names of registered users were then automatically appended to messages sent to listing owners of all categories in all markets as well.

For users in the Philippines, their telephone numbers were also appended.

On Aug 24, 2022, Carousell fixed the bugs after a user sent in a report.

The bugs led to the personal data of 44,477 people being leaked. This comprised the email addresses of all affected users as well as the mobile phone numbers of users in the Philippines.

While names associated with users’ accounts were also disclosed, the PDPC did not consider this relevant in assessing how Carousell breached the Personal Data Protection Act (PDPA).

The commission accepted Carousell’s explanation that these names were not necessarily indicative of the users’ actual names, and were already listed on the users’ public profiles.

SECOND BREACH

As for the second data leak, the PDPC alerted Carousell to it on Oct 13, 2022 when someone offered about 2.6 million users’ personal data for sale.

The breach arose when Carousell launched a public-facing application programming interface (API) during a system migration process on Jan 15, 2022. An API allows computer programmes to communicate with each other.

However, Carousell inadvertently failed to apply a filter on the API it had launched.

The filter would have ensured that only publicly available data of users who were followed by, or following, a particular Carousell user would be called up.

Because the filter was not present, the API was able to call up the users’ private data comprising email addresses, telephone numbers and dates of birth.

This vulnerability was exploited by a threat actor who scraped the accounts of 46 users with large numbers of users following them, or who were following many other users. This occurred in May and June 2022.

Carousell’s internal engineering team discovered the API bug on Sep 15, 2022 and deployed a patch that same day.

When the company conducted internal investigations to find out if users’ personal data had been accessed without authorisation in the 60 days before it discovered the bug, it did not detect any anomalies.

Carousell remained unaware of this breach till the PDPC informed them of the data sale advertisement.

The judgment did not indicate whether the data was actually sold.

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