1337 Ventures announces new cohort of Alpha Startups for women in Southeast Asia

Winners will receive up to US$10,600 in equity funding
Aims to empower women entrepreneurs in Malaysia & Southeast Asia

1337 Ventures’ Alpha Startups™ is launching a new cohort exclusively for women-led startups. In a statement, the pre-accelerator programme said this initiative, in collaboration with Freda Liu, a respected Malaysian author, broadcast journalist, and…Continue Reading

China blowing past Japan on autos may trigger change

If there’s any surprise over the fact that China dethroned Japan in 2023 to become the world’s top automaker it relates to how fast that happened.

Overall, auto exports jumped 58% last year from the prior one, topping 4.91 million units, says the China Association of Automobile Manufacturers. Along with deploying its increasing strength in electric vehicles, China Inc managed to tap Russia’s sanctions-hit market with unexpected aplomb. Detroit is not thrilled, of course.

But the truly tantalizing question is how all this goes over in Japan, where, 12 years on, officials are still struggling to get their heads around China’s surpassing Japan in gross domestic product terms. That GDP changing of the guard happened, depending on your preferred data set, sometime between 2010 and 2012.

Since then, Japanese governments in succession have convinced themselves that GDP isn’t the key metric: It’s per capita income, in which Japan leads what’s now Asia’s biggest economy by nearly three times. Yet the blow to Japan’s collective psyche from losing the GDP crown was a devastating one.

Arguably, shock over trailing China helped Shinzo Abe retake the premiership in late 2012. Abe’s economic revival scheme wasn’t pitched as a beat-China strategy – but that’s precisely what his strategy to loosen labor markets, cut red tape, rekindle innovation, catalyze a startup boom and revive Tokyo’s role as Asia’s indispensable financial hub amounted to.

Years of Tokyo complacency since then have been good to China, enabling Xi Jinping’s economy to fill the void created by deflation-racked Japan. The 12 years since Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party returned to power have been a lost period for major economic retooling.

Efforts to produce more tech “unicorns,” for example, went particularly awry. Today, Japan is trailing Indonesia in the race to generate $1 billion-plus valuation startups.

The same muddle can be seen in Japan’s almost linear obsession with hybrid vehicles as the EV market shifts into overdrive.

True, officials at Toyota Motor and Japanese peers are realizing their mistakes in having dismissed the EV future that’s fast coming into view. Toyota is playing catchup with new models. Japan’s top automaker is tripling EV output as it chases China’s BYD, which recently surpassed Elon Musk’s Tesla.

The question, of course, is whether it may already be too late as Tesla, Detroit, Germany and China beat Toyota to the market. “No one,” says Michael Dunne, CEO of auto industry advisory ZoZoGo, “can match BYD on price. Period. Boardrooms in America, Europe, Korea and Japan are in a state of shock.”

Toyota’s blunder is reminiscent of Japan Inc missteps of the past. It’s worth nothing that hybrid transport — including the Prius — was always a compromise, not a technological destination. But because Toyota pioneered it, the company refused to admit that something better had come along.

A similar lost opportunity played out in the 1980s during the Betamax versus VHS video competition. Sony argued that its Betamax technology was superior; the global market favored the more user-friendly VHS format. The years that it took Tokyo to accept defeat set Japan back.

Will China’s stunning success in an industry that Japan long dominated in the Asia region and beyond catalyze officials in Tokyo and the greater Nagoya region?

“For the first time, I came face to face with the competitiveness of Chinese components,” Toyota EV Chief Takero Kato said in September. “After seeing manufacturing processes not used in Japan,” Kato says he thought, “We’re in trouble!”

China Inc is, for example, making big inroads into once reliably Japanese markets such as Thailand. Already, EV models account for 10% of the Thai market. The so-called “Detroit of Asia” is now China’s number 2 destination for Chinese EVs. Ditto for plug-in hybrid vehicles.

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida met with Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin on December 17, 2023, in Tokyo. Photo: Wikipedia

Perhaps sensing the risks, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida last month met with Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin. In Tokyo, Kishida proposed a dialogue framework to ensure that Thailand’s auto industry will strengthen its competitive advantage in EVs and the range of next-generation automobiles. More importantly, that Thailand will remain in the Japan camp.

Also last month, Srettha, a businessman-turned-politician, announced that four Japanese automakers will invest 150 billion baht ($4.3 billion) in EVs in Thailand over the next five years. They include Toyota, Honda Motor, Isuzu Motors and Mitsubishi Motors.

At that time Srettha’s spokesman said, “The prime minister has stressed that Japanese carmakers can play an important role in promoting EV production in Thailand.”

In Japan, Kishida’s government is offering decade-long tax incentives to boost production in EVs and high-quality chips to lure more foreign direct investment. The tax breaks will be part of Tokyo’s fiscal 2024 tax reform framework. They will include 400,000 yen ($2,755) for battery-powered EVs and hydrogen fuel-cell cars.

Tesla, unlike many global peers, won’t be roadkill as China grabs more market share, ZoZoGo’s Dunne argues. Musk’s wares benefit from a first-mover advantage and also the goodwill that comes from Tesla’s choice of the Shanghai area as the site of its first production facility outside the US.

“What does this mean for global automakers not named Tesla?” Dunne asks. “BYD will continue to win large chunks of market share from legacy automakers worldwide.”

What’s more, Dunne says, “China’s market, the world’s largest, no longer needs or wants foreign makers. Jeep, Suzuki and Mitsubishi are already gone. VW, Ford, Hyundai, Nissan, and others will depart within five years. GM, once the poster child for successful US business in China, will likely be gone, too. GM sales in China are already down by more than 50% from their 2017 peak.”

Challenges abound, of course,and they include building greater trust among mainland consumers.

“China is the global leader in the transition to electric vehicles, but even its carmakers haven’t been able to resolve consumers’ ‘range anxiety,’” says analyst Ernan Cui at Gavekal Research. She argues that households are increasingly demanding hybrid vehicles that burn fossil fuels as backup, meaning the transition to a fully electric fleet will be slower than the most optimistic forecasts.

Nor is the Chinese market devoid of risks as 2024 opens. “Investors remain cautious as China’s auto market has had a volatile start to the year as competition and macro uncertainties persist,” says analyst Tim Hsiao at Morgan Stanley.

Chinese EV demand is seen cooling as the nation’s post-Covid rebound continues to disappoint. As consumer sentiment and demand stagnate, automakers may find it becoming harder and harder to hit this year’s sales targets. In the first week of January, mainland EVs came in short of expectations, falling 20% on the month, according to Citigroup analyst Jeff Chung.

That means that even BYD “will need to refresh its model lineup or have more competitive model launches given the challenging sector competition into 2024,” notes analyst Shelley Wang at Natixis Asia.

The Warren Buffett-backed company also risks a continued price war with Tesla as buyers “continue to expect ever cheaper cars.” When the price-cutting has to stop, that “may keep consumers from purchasing.”

Yet, some are far more optimistic about the performance of China’s “new economy” sectors, which drive 12% of gross domestic product, helping growth top 5%. “Together with strong performance across new economy sectors, such as EVs and high value-added manufacturing, this should help to support a broadening in China’s economic recovery,” says economist Carlos Casanova at Union Bancaire Privée.

Casanova notes that “more easing is still required to stabilize activity. Fiscal policy stimulus will take over from monetary policy stimulus in 2024, although both will have to be deployed in 2024.”

Last year, Casanova notes, the government delivered targeted support measures, including approximately 2% of GDP in additional fiscal spending for 2024. The People’s Bank of China also injected liquidity via open market operations. A rate cut is less likely, although there is ample room to reduce reserve requirement ratios this year.

Clearly, in any event, China is increasingly committed to developing its green economy. “This policy promotion has already crowded investment into green sectors such as solar, batteries, and EVs,” says Herbert Crowther, analyst at Eurasia Group. “Green loans expanded by 36.8% in 2023, with new market entrants ranging from traditional manufacturers and local governments to fossil energy companies and large state-owned enterprises.”

China’s EV industry growth fueled a 20% expansion in private auto manufacturer fixed asset investment in the first three quarters of the year, Crowther says.

The auto sector outperformed national export and industrial value-added growth in 2023. This surge, Crowther says, was largely powered by EVs –  which accounted for 42% of Chinese auto exports over the past year (up from 30% in 2021) and 27% of auto production volume (up from 12% in 2021). Private sector manufacturing investment increased overall by 9.1%, despite the 0.3% contraction in overall private spending.

As China raises its economic and innovative game, the interesting question is what alarm bells – and responses – are triggered in Japan. Competition is always a positive dynamic between Asia’s two biggest economies. In the EV space, Japan is about to get more than it ever bargained for.

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Penang’s startup ecosystem receives recognition with Georgetown as 8th ranked city in Southeast Asia 

Georgetown is 2nd highest-ranked city in Malaysia with KL at 4th spot
Supporting startup ecosystem part of plan to attract high-tech industries

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DE-CIX Malaysia, Digital Penang revolutionise digital connectivity: Penang IX launches as the new hub for Internet Data Exchange

Initiative aligns with broader digital transformation strategy for Penang
Plans to launch a new internet exchange at the Malaysia-Thailand border in 2024

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Hitachi court petition to wind up Fusionex, reveal grim picture of alleged unethical and irresponsible conduct by Ivan Teh and his senior leadership

Great depth of detail of all irregularities and alleged wrongdoings
Suspicious transactions to V-Circle, Convedge for ‘development costs’

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East Ventures consistently races in the perfect storm: 2023 recap & 2024 outlook

90% of growth-stage startups: 30% on path to profitability, 60% profitable & 10% adapting
Anticipate SEA digital economy is well-positioned to excel in the next economic recovery cycle

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Build track record as purpose driven, investor friendly social enterprise
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How Japan is willingly ceding the future to China

TOKYO — The next blow to the collective Japanese psyche will be falling behind Germany to become the fourth-biggest economy. Yet, 12 years on, Tokyo is still grappling with having watched China surpass it in gross domestic product terms.

It was in 2010 and 2011 that banner headlines proclaimed the changing of the guard, when the economic student amassed greater power than the teacher. China, like South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand and other Asian “tigers,” cribbed from parts of Japan’s development model.

Why, then, is Japan’s fiercely proud political establishment making it so easy for China to continue to throttle forward?

Many Japan pundits disagree with the terms of this debate vehemently. The force is strong with the conventional wisdom, which is that GDP matters far less than per capita income – a metric on which Japan blows the doors off China.

And, clearly, Chinese leader Xi Jinping has shot his economy in the foot enough times to slow progress. From disruptive crackdowns on tech to draconian Covid lockdowns, Xi has generated more headwinds than tailwinds since 2020.

Yet many global investors and academics can’t help but wonder what, oh what, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s Liberal Democratic Party is up to as Asia’s economic clock speeds up and China raises its game.

In 2013, the LDP returned to power with a bold plan to get Japan’s economic groove back. At the time, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe made unveiled references to reminding China whose continent Asia is.

Sadly, his pledges – to reduce bureaucracy, increase innovation and productivity, liberalize labor markets, incentivize a startup boom, empower women, attract more foreign talent and give Shanghai a run for its money as Asia’s financial center – fell by the wayside.

Although Abe succeeded in strengthening corporate governance a bit, the dearth of reforms elsewhere stunted wage growth. Hopes for a virtuous cycle of fattened paychecks and a surge in domestic demand never materialized.

The reason is that Abe relied almost entirely on aggressive monetary easing to save the day. A 30% plunge in the yen in the years after 2013 generated record corporate profits. The trouble is, it deadened Japan’s competitive drive, too.

Weaker exchange rates took the onus off corporate chieftains to innovate, restructure and take risks. Politicians had no need to recalibrate engines toward domestic demand-led growth and away from a 1970s-like export-centric model.

Rather than delivering a shock to an atrophied economic system, Abenomics cemented its flaws. Japan effectively squandered the last 10 years during which it had a window of opportunity to narrow the gap with China. Hence the confusion among investors and academics about what Abe’s protégé, Kishida, is up to with regard to raising Japan’s own economic game.

The late former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his protégé Fumio Kishida, the current premier. Photo: Screengrab / Al Jazeera

Kishida started off well enough in October 2021. He rose to the premiership with his own ambitious “new capitalism” scheme to raise middle-class incomes. Yet like his mentor’s plan, Kishidanomics has been far more aspiration than actual retooling.

These two-plus years were fertile for Kishida to alter tax policy to encourage startup activity. In fact, he had an audacious plan to tap Japan’s US$1.6 trillion Government Pension Investment Fund to finance startups.

It’s the most creative idea the LDP has had to date to jumpstart the growth of Japan’s venture capital industry. Little has come of it, though. Kishida has prioritized fiscal stimulus and Bank of Japan easing over structural reform.

Nor has Kishida reinvigorated the unfinished Abe reforms. In the interim, China’s slowdown and the highest US bond yields in 17 years turned the tables on Japan’s post-pandemic recovery. The economy shrank 2.9% in the July-September period from the previous quarter.

There’s little in recent data to suggest the economy has gained any steam in the October-December quarter. This means Kishida will be even more preoccupied than usual, and less likely to resurrect the reform process.

This downshift also reduces the odds that BOJ will be “tapering” or normalizing rate policy anytime soon. If BOJ Governor Kazuo Ueda wasn’t comfortable pivoting away from quantitative easing in 2023, the odds may be even lower amid a deepening recession.

All this means Japan’s “opportunity cost” problem persists. When government after government chooses the easy way to boost growth, they’re choosing not to build economic muscle. This has been the trade-off the LDP accepted for decades, but especially these last 10 years.

Image: Hedgeye

If only Abe had made good use of his nearly eight years in office to remake the economy instead of relying on a weak yen, Japan might be booming. If only Abe’s successor Yoshihide Suga had used his 12 months in office to reanimate Japan’s animal spirits. Or if Kishida hadn’t let 26 months pass without putting any major upgrades on the scoreboard.

Now, with his approval rating at 17%, Kishida has negligible political capital to shake up the economy. As scandals engulf the LDP and opposition parties pounce, Kishida will be too busy in 2024 struggling to keep his job to do it.

As reform hopes fade, China has even freer reign over Asia’s future. For all China’s challenges, including a giant property crisis, the self-sabotage that Japanese politicians are inflicting on the economy plays right into Beijing’s hands.

Kishida is having to ramp up government spending to address the recession. This latest burst of borrowing is almost certain to pique the interest of credit rating companies like Moody’s Investors Service, which recently threatened to downgrade the US and China.

With a national debt more than twice GDP, Tokyo has limited fiscal space to act. This, in turn, will complicate Kishida’s plan to boost military spending by 50% over the next few years. Again, great news for Xi’s China as Tokyo’s security ambitions run into headwinds, too.

When investors and academics in Asia wonder why Japan thinks time is on its side, or what Kishida’s government is thinking, it’s a valid question. The longer Tokyo takes to answer it, the better it is for China’s ability to own the future.

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FIKRA ACE Accelerator 2023 picks Global Psytech and Pewarisan as winners

Opportunity for cohort to run Proof-of-Concept projects with industry partners
Fikra Ace lays foundation for future innovation & collaboration in Islamic finance

FIKRA ACE, an extension of the Securities Commission Malaysia’s (SC) Islamic Capital Market (ICM) ecosystem efforts since 2021, is dedicated to advancing Islamic fintech through systematic approaches by identifying innovative fintech companies, supporting…Continue Reading