Capital A improves its ESG ratings following revamp in strategy

  • Delivered the 11th lowest CO2 emissions per passenger among 80 global peers
  • Capital A & Asia Aviation will start publishing standalone sustainability report in 2023 cycle

Capital A improves its ESG ratings following revamp in strategy

Capital A was recently awarded a GOLD Environmental Sustainability rating from the Centre for Aviation in its 2023 CAPA-Envest Global Airline Sustainability Benchmarking Report for its Air Asia operations.  Capital A attributes this award to a revamp of its sustainability approach to prioritise group wide measures to address climate risks and improve stakeholder communication.

The London Stock Exchange Group also ranked Capital A 15th out of 124 airlines using its ESG scoring that measures a company’s relative ESG performance, commitment and effectiveness across 10 main themes. AirAsia’s score of 71% places it highest among Asean-based carriers.

“In 2020, we began reorienting Capital A’s sustainability focus for a better balance between our external and internal sustainability practice. While we were very active in external social activities prior to 2020, the global pandemic necessitated a recalibration. This coincided with a period when climate change regulations on aviation were also beginning to take shape,” said Capital A chief sustainability officer, Yap Mun Ching.

In Malaysia, Capital A’s ESG score rose to 3.2 from 2.9 out of a possible 5 between 2020 and 2022, surpassing the 2.9 threshold of the FTSE4Good Bursa Malaysia Index in all years of assessment. Capital A’s Thai associate Asia Aviation also saw its ratings rise to 81% from 67% between the 2021 and 2022 assessment cycles, ranking it among AA-rated companies of the Stock Exchange of Thailand’s ESG Ratings.

Capital A has also been focusing on its diversity metrics, with women making up 53.8% of all employees and 32% of all senior managers. AirAsia also maintained its lead as the airline employing the highest number of women pilots in Southeast Asia at 6.6%, above the global average of 5.8%. 

“In 2020, we began reorienting Capital A’s sustainability focus for a better balance between our external and internal sustainability practice. While we were very active in external social activities prior to 2020, the global pandemic necessitated a recalibration. This coincided with a period when climate change regulations on aviation were also beginning to take shape,” added Yap.

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Counting on coal: A visual guide to Cambodia’s big bet on fossil fuel


Photo story

An investigation of Cambodia’s three planned coal-fired power plants found the sites stalling as uncertainty continues to cloud the future of coal

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avatar-Anton L. Delgadoavatar-Anton L. Delgado

October 27, 2023

Counting on coal: A visual guide to Cambodia’s big bet on fossil fuelCounting on coal: A visual guide to Cambodia’s big bet on fossil fuel
Operations continue at the Yun Khean coal mine near Cambodia’s stalled Han Seng power plant in Oddar Meanchey province. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Three years ago Cambodia defied the global push for clean energy by doubling down on fossil fuels.

After companies and embassies expressed concerns about coal, the Cambodian government pledged that its plans to develop three new coal-fired power plants would be the Kingdom’s last foray into coal-fuelled electricity.

Since 2020, energy production globally has continued to diversify away from coal, as volatile markets rock the industry and spike fuel prices. Despite surviving China’s funding cuts to overseas coal, the planned power plants in Koh Kong and Oddar Meanchey are in varying stages of inertia, plagued by long delays. Meanwhile in Sihanoukville, the operations of two of Cambodia’s active coal complexes in the same district are raising concerns among local residents.

Southeast Asia Globe reported from each of these locations. While taking more than 4,300 images, Globe spoke to 35 people about the projects; from concerned residents and struggling fisherfolk to plant workers, local officials and energy experts. Read Part I of Globe’s Counting on Coal project and continue to see Part II, an accompanying photo story. Click or tap any image to expand for a slideshow.

Oddar Meanchey province

In Oddar Meanchey, the 265-megawatt, semi-built Han Seng project missed its deadline to go online last year. Falling revenue for the Chinese companies in charge pivoted the project to new contractors, who are sticking with coal but also investing in solar energy production at the same power plant.

Chrek Pechneng, who proudly shared that she is the only female commune chief in Oddar Meanchey, said she has conflicting feelings about coal activity in her district. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

“I want electricity to be accessible to everyone in my community, but I am also concerned about the health risks to workers and local people,” she said. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Chrek Pechneng

Roeun Phearin, who was a commune consultant for the Han Seng power plant, has received no new information about the plant during the long pause of its construction. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Two kilometres from the semi-built power plant, down the provincial road connecting Anlong Veng and Trapeang Prasat, is an active coal mine that one day hopes to supply the Han Seng project. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
The Han Seng power plant has been dormant for more than a year, according to local residents and officials. For those in Oddar Meanchey, there are no clear reasons why and no set date for construction to resume. Photos by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Heaps of earth and coal at the Yun Khean coal mine two kilometres from the semi-built Han Seng power plant. The active mine is small but is proposed to one day supply the nearby plant. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Chunks of coal at the Yun Khean coal mine two kilometres from the semi-built Han Seng power plant. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Koh Kong province

In Koh Kong, the Royal Group of Cambodia conglomerate has yet to break ground on a 700-megawatt power plant scheduled to go online this year. Though former residents continue to allege unfair deals and heavy-handed evictions.

On overview of one of two land concessions given to the conglomerate Royal Group by the Cambodian government. While the first, given for a coal power plant, has seen little to no activity, the area given to the company in a second concession within a national park is steadily being cleared. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
A former resident evicted from the concession area shows a picture of his former home, which he says was destroyed by government officials. As he had no title for the land, the resident received no compensation for lost property. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
The proposed site of the Royal Group coal power plant has seen little to no activity. The plant was initially intended to go online this year. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Sihanoukville province

In Sihanoukville, Cambodia International Investment Development Group’s (CIIDG) new 700-megawatt coal project shares a road with the already operational 250-megawatt Cambodian Energy Limited (CEL) power plant complex. Steung Hav residents fear for the effects these two coal sites could have on their health and environment.

An Indo-Pacific humpback dolphin comes up for air by coal loading docks that supply two power plants in in Steung Hav district. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Cambodia’s active coal-fired power plants are concentrated in the district of Steung Hav in Sihanoukville province. Photo by Anton L. Delgado Fishing boats pass the two active coal-fired power plants in Steung Hav. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.
Sun sets on the coal loading docks in Steung Hav district as workers make their way home. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Contributed reporting by Andrew Haffner and Sophanna Lay. A Khmer-language version of this story can be found here, with translations by Sophanna Lay and Nasa Dip.

This article was supported by a ‘News Reporting Pitch Initiative’ from the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Foundation in Cambodia.

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After junket crackdown in Macau, SEA casinos target Chinese gamblers – Southeast Asia Globe

The quiet transfer of a major casino in Vietnam from the former company of an imprisoned gambling tour kingpin to a billionaire Hong Kong family suggests China’s massive gaming industry still sees potential in Southeast Asia.

Driven by Chinese government crackdowns from the casino enclave of Macau, some organisers of VIP gambling tours – known as junkets – appear to be enduring the storm while also transferring business elsewhere in their regional networks. Meanwhile, in Vietnam, locally owned gambling operators are restyling themselves to snap up Chinese whales of their own, potentially cutting deeper into the besieged junkets.

The legal pressure in Macau sought to cut down on money laundering and capital flight, both of which are often suspected of jet-setting Chinese gamblers. 

Junket operators in the enclave developed a reputation for helping the affluent ferry their money across the border of the special administrative district to gamble in casinos. There, they could obtain their winnings in U.S. dollars or other foreign currencies that could then be used to invest in property or offshore tax havens. 

But with the effects of the pandemic on this clientele still reverberating across the region’s casinos, unfavourable foreign currency exchange fees and slippery Macau junkets refusing to die, the prospect of Vietnam or other regional destinations becoming hubs for such exiled gamers is up in the air. Gambling operators both in Macau and across Southeast Asia are left to adapt to secure their piece of the market. 

“I think that there’s going to be new intermediaries which won’t call themselves junkets, but in effect, are going to be providing the sorts of services that junket operators used in the past,” said John Langdale, a researcher and expert on money laundering at Australia’s Macquarie University. 

Vietnam is already a node of the bustling Chinese gambling tour business that re-emerged after the pandemic. As junkets in Macau get pushed further underground, preexisting Vietnamese gaming firms, known as “international tour operators” seem eager to fill a gap. 

For now though, their organisations have a more limited reach than the Macau giants that came before them. In general, Southeast Asian junkets “tend to be what we call ad-hoc casual junkets,” said gaming industry consultant Ben Lee. 

That stands in contrast to what former junket operators in Macau utilised as an almost vertical integration model, where gambling tour operators had junket rooms in various casinos. There, they could staff their own cashiers, food and beverage services, and even drivers due to their enormous market share of affluent Chinese gamblers, Lee explained.

Southeast Asian junket operators – at the moment – simply do not have the ability to target the Chinese as they do not have the network in the country. Their main markets are the various Southeast Asia countries with nowhere near the size or volume of Chinese players, Lee said. 

Only a few regional facilities right now may have the clout to break through.

The Hoiana, a multi-billion-dollar integrated resort-casino, could be one of them. It stretches across 1,000 hectares of land in the Chu Lai Open Economic Zone south of Da Nang, Vietnam.

“The Hoiana is probably one of the first proper five-star resorts that has a chance to target [the Chinese market],” Lee said. “But, by the end of day, the volume of mainland patronage in Vietnam is small compared with China.”

The casino-resort didn’t respond to a request for comment, but Hoiana president and CEO Steve Wolstenholme said in an interview earlier this year that following the pandemic and a return of Chinese tourists, the Hoiana was focused on “diversifying our products and services, especially services for high-class guests”.

An entrance to the Hoiana casino-resort outside Danang, Vietnam. Photo by Coby Hobbs for Southeast Asia Globe.

In recent months, control of the Hoiana seems to have passed hands from LET Group Holdings – previously known as the Suncity Group, one of Macau’s largest junket organisers pre-crackdown – to the billionaire Cheng family from Hong Kong through its flagship investment firm, Chow Tai Fook Enterprises. 

The family and Suncity were already deeply connected before the now-embattled tour operator was all but crushed by law-enforcement agencies in Macau. 

As a gambling investor in casino-dense Macau, now-deceased family patriarch Cheng Yu Tung allegedly partnered with triad organisations such as 14K and Sun Yee On as early as the 1980s. Macau prosecutors would later say he was in business with the notorious 14K leader Wan Kuok Koi – better known as “Broken Tooth” Koi – before the gangster met with a dramatic 1998 arrest.

The Cheng family later partnered with a man reportedly seen as Koi’s protege – Alvin Chau, founder and CEO of the once-powerful Suncity tour company. After starting his company in 2007, Chau built a fortune with Chinese VIP gamblers and, later, real-estate development. But his success put him under the thumb of the Chinese junket crackdown and he was arrested in 2021, effectively cratering that industry.

Last year, Suncity officially rebranded itself as the LET Group while Chau awaited trial in Macau for 286 criminal charges, including fraud and money laundering. By January, Chau was convicted of heading a criminal organisation and sentenced to 18 years in prison.

Suncity had publicly led development of Hoiana and held a major ownership stake in the project, which reportedly struggled in recent years. 

The recently publicised change in management coincides with the shutdown of Suncity’s VIP rooms in Macau following Chau’s jailing. It also follows upon the regulatory tightening of Macau junket operators documented as having associations with organised crime and money laundering – or simply suspected of such.

Jeremy Douglas, regional representative of the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, fears that in the months and years ahead, the Hoiana could prove to be a model for still-ambitious junket bosses and Chinese gamblers eager to launder their money.

Vietnam currently has no specific licensing regimes for operators of gambling-related tours. Still, the Hoiana has kept much cleaner operations than the many more notorious casinos littered across the region’s special economic zones.

Regional casinos located in these special economic zones (SEZs) are often known to deploy a model whereby casinos become money-laundering fronts for displaced Chinese and regional syndicates. In addition, they may harbour other illicit activities such as cyber scams, human trafficking, drug trafficking and the wildlife trade. 

Some zones, such as the notorious “Golden Triangle” SEZ in Laos, become self-policed areas for syndicate bosses migrating from China. The Golden Triangle SEZ is organised under the Kings Romans Group, owned and operated by the U.S.-sanctioned syndicate chief Zhao Wei. 

Other SEZs are clustered along Mekong region borders and closely overlap with casinos. 

More than 100 casinos in Myanmar are nestled among 13 such zones, according to maps and data provided by the UNODC, while Vietnam has an estimated 41 casinos in or near 44 SEZs.

The diversification into entertainment and conventions and all the rest of it, they provide the cover and the legitimacy for the casinos

John Langdale

The prospect of lawlessness in these zones has caught the attention of authorities, contributing to China’s tightened control over outbound visas. With that, Macau has remained the ideal gambling destination due to its proximity and limited autonomous status.

The former Portuguese colony – despite the supposed shutdown of junket operations in the zone – has developed an underground model that is giving just enough space for high-rolling Chinese gamblers on the hunt for capital flight destinations and elaborate gambling tours.

“What most people don’t know is that the (junket) agents are still operating in Macau, but they’re no longer being identified as junkets because that’s no longer politically correct,” said Lee. “They are now being recognized by the casinos as players.”

As “programme players”, junket operators are able to allocate a private VIP room in a casino with a large enough buy-in. The junket agents are then able to organise a private gaming setting for their “friends” in which only the agent deals with the casino directly. The agent will then redistribute the buy-in chips to their friends, who are actually their clientele, Lee explained. 

“They don’t make any money, but they’re doing that to keep the relationship with their players warm, waiting for the day when they and their players can start going to the casinos around the region,” he said.

In the meantime, operators in Vietnam appear to be looking to team up with Macau’s veteran casino concessionaires.  

The tour operator Let’s Win Group, which had its soft-opening at the Hoiana in February 2022, held a grand opening ceremony and gala dinner for its VIP club in March of this year – and flaunted an invitation to six of Macau’s casino concessionaires. 

Still, as Vietnam shows benevolence to foreign investment from the moguls of the gambling-tour industry, the country heavily restricts lending money to foreigners. This results, among other things, in a bureaucratic bump in the road for the junket-diaspora to the country. 

According to Langdale, the Hoiana also resembles the trendy “integrated resort” model – such as Singapore’s Sentosa Island – that has been established in the gaming industry as a guise to revamp an outdated Macau junket model. In the case of Singapore, where junkets are illegal, it disguises the fact that the real money is coming from high rollers. 

“[Instead of] smoky casinos with Chinese gamblers – gambling 24 hours a day – they’ll present a nice, healthy family-oriented resort,” he said.

The integrated resort model stresses an atmosphere of a holiday destination with family entertainment, and incentivizes hosting conventions. The Hoiana advertises itself only as a resort and golf destination “but you’re still getting VIP gamblers,” said Langdale.

“The diversification into entertainment and conventions and all the rest of it, they provide the cover and the legitimacy for the casinos,” he added. “By going down as the integrated resort, the casino operator can say we’re no longer relying on hardcore gamblers.”

As Thailand begins to relax visa rules for Chinese tourists, Langdale suspects that Vietnam will follow a similar shift. This could attract affluent Chinese tourists and investors seeking a landing zone for capital flight.

“And the Hoiana is one mechanism for doing that,” he said.


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For renewable energy, Cambodia risks ‘final frontier’ Virachey forest

As monsoonal rains rusted the charred skeleton of a logging truck, vines wrapped around the blackened vehicle seemed to drag it deeper into the wilderness.

Not far from the truck down an old logging trail, rangers in Cambodia’s Virachey National Park conducted a biodiversity survey within the protected area, much of which is unexplored. The dense forest is one of the last relatively untouched landscapes in the fast-developing Mekong region.

“Logging and poaching is an issue but the park has a way of protecting itself,” said Thon Soukhoun, who has been a ranger since the forest became a national park in 1993. “Nowhere in the country is like Virachey, it is Cambodia’s gem.”

Nestled in the Kingdom’s northeastern corner on the borders of Laos and Vietnam, Virachey was among the first Cambodian forests declared a protected area 30 years ago. At more than 3,300 square kilometres – nearly five times the size of the capital, Phnom Penh – it was the largest national park in the country at the time.

But as Southeast Asia races to cut reliance on fossil fuels, partly through climate finance schemes, Cambodia is risking this regional biodiversity hot spot for renewable energy.

Confidential documents and maps leaked to Southeast Asia Globe from meetings between developers and government officials this year indicate at least two hydropower projects within the park are quietly underway. These files show initial assessment work has begun at the dam sites in the core of Virachey, which is also a heartland for the indigenous communities along Cambodia’s borders.

The sun sets on Virachey National Park’s Veal Thom grasslands. Virachey is one of just two ASEAN Heritage Parks within Cambodia. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

To counter the thirst for development, researchers are monetising the national park in a different way by putting a dollar sign on Virachey’s value as a potential carbon credit project. This in an attempt to prove the protected area may be worth more standing then if felled.

The stakes of this trade-off are high. Dam construction will threaten endangered species by altering river flow and clear-cutting old-growth trees, according to environmentalists. The same leaked papers also indicate one of the dams will create a 215-hectare reservoir, flooding that section of forest.

Conservationists also fear hydropower dams in Virachey may jeopardise hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of conservation funding from the U.K. for the sake of “clean” energy, the very definition of which they challenge.

“To build a dam within this valuable area within the national park, you would have to create access roads, cut down trees and disturb wildlife,” said Pablo Sinovas, country director for the international conservation nonprofit Fauna & Flora. “I would not call any energy coming out of that ‘clean’.”

Pablo Sinovas, country director for Fauna & Flora in Cambodia, sets a camera trap in Virachey National Park with Ministry of Environment ranger Churt Thom. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

In the three decades since Virachey was made a national park, Cambodia has lost more than 30% of its forest cover. Protected areas, often only safeguarded on paper, have been deeply affected by this large-scale logging.

While Virachey hasn’t gone unscathed, the park’s ruggedness protected it from the brunt of this deforestation. The forest is now known by Sinovas and other wildlife experts as a “final frontier” for biodiversity in the Mekong region, due largely to its transboundary habitat for animals migrating across the triple border.

As development discussions continue behind closed doors, Chou Phanith, an associate professor at the Royal University of Phnom Penh specialised in environmental economics, is calculating how many tonnes of carbon dioxide Virachey can absorb and potentially sell as carbon credits.

In Phanith’s words, “money talks”.

If the forest is monetised before dam construction breaks ground, it could lead to a debate about whether or not Virachey is worth more standing than if toppled for hydropower, Phanith said. He pointed out the dams are being proposed in one of the areas with the highest potential for carbon storage.

A green tree viper, a species endemic to Asia, curls around a branch in the jungles of Cambodia’s Ratanakiri province. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

“If forest ecosystems do not have any economic value, policymakers and the private sector will always regard forest ecosystems as less important than development,” Phanith said. “We calculate the economic value of a functioning forest ecosystem as part of a win-win strategy, where we don’t always block development but force sustainable and responsible development.”

The dam proposals in Virachey aren’t entirely new. The first published document on energy production in the park dates back to a 2009 master plan for hydropower development in Cambodia, backed by the state-run Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).

Miyoshi Asagi, counsellor for the Japanese embassy in Cambodia, said JICA’s involvement with these dam developments ended when the masterplan was published.

In August, JICA announced it is developing a new road map to clean energy for Cambodia. Asagi said she is “aware hydropower plants have lots of debate” and that “there are no projects in the pipeline for hydropower.”

An October report by WWF, released before the World Hydropower Congress this month, found that the ecological toll of dams in the Lower Mekong Basin outweighed the rewards of renewable energy.

The report stated “as hydropower development grows, the cascading nature of its impacts could be wider and more significant than understood today.”

Community forest rangers carry across a jungle-rigged Honda Dream through a fast-flowing river in Virachey National Park. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

The potential dams in Virachey are located on and named after the Prek Liang River. This waterway is a tributary to the Sesan River, which is part of Cambodia’s “3S River Basin”, itself a major tributary to the Mekong River

The Mekong is reeling from compounding hydropower pressures, with additional dam developments threatening to further choke off the once-mighty river.

In Cambodia, the government typically provides little transparency for major infrastructure projects. Basic documents such as environmental and social impact assessments are not often made public.

While officials from both the ministries of environment, as well as mines and energy, did not respond to multiple requests for comment, Minister of Environment Eang Sophalleth attended the Cambodia Climate Change Summit in November.

During a question and answer session at the summit, Sophalleth responded to Globe’s inquiry about energy plans in national parks, such as Virachey, by broadly talking about balance and the need to address developments in a “scientific matter”. He then said national security through energy security is a priority.

Sophalleth continued that the ministry “not do things because we feel like doing it”, he said that environmental studies and impact assessments are done “properly… before we decide to do all of this.”

When asked if these documents will be made accessible, he said: “When the public is receptive enough to accept it, to read, to think and to see what we are trying to achieve, yes.”

Ministry of Environment Sophalleth Eang gives the keynote address at the Cambodia Climate Change Summit in Siem Reap. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

The leaked files reviewed by Globe, which span several years, indicate an opaque web of four potential companies that were at some point involved in the hydropower plans for Virachey.

Three are developers from South Korea – KTC Company, Kyung An Cable and Korean South-East Power – while the fourth is a Phnom Penh-based electrical equipment supplier called Rich-Grid Technologies. None replied to requests for comment and it is unclear which, if any, are now involved with the project.

“These are very sensitive documents,” said Bunleap Leang, director of the local environmental organisation, 3S Rivers Protection Network (3SPN). He said that involved groups prefer to keep potentially controversial plans under wraps. “If the dam is good from the perspective of the government and the developer then, to them, no one else needs to know.”

A ranger uses his uniform to protect the muzzle of his rifle as he makes camp within Cambodia’s Virachey National Park. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Plans may be further along than simple discussions. Bunleap said he confirmed through the 3SPN network that hiring at Tabok village, near one of the proposed dam sites, has already begun.

Virachey tumbles from Cambodia’s lowlands up into the biodiversity hotspot that is the Annamite Mountains, explained the conservationist Sinovas, comparing it to “two worlds converging in the park.”

At the time the sites were studied for potential hydropower, little to nothing was known about the effect these developments would have on biodiversity and forest health, Sinovas noted. But that’s changed in the 15 years since.

“As we started to understand more and more about what was in the park we are realizing its conservation is critical for Cambodian and regional biodiversity,” said Sinovas.

Fauna & Flora has set up roughly 140 camera traps within Virachey, documenting the critically endangered sunda pangolin, northern yellow-cheeked gibbon and a half-dozen other threatened species.

Camera trap images courtesy of Fauna & Flora in Cambodia.

The national park is also the first place large-antlered muntjacs were recorded in Cambodia and is the last possible refuge for kouprey, the Kingdom’s national mammal, which has not been seen in decades.

“Virachey is one of those areas where deforestation levels have been much lower. That is partly why we have all of this wildlife,” Sinovas said. “Doing anything to damage that would not be in the national interest of Cambodia.”

He added the immediate impacts of construction are backed with longer-term threats such as poaching, illegal logging and other forest crimes common in Cambodia’s more accessible protected areas.

Earlier this year, the U.K. embassy in Phnom Penh confirmed about $730,000 is earmarked for Virachey as part of Britain’s global Biodiversity Landscape Fund.

Marc Thayre, deputy head of mission at the embassy, said the “vast majority of the funding” for the Mekong region is bound for Virachey.

“This is designed to increase the value of the park as a park itself,” said Thayre, who hoped the funds “realign the idea of what an asset is” by putting more value to the forest if left standing then if exploited.

Thayre shifted in his seat when asked about the proposed dams.

“If you want to tackle issues, like climate change and biodiversity, then you have to work in all places in the world with all governments,” he said. “We have to be honest with ourselves about the challenge and tradeoff between environment and development. There will always be some tension there.”

He also pointed to the conflict between “building things in national parks” and the “challenge of local communities not having power.”

“The world changes all the time,” he said. “There are always exit strategies written into any programs we do anywhere in the world. I hope that won’t be the case.”

Ministry of Environment ranger Phang Phorng drives past the remains of a burnt logging truck, while on a biodiversity survey in Cambodia’s Virachey National Park. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Cambodia’s hunger for development has recently been joined with a craving for carbon credits.

Such credits are intended to limit emissions by preventing deforestation in places that might otherwise be vulnerable to development, such as Virachey. Major polluters then offset their fossil fuel emissions by essentially sponsoring the protection of these forests through carbon credit purchases.

In recent months, Cambodia’s carbon credits have come under scrutiny that goes beyond global questions over the effectiveness of credits as a whole.

The largest registered carbon credit zone is facing allegations of human rights abuses from the global advocacy group Human Rights Watch. In response, the world’s leading carbon credit registry service, Verra, suspended issuing new credits to the Southern Cardamoms REDD+ project.

Cambodia’s appetite to sell carbon credits, however, remains unsatisfied.

With the ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity, Phanith studied the feasibility of REDD+ sites in Cambodia and found about 40% of the Kingdom’s total landmass – about 79,200 square kilometres – could be considered for carbon credits.

Virachey stands as one of the top carbon credit prizes.

In research conducted for the centre and viewed by the Globe, Phanith identified three core areas within Virachey with an estimated total carbon storage capacity of 28 million tonnes.

Phanith calculated credits for the park could be worth more than $200 million in total if left as is, depending on the market rate for carbon. He stressed this didn’t even begin to factor in the benefits of healthy hydrology, biodiversity and other ecosystem services.

Ministry of Environment ranger Phang Phorng crosses a fast-flowing river in Virachey National Park. Photo by Anton Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

If the proposed dams are built, they’d be in one of the three core areas identified by Phanith.

“If you want to develop Virachey into hydropower dams, or whatever, make sure the economic value is more than [the cost of carbon]. If it is, go ahead,” he said. “But be willing to pay [that] anyways to offset.”

But dollar signs can’t account for everything.

Forty seven rangers are assigned to Virachey, many are from the indigenous groups who live in the park.

Several are from the approximately 60,000-strong Brau ethnic minority group from Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. To them, Virachey is more than a carbon sink or a potential energy source.

While on patrol, indigenous rangers laughed as they encouraged Globe reporters not to kill the leeches sucking on their arms, legs, neck and right ear. They called it a “forest tax” owed to Virachey. Instead of killing the leaches, rangers smoked tobacco-leaf cigarettes to ward off the blood-suckers.

As the patrol ended for the day, a shivering breeze swept in as the sunset painted the Veal Thom grasslands gold.

Sra Er, who is Brau and leads Virachey’s Taveng Ranger Station, said to set alarms for 2 a.m. for star-gazing.

Sra Er, head of the Taveng Ranger Station, speaks about the Brau connection to Cambodia’s Virachey National Park. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

When the time rolled around, Er was embarrassed.

The night sky was shielded by overcast clouds and the moon’s glare. To make up for the miserably early morning, Er unscrewed a gasoline canister filled with homemade rice wine.

Under the red glow of a headlamp as he sipped the spirit, Er spoke about the Brau peoples’ connection to Virachey, which he said was the reason he became a ranger.

When asked about potential dams in the park, he grew silent and shook his head.

“We care about Virachey and we protect the park from what we can,” he said.


This article was produced by a collaboration between The Japan Times and Southeast Asia Globe, with support from The Pulitzer Center’s Rainforest Investigations Network.

A Khmer-language version of this story can be found here, with translations by Sophanna Lay and Nasa Dip.

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Athletes welcome plans to bring more major international sporting events to Singapore

TRUST IN SINGAPORE’S CAPABILITIES

Mr Chay said Singapore’s selection shows the trust international organisations have in the country’s ability to host large-scale events, even with a short turnaround time.

Next year’s edition of the championships was originally awarded in 2019 to the Russian city of Kazan. Last February, World Aquatics relocated the event to Singapore in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

This gives the city state just two years to organise the sport’s largest event. Over 2,500 athletes from 200 countries are expected to descend upon Singapore’s shores next year to compete across the six aquatic disciplines of swimming, diving, high diving, open water swimming, artistic swimming, and water polo.

Mr Chay added that hosting such events will expose Singaporeans to less common disciplines and encourage more people to pick them up.

“For example, artistic swimming and water polo are arguably not the popular sports in Southeast Asia. But if we bring the world’s best to Singapore, future generations of athletes would know that this is the standard, and this is what they should be striving for,” he said. 

MORE EVENTS IN THE WORKS

Aside from aquatics, there could soon be more opportunities for other national sports associations to host international meets.

DPM Wong said in his Budget speech that many Singaporeans want to support national athletes, and the government will provide them with more platforms to do so.

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Never Too Old: This musician and former girls’ band singer began modelling at age 70

Her first destination – Hong Kong – was an eye-opener. She was fascinated with everything, even the cockroaches crawling around food centres. 

She and her band members were on the receiving end of fascination as well, given that girls’ groups were not common at the time.

“It was really interesting … We played at the Playboy Club and all those waitresses, they were naked, that kind of thing,” Mdm Choi recounted with a laugh. 

“We worked there and a lot of rich handsome boys, after we finished our performance, they’re waiting for us. Almost every morning, I get up and I see there are a lot of flowers in my room.”

The entire tour took about three years and also spanned Southeast Asia, including countries like Thailand and Laos. 

One experience in Indonesia is still clear as day to Mdm Choi – an actor who “wanted to have a scandal” got her to take a photograph with him, then alleged to a newspaper that something was going on between them.

The band’s manager eventually settled the matter and they continued performing in other countries, though their plans to tour Europe fell apart after other members “grew wild” and one girl became pregnant.

Mdm Choi also got to know her boyfriend, who later became her husband, through Gigi Girls. He had been a fan and approached her after their performance at the now-defunct Imperial Hotel at River Valley.

While she was initially shy, they exchanged letters and became a couple. In 1975, after Gigi Girls had disbanded, she moved to Singapore to be with him and they got married the following year.

SETTLING DOWN IN SINGAPORE

Mdm Choi began leading a new life away from the spotlight upon settling down in Singapore and gaining citizenship.

In 1977, she gave birth to her only son. She then worked in the civil service for about 13 years before joining the passenger relations department of Singapore Airlines, where she made announcements and helped Korean passengers.

She quit this job when she was 52 and it grew too dangerous for her liking. Her shifts could last until 2am if there were flight delays, which meant she occasionally had to drive home late in a sleepy state.

It was then that she found religion and enrolled in Bible college. She began singing every week in church, even recording several gospel CDs under the name Deborah Mae, and honed her musical skills by taking guitar lessons.

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Carousell suspends sale of Taylor Swift concert tickets to combat potential scams

SINGAPORE: Consumer marketplace Carousell is moving to suspend the sale of Taylor Swift concert tickets ahead of her shows in Singapore, noting that ticket scams rise in the lead-up to her shows globally. 

Ticket sales for her concerts will be suspended from Friday (Feb 23) to Mar 9. Existing listings will be removed by Feb 26, said Carousell. 

The move affects Carousell’s platforms in Singapore, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Taiwan.

The US pop sensation has six sold-out shows in Singapore from Mar 2 to Mar 9 – her only stop in Southeast Asia.

“While a vast majority of ticket listings are from genuine sellers, given the unique case of Taylor Swift’s Eras tour, Carousell has made the one-off exception to adopt this approach, and apologises for the inconvenience caused,” said the e-commerce company. 

Although the sale of concert tickets is not prohibited on the platform, Carousell’s chief of staff Su Lin Tan said Swift’s concert is “unique in that we expect many overseas concertgoers who may not know how to adequately protect themselves from local scam tactics”.

“Additionally, we realise that the two weeks leading up to the Eras tour shows are prime for scammers taking advantage of last-minute panic buying of concert tickets,” she added.

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Analysis: Why big tech’s pushback against Jokowi’s new media regulation could be bad news for Indonesian people

JAKARTA/SINGAPORE: Online platforms, news publishers, and the government must collaborate and reach agreements that are for the good of the Indonesia public, say analysts, following the introduction of a regulation on mandating digital platforms to pay media companies in Indonesia that provide them with content.

The regulation was signed by Indonesian president Joko Widodo on Tuesday (Feb 20) in a move to level the playing field between media and big tech companies. It will take effect six months after its date of issue.

“The spirit of the regulation is to … provide (a) clearer cooperation framework between them,” said Mr Widodo.

However, the regulation has already received pushback from Meta, the parent company of platforms such as Facebook and Instagram. The tech company has insisted that it does not need to pay for the news content circulating on its platforms. 

Analysts and industry players tell CNA that any divisions will be at the expense of the Indonesian people, especially as the news has a role to play in improving the country’s digital literacy, democracy and public safety. 

According to the chairperson of the Digital Literacy National Movement – also known as SIBERKREASI – Donny Bu, Indonesia has more than 221.5 million internet users who use social media as the primary channel to access information and digital content.

REVITALISING MEDIA WITH NEW REVENUE STREAMS

The secretary-general of the Indonesian Cyber Media Association (AMSI) praised the regulation as a source of income for the media.

“(This is) at a time when the media is experiencing a decline in income (through the loss of advertising revenue) due to the presence of global platforms such as Google,” Mr Maryadi – who like many Indonesians goes by one name – told CNA. 

Mr Suwarjono, the editor-in-chief of news site suara.com, shared that the news industry is now not in good condition, especially after the pandemic and due to the artificial intelligence (AI) era. 

“Disruption not only changes reader behaviour, but also changes the media business model which is no longer centered on news media. (It) moves a lot of … influencers and key opinion leaders to digital platforms,” he told CNA. 

He observed that in addition to introducing a new revenue potential for news sites, the regulation will also serve the public interest so that the digital space is not flooded with “junk information”. 

“The dominance of media business models (that rely on achieving pageviews) has contributed to the emergence of a lot of sensational content, clickbait, and content that relies too much on speed at the expense of accuracy and completeness of facts,” said Mr Suwarjono. 

BIG TECH PUSHES BACK  

A committee must be formed to ensure that digital platforms fulfil their obligations, according to the regulation. 

Chairman of the Press Council, Ms Ninik Rahayu, said that such obligations include aiding professional commercialisation, ensuring that news shared is produced only by press companies, and not facilitating the dissemination of inappropriate news content. 

She noted, however, that the regulation cannot accommodate all requests, and that it is necessary to find a common ground.

“We still have a lot to prepare in the next six months (when the regulation comes into force),” she told CNA.

A day after the regulation was introduced, technology giant Meta’s Director of Public Policy for Southeast Asia Mr Rafael Frankel, said that despite the new regulation, the firm is not obliged to pay for news content posted by publishers voluntarily.

According to CNN Indonesia, Meta claimed that its users do not go to its platforms to look for news content, and that news publishers have instead voluntarily decided to share its content on their various platforms and not the other way around.

Mr Noudhy Valdrino, the former head of Indonesia Public Policy at Meta, told CNA that Meta platforms do not actually benefit from spreading news content. 

He stressed that the government must take a balanced approach to the issue and consider both the interest of press companies as well as the importance of credible news information. 

This is especially since it is in the interest of the Indonesian people to have access to news reports, especially from widely used Meta platforms, said Mr Noudhy. 

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US should wade carefully into the Indian Ocean – Asia Times

The strategic significance of the Indian Ocean region is considerable and growing.

Consisting of vast and diverse maritime geography of several subregions, including the Indian subcontinent, parts of Australia and Southeast Asia, West Asia, and Eastern and Southern Africa; it is home to 2.7 billion people — over a third of the global population — with an average age of 30 years old; it is resource-rich; and it is comprised of some of the fastest growing countries.

The region also connects peoples and economies worldwide via sealines and telecommunication fiber optic submarine cables; significantly, 80% of global maritime oil shipments traverse Indian Ocean waters.

The region, of course, faces major challenges, including actions by nefarious non-state actors such as pirates, smugglers, and terrorists. The ongoing attacks by Iran-backed Houthi rebels in the Red and Arabian Seas that are wreaking havoc on global maritime trade exemplify this problem.

Other challenges include the impact of climate change, which affects the region disproportionately, and growing naval competition, notably as China is increasingly flexing its muscles in the region.

How should the United States approach the Indian Ocean region?

Ambitions and realities

The United States recognizes the importance of maintaining a peaceful, secure and prosperous Indian Ocean region.

In recent years, Washington has embraced the terminology “Indo-Pacific,” as opposed to “Asia-Pacific,” and in 2018 it renamed the US Pacific Command the US Indo-Pacific Command. Even if US strategy documents say little about the Indian Ocean region, several US officials have recently stressed that Washington is committed to elevating its engagement there, notably through new partnerships.

Admiral Eileen Laubacher, special assistant to US President Joe Biden and senior director for South Asia at the US National Security Council, reiterated this commitment at the recently concluded 2024 Indian Ocean Conference.

Admiral Eileen Laubacher. Photo: US Navy

The annual event is spearheaded by the India Foundation and this year was hosted by the Perth USAsia Center in Australia and supported by the Indian Ministry of External Affairs and the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

There are problems, however. The US bureaucracy is not structured to engage the Indian Ocean region.

The US Department of State approaches it through four different bureaus: African Affairs, East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Near Eastern Affairs, and South and Central Asian Affairs. The US Department of Defense, for its part, separates it into three combatant commands: the Indo-Pacific Command, Central Command, and Africa Command.

These divisions make it difficult for the United States to appreciate and address dynamics of the region as a whole, especially maritime developments.

Another problem is that the United States – unlike India, Australia, Japan, and a few others – does not include the Western Indian Ocean or the eastern coast of Africa in its conceptualization of the Indo-Pacific.

The US framing of the Indo-Pacific coincides with the Indo-Pacific Command’s area of responsibility, which ends with India. That further complicates the United States’ ability to craft a unified strategy for the Indian Ocean region.

Perhaps partly due to these bureaucratic and conceptual issues, US engagement of the region has been limited.

US military planes parked at Diego Garcia military base, December 2017. Photo: Facebook

Recognizing it as a priority route and theater for US military power projection, the United States has of late improved its technology and facilities, notably its joint naval base (with the United Kingdom) at Diego Garcia, and increased logistics and supply cooperation with India, with which it wants to strengthen relations, notably as both countries worry about China’s rising power.

But the United States has been slow to roll out non-military programs and engage smaller regional countries. It only has one “ship-rider” agreement in the region (with Seychelles), constraining its ability to promote security cooperation, and only three embassies and two defense attaches to cover seven countries.

The United States also participates as a dialogue partner in one of the two primary regional multilateral bodies, the Indian Ocean Rim Association. But it’s not part of the other, the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium. More worryingly, in terms of assistance for the development of small regional countries the United States is falling behind China, which is investing massively in ports, fiber optic cables, and other maritime infrastructure.

The United States, therefore, should take immediate steps to adapt its approach to the Indian Ocean region. It should do so by embracing the region as a whole and ramping up engagement, notably by acting as a problem-solver and committed partner.

Embrace the region as a whole

The United States should begin by clearly defining its interests, goals, and priorities in the region as a whole and developing a strategy for it. That work, as mentioned, has not been done.

Broadening the US Indo-Pacific construct to include the Western Indian Ocean and eastern coast of Africa would be a good start. Not only would it bring the United States in line with many of its key partners, notably India, Australia, and Japan, but it would also help identify ways to implement the US Indo-Pacific Strategy in the region.

Meanwhile, the United States should probably steer clear of undertaking a major bureaucratic restructuring to better grasp, and act on, dynamics in the Indian Ocean region because it is too labor-intensive and time-consuming. Yet the appointment of nodal points or coordinators for the region in the US State and Defense Departments would be a good, easy fix to address the problems associated with the current US bureaucratic structure.

Act as problem-solver

The United States could be tempted to engage the region primarily — even only – with an eye to countering China because, after all, that goal is driving much of its foreign policy. Some have made that case, advocating that Washington focus its competition with Beijing in the Indian Ocean region because it has a bigger advantage there than closer to China’s coastline.

A blockade in the region, the argument goes, could help deter Chinese adventurism in the Pacific because it would force Beijing to devote resources to a distant area where it has disadvantages and trigger greater balancing by regional countries, notably India, which would feel threatened by a larger Chinese presence in the theater. The idea is that horizontal escalation in the region could replace vertical escalation in the Pacific.

It is unclear that this approach would work, however, either at the required speed or at all. Balancing by regional countries would also not be given because many have a favorable view of China, and even those that do not, are not prepared to go “all in” against China.

S Jaishankar, Indian minister of external affairs. Photo: Sputnik

Of note, virtually no one participating in the Indian Ocean Conference in Perth this month uttered the words “China” or “deterrence,” let alone in the same sentence. Even S Jaishankar, India’s minister of external affairs, only took oblique swipes at China in his keynote address, never mentioning it explicitly. Besides, many Indian Ocean regional states are suspicious about, and some even opposed to, cooperation with the United States, and there is a deep tradition of non-alignment in the region.

Rather than “countering China,” then, the organizing principle for US engagement in the region should be “fixing problems.” The United States should present itself as a problem-solver, a country that can help address issues of direct concern to IOR countries.

Although regional countries have different goals and priorities, by and large, that means helping respond to non-traditional security threats, including, but not limited to, nefarious non-state actors; illicit trafficking of all sorts; illegal, unregulated, unreported fishing; or climate change.

The recent US commitment to do just that is a good first step, but words should quickly turn into deeds so that regional countries can “see” more concrete deliverables, more regularly.

In this regard, the United States should bear in mind that building partner capacity to respond to non-traditional security threats can have multiple purposes, and therefore multiple payoffs. Enhancing a partner’s ability to combat maritime crime, for instance, simultaneously provides tools useful vis-à-vis China’s maritime developments.

Be a committed partner

Doing more in the Indian Ocean region does not mean that the United States will have to divert resources away from other theaters or the Pacific. The United States can – and should – ramp up engagement of the region while remaining focused on the Pacific.

In addition to repurposing some of its in-theater resources from continental to maritime challenges and maximizing its diplomatic and military visits to regional countries as it transits in the region, as some have recommended, the United States can do more by building on its existing relationships with regional countries and, more importantly, supporting regional leaders.

So, the United States should present itself not just as a problem-solver, but also as a committed partner.

Partnering with India, the predominant regional power, should be priority number one. The United States should build upon the recent flurry of cooperation agreements it has concluded with India and work out ways it can best support Indian activities in the region, be it through

In so doing, the United States should let India be in the driver’s seat, both because Washington should focus on the Pacific and because of possible backyard anxieties from New Delhi about an overly active US presence in the Indian Ocean region.

Ram Madhav. Photo: Wikipedia

Such an approach could benefit the United States in other ways. For instance, Ram Madhav, the President of the India Foundation, has argued that US appreciation and upholding of India’s primacy in the region would encourage New Delhi to “get involved in the imperatives of the Pacific region.”

In other words, US support for Indian leadership in the Indian Ocean region will trigger Indian support for US leadership in the Pacific, a clear upside from a US perspective.

Of course, the United States should work with other regional leaders as well. A staunch US ally often described as the United States’ “southern anchor” in the Indo-Pacific, Australia immediately comes to mind. So do other non-Indian Ocean regional countries, such as Japan, France or the United Kingdom, all of which play important roles in the region.

The United States should seek to leverage their roles to do more in the region, including to resolve longstanding issues such as the Diego Garcia stalemate; some have proposed innovative approaches to the problem.

Alfred Thayer Mahan. Photo: Naval History and Heritage Command

The United States also should urge mini-lateral arrangements such as the Quad, a security arrangement that includes Australia, India, Japan, and the United States, to pivot to the Indian Ocean region and perhaps even to develop ties with the “I2U2 group,” a new cooperative partnership between India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States.

Alfred Thayer Mahan, the now famous US naval strategist, reportedly prophesied in the late 1890s shortly before he became admiral that “The destiny of the world will be decided” on Indian Ocean waters. These words continue to ring true today, and it is thus high time the United States gave the Indo side of the Indo-Pacific the attention it deserves, even as it remains focused on the Pacific.

David Santoro ([email protected]is president of the Pacific Forum. He specializes in strategic deterrence, arms control, and nonproliferation. Santoro’s current interests focus on great-power dynamics and US alliances, particularly the role of China in an era of nuclear multipolarity.

This article, originally published by Pacific Forum, is republished with permission.

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