Can India-Europe corridor rival China’s Belt and Road?

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman (L), Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (2L) and US President Joe Biden (R bottom) attend a session at the G20 Summit in New Delhi on September 9, 2023.AFP

A new transport corridor announced on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Delhi will become the basis of world trade for hundreds of years to come, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a recent radio address. Can it really?

US President Joe Biden and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman upgraded their frosty relationship from an awkward fist bump last year to a firm handshake as they announced the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). (Biden had once vowed to make Saudi Arabia a global pariah.)

The project launched to bolster transportation and communication links between Europe and Asia through rail and shipping networks, while beneficial for the region, was also telling of American foreign policy, “which, to put it simply, is anything that would further US interests against China,” Ravi Agarwal, editor-in-chief of Foreign Policy magazine told the BBC.

America does not benefit materially from being part of the project, “but this can be put in the category of the Japan-South Korea summit at Camp David,” says Parag Khanna, author of Connectography. The US marked its diplomatic presence at the presidential country retreat by brokering a thaw in the relationship of the two pacific nations in the face of growing Chinese expansionism.

The IMEC is also being seen by many as a US counter to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a global infrastructure-building project that connects China with Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia and Europe.

Are comparisons with BRI justified?

This year marks a decade since President Xi launched the BRI.

Some say the project’s grand ambitions have dwindled significantly, as lending to projects has slowed down amid China’s economic slowdown. Countries like Italy are expressing their desire to withdraw, and nations such as Sri Lanka and Zambia find themselves caught in debt traps, unable to meet their loan obligations.

BRI has also faced criticism for a numerous other reasons from its “underlying objectives of gaining strategic influence through developmental footprint… aggressively linking different regions with Sino-centric value chains, inadequate attention to local needs, lack of transparency, disregard for sovereignty, adverse environmental impact, corruption, and lack of sound financial oversight,” Girish Luthra, a fellow at the Observer Research Foundation think-tank wrote in a recent paper.

Despite the hiccups the Chinese have achieved a “staggering amount” and IMEC isn’t even close to being a “rival” says Mr Khanna, adding that it can at best be a moderate volume corridor.

“It is not a game changer on the scale of BRI. It is a good announcement but you don’t look at the proposal and say, oh my god, the world can’t live without it,” Mr Khanna told the BBC.

Workers take down a Belt and Road Forum panel outside the venue of the forum in Beijing on April 27, 2019

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You can see why.

China has a 10 year head-start with BRI with total investments under the initiative crossing an eye popping $1 trillion this July. Over 150 countries have joined as partners, which as Mr Luthra writes has significantly expanded its geographical scope “from a regional to a near-global initiative.”

IMEC isn’t the first effort by the developed west to use infrastructure as a counter to contain China’s growing footprint.

The G7 and US launched a Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment in 2022, aiming to mobilize $600bn in global infrastructure projects by 2027. The Global Gateway is the EU’s answer to BRI.

Neither match its scale or ambition. However the fact that the past five years have witnessed a surge in these projects in response to China’s initiative is evidence that BRI has been a “global economic multiplier,” says Mr Khanna.

Some analysts caution against exclusively viewing IMEC through the lens of opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), suggesting that such a binary perspective may not be fruitful.

Its formation gives a further boost to the ongoing trend of transactional partnerships, where countries engage in collaboration with multiple partners simultaneously. “Most countries these days tend to participate in multiple fora and alliances,” says Ravinder Kaur, a professor at the University of Copenhagen.

Devil in the detail

IMEC’s memorandum of understanding document is thin on detail but an action plan is expected in the next 60 days. As of date all it has done is map out the potential geography of a corridor.

Making it happen will be enormously complex. “I’d like to see an identification of key government agencies who will underwrite the investments, the capital each government will allocate, and the time frames, says Mr Khanna.

A new customs and trade architecture will also be need to be put in place to harmonise paperwork, he adds, giving the example of the Trans-Eurasian railway through Kazakhstan that passes through 30 countries. “That transit is seamless. You need clearances only at the beginning and end of the journey. We don’t have this with IMEC.”

Then there are also the obvious geopolitical complexities of navigating ties between partner countries such as the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia who often don’t see eye to eye. It wouldn’t take very much for tactical cooperation of this kind to go awry, say experts.

Giant gantry cranes lined up in Haifa container port, Israel, at sunrise, viewed from cruise ship

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The IMEC will compete with the Suez Canal, the sea-level waterway in Egypt used to transport freight between Mumbai and Europe. “To the extent IMEC improves our relations with the UAE and Saudi Arabia, it will hurt relations with Egypt,” economist Swaminathan Aiyar wrote in his column for the Times of India.

Transport by sea through the Suez Canal is also cheaper, faster and considerably less cumbersome. “It may make excellent political sense, but it goes against all the tenets of transport economics,” Mr Aiyar adds.

But IMEC’s ambitions transcend the narrow scope of trade and economics to include everything from electricity grids to cybersecurity – building on conversations that have taken place in security forums like the Quad, points out Navdeep Puri, a former Indian ambassador to the UAE in a column for The National News.

“If the lofty ambitions outlined in New Delhi can become a reality, they would make a singular contribution to a safer, more habitable planet. For now, let’s live with that hope.”

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As looted relics return, Cambodian researchers uncover history

Additional reporting and photography by Anton L. Delgado.

On an unbearably hot day in April, Kong Mok pantomimed wrapping a material around his neck with one hand.

Mok, 67, was on duty as a guard at the ancient Koh Ker temple complex in northern Cambodia, which was inscribed on UNESCO’s World Heritage List earlier this month. As a small group watched, Mok mimicked how he believed looters used some form of explosive to break off the valuable heads from stone statues before transporting them out of the country.

He slowly moved his other hand around his neck before shooting his arms out to both sides. Bang – no more head. 

Throughout this year, far from the heat of Koh Ker, the U.S. federal government coordinated the return of illegally looted Cambodian relics from the Denver Art Museum and the private collections of billionaires as a wider reckoning in the art world has pressured collectors across the globe to give back pieces of dubious provenance.

Cambodia received 13 antiquities from the U.S. in March. Some of these had been looted from the Koh Ker complex in the grinding decades of strife that followed the Khmer Rouge regime, which collapsed in 1979 but waged insurgency until the late 1990s. These works included Hindu-era relics such as a warrior from a set of nine statues depicting a battle from the Mahabharata epic, a sandstone figure of the war god Skanda riding on a peacock and an enormous embodiment of the god Ganesha.

Cambodian authorities unboxing returned artefacts in March, 2023. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

As foreign governments and law enforcement agencies track pilfered artefacts in their own jurisdictions, Cambodian researchers are investigating for themselves. Their work is part of a broader, often behind-the-scenes effort in the country to restore a historical legacy sold off to international dealers such as the late antiquities collector and accused smuggler Douglas Latchford.

The inquisitive group who spoke with Mok had come on behalf of the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts with a twofold purpose – to patch together Koh Ker’s history with local narratives, however incomplete, and to track down missing pieces of ancient sculptures. 

At Koh Ker, researcher Tek Soklida filmed the interview with Mok on her phone as another member of the team sat nearby, jotting details in a notebook. Senior researcher Chhoun Kunthea led the interview and interpreted for Bradley J. Gordon, a U.S. attorney representing the Ministry of Culture and working on the project. 

Run Ran, a guard at the Koh Ker temple complex, is interviewed by Bradley J. Gordon, a U.S. attorney representing Cambodia’s Ministry of Culture, and senior researcher Kunthea Chhoun as the pair studies the origins of looted statues. Photos by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

For Soklida, the work wasn’t just a way for her to help others understand the country’s history. She felt the sculpted figures were a way her ancestors intended to communicate with the future – in other words, with her.

“A statue is not just a stone; it’s an achievement from my ancestors, who made it,” she said. The icons show her “how hard they worked at that time, even bringing the stones to the temple and carving it into a human or animal statue to show their descendants.”

A first-time visitor to Koh Ker might see only toppled stone carvings and collapsed chamber walls, lying nearby a massive pyramid erected in the 10th century. But the research team, which has been studying the temples for years, envision the outlines of what these places looked like when they were first built. 

Assisted by other historians and archeologists, the team has created original drawings and maps of the area, scrutinised photos found on Latchford’s laptop, and gathered historical details through interviews with neighbouring communities.

In their on-site interviews, the team often uses photographs to help jog residents’ memories. Now, with the recent returns, the women have a new set of photos. Before moving on to another area of Koh Ker, Kunthea pulled up a picture of the Ganesha statue, which had been presented earlier at a celebration in Phnom Penh. 

Mok laughed, surprised to see the statue he remembered from childhood. He hadn’t yet heard about its return. 


Later, the team hiked to the back of the central structure in the complex, a seven-tiered pyramid standing more than 35 metres tall. There, Kunthea found another guard with whom she had previously spoken. Often, the team gradually gets to know people before meeting again with more explicit questions about looting. 

“The information, it is not easy to get it … We try step by step to get more and more,” she said. “The questions [have to] be careful. Sometimes it’s not direct, a little bit around, and then you get to the main point of what you want to know.”

The guard, 68-year old Run Ran, suspected he was one of the oldest living villagers from Koh Ker. 

Around 1980 he worked to clear the temple grounds for a time under the direction of Ta Mok, a senior leader of the Khmer Rouge nicknamed “the Butcher” for overseeing mass killings. After living near and working at the site for many years, Ran was sure he had a connection with the temple in his past lives. 

The guard told the researchers he remembered seeing the complex’s 10th-century dancing Shiva statue when it still had three intact faces of its original five. Shattered into more than 10,000 pieces, the seven-tonne piece is now undergoing restoration in Siem Reap. French archeologists had moved two of the heads and some other fragments to Phnom Penh before the 1970s. And while a third face was shattered before looters got it, the remaining two heads were likely looted during the early 1990s and are still missing.

After Kunthea tried to pin down when exactly Ran had seen the statue with three heads, which would help in understanding the timeline of the looting, the women were ready to move on to Koh Ker village, where they hoped to talk with more elders. 

The temple guard lamented before they left that those most knowledgeable about the statues had already died. 

Run Ran, 68, suspects he is one of the oldest living villagers in Koh Ker. He now works as a guard at the Koh Ker temple complex. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Even when foreign museums have returned pieces to Cambodia, such institutions don’t always offer up all of the information or documentation that could shed light on the journey the piece took, according to U.S. attorney Gordon. Without more official information, he said details from fragmented interviews, such as the ones gathered by the team at Koh Ker, are key to tracing the supply chains of looted relics. 

“There’s a very small number of experts out there on Cambodia,” he explained. “They have their theories and they are doing their research, but we’re still at a point that we haven’t been able to connect the dots yet. We’re getting lots of individual pieces of the past. The question is: what does it all add up to? Why was this here?”

Despite the rounds of returns, many pieces are still missing or outside the country. A standing female deity on display at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art is thought to be originally from the Koh Ker. 

Back in the village far from the galleries of Manhattan, the team of Cambodian researchers spoke to some older women sitting under a wooden home raised on stilts. 

Yeam Koun and her niece Deb Sem, both 63, remembered seeing the set of nine warrior statues before several were looted. Sem said she remembered the area because a family member was bitten by a tiger there. At least one of these statues has still yet to be identified and brought back to Cambodia. The women suggested the team meet up with another older man in the village who might know more.

While on a research trip in Preah Vihear province, senior researcher Chhoun Kunthea shows images of recently returned looted artefacts to people living near the Koh Ker temple complex in an effort to identify where the artefacts originated. Photos by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

The research team stopped at a few more places in search of the village elder. They found his son-in-law, who told them to try looking for the man at a nearby pagoda. The team wasn’t able to track him down, and decided to end their research for the day. 

But spirits were not low. The team made new connections and dug up new details. Plus, they had already received a tip with names of Thai families who may have received the missing looted dancing Shiva heads. 

The team plans to travel to Thailand this year to follow the trail of the heads. Though plenty of investigation remains ahead, efforts such as theirs are slowly, finally bringing home the lost relics of Cambodia.


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South China Sea: Philippines’ Marcos defends removing Chinese barrier

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The Philippines has stood by its removal of China’s barriers in the South China Sea and said it will continue defending its territory.

Beijing has protested the removal of the buoys, heightening a long-running dispute over the Scarborough Shoal.

“They just can’t put barriers in an area that is clearly inside the Philippines,” President Ferdinand Marcos Jr said.

Mr Marcos said the Philippines is “not looking for trouble”.

The Scarborough Shoal is one of several reefs and outcrops in the South China Sea that are claimed by both the Philippines and China.

China’s coast guard has maintained a steady presence in the area since the end of a naval standoff in 2012 and its encounters with Filipino fishing vessels have been a constant source of friction with the Philippines.

A Chinese foreign ministry official said it had laid down the line of buoys after a Philippine vessel “illegally” entered the shoal, and said it had retrieved the line on Saturday.

However Manila said its Coast Guard members removed it on Wednesday in a “special operation”. Vision shows members diving into the water and cutting the line of buoys underwater.

Mr Marcos said the removal of the buoys allowed Filipino fishermen to catch 164 tonnes of fish in a single day.

On Friday, at a press conference, Philippines Coast Guard members showed reporters the anchor which they said Chinese boats had used to keep the line barrier in place.

They said surveillance trips showed two Chinese ships remained in the area.

“We are not looking for trouble. We will do what is necessary. We will continue defending the Philippines, the maritime territory of the Philippines, the rights of our fishermen in waters where they have fished for centuries,” Mr Marcos said.

“We are staying away from fiery words, but our resolve to defend Philippine territory is strong,” he said.

On Thursday, Washington – with whom Manila has strengthened links this year – also expressed praise for the action which it said was a “bold step in defending their own sovereignty”.

During a congressional hearing, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for South and Southeast Asia Lindsey Ford commended the Philippines’ action and reaffirmed Washington’s security commitments to its Asian ally.

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Five heads, 10,000 pieces: Restoring the dancing Shiva

Additional reporting and photography by Anton L. Delgado.

Hundreds of headless deities sit in rows in a warehouse in Siem Reap, lit by buzzing fluorescent lights and a rim of small windows. 

The largest statue, nearly five metres tall, looks down at the rest. Or, rather, it would look down if it still had its head. Five heads, in this case. 

Stone restorers and archeologists have spent more than a decade piecing back together the monumental statue of the Hindu god Shiva from the Koh Ker temple complex in northern Cambodia, which was inscribed on UNESCO’s World Heritage List earlier this month. The seven-tonne, 10th century work depicts a 10-armed Shiva in a dancing pose – but over long years of turmoil during the country’s civil conflict in the 1980s and 90s, looters gradually smashed the stone deity into more than 10,000 pieces.

Some larger fragments, including two of the heads, had been preserved in Phnom Penh before the 1970s. A third head was shattered before looters got to it, and the final two looted faces have yet to be found.

This year, the world has shone a spotlight on the return of looted relics to Cambodia, with federal indictments in the U.S. preceding returns from the Denver Art Museum and wealthy private collectors such as Netscape founder Jim Clark. The arrivals in the country met a joyous response, though much of the fanfare stopped at the point of repatriation. 

But now, even intact objects require deep historical research to fully understand their place in Khmer history. And the quiet restoration of the dancing Shiva by a team of French and Cambodian experts demonstrates the often-tedious, highly difficult process of piecing the country’s looted history back together.

Hang Chansophea stands next to the enormous dancing Shiva statue, which is supported by both external and internal scaffolding. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

The shattered statue now stands behind the gates of Angkor Conservation, an office of the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts in the temple tourism hub of Siem Reap. The facility houses thousands of ancient statues in various stages of repair. Its compound is closed to the public and flanked by “No Photography” signs. 

Hang Chansophea, head of the collection at Angkor Conservation, works on inventory and documentation on the project. She labels and maintains digital records of the various fragments, creating what she likens to a person’s ID card for each piece. 

On a hot day in April, she sifted through a styrofoam tray of pieces, some mere millimetres wide, trying to find connections. Eye drops, she said, helped her get through eight-hour days of staring at minuscule fragments.

“Sometimes I’m angry with looters,” she said. “Why do they try to break [the statues]? Because this is the heritage of the nation, the heritage for all.”

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By the end of the Angkorian period in the 14th century, the statue had also fallen, breaking into a few large fragments. 

The toppled statue was in relatively good condition until the 20th century, said Éric Bourdonneau, an archeologist and historian from the French School of the Far East. He’s leading the restoration project in collaboration with Cambodian authorities. 

“Ninety percent of the fragments were still inside the [Kraham Temple] tower,” Bourdonneau said. “Still, you have some hands, some fragments that were moved at different periods of history outside the tower because of some villager or some child playing with it. It’s not surprising that you have some fragments moving.”

Between the 1920s and 1960s, French archeologists moved some large pieces of the dancing Shiva, such as hands and heads, to the National Museum in Phnom Penh. Bourdonneau described the movement of many pieces during the colonial period as problematic, with historians and archeologists from France and elsewhere believing they were “the best people to tell the history of other people.” 

The Thom Temple is the keystone structure within Cambodia’s Koh Ker temple complex, which was inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage site in September. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

It’s unlikely that statues from Koh Ker were taken during the Khmer Rouge’s reign from 1975-79. But in the late 1960s and early ‘70s, and then again in the ‘80s and ‘90s, looters descended on the temples of Koh Ker. Their forays were fueled by the demands of wealthy Western art dealers and curators, capitalising on the chaos in Cambodia at the time. 

In a shift from earlier times, looters of the late 20th century sought to evade the law by cutting the link between the objects and their origins.

Antiquities dealers such as the late Douglas Latchford – a prolific collector of Cambodian relics who was criminally charged before his death with smuggling looted artefacts – made use of this tactic of misdirection. Latchford had claimed a massive, three-tonne Ganesha statue he sold was not the original but merely a replica.


The dancing Shiva was one of the last statues in Koh Ker to be looted. While vandals absconded with other nearby pieces, the Shiva remained, possibly because of its large size and because its remaining two faces were worn and in bad condition. But in the early 1990s, looters finally lopped off those faces. In order to break off the heads intact, researchers believe the looters drove chisels lower down on the statue’s body, shattering the torso in the process.

Finally, some years after this mortal blow, there were throngs of local and foreign tourists weaving through the archeological site, likely stepping on stone fragments and broken pieces of history. 

The steady crumbling of the dancing Shiva dragged on until restoration work began in 2012. 

The project is more complex than almost any other restoration project in the world, Bourdonneau said.

“It’s extremely unusual,” he said. “Of course it’s not rare that you have many examples where you have to work with some dozens of fragments or even hundreds. But here, we have collected … more than 10,000 fragments.”

The restoration is made even more challenging because about 80% of the surface of the figure is smooth, with no designs to help the team.

After the excavation and a study of the found pieces were complete, the team spent  2019 connecting the largest pieces of the torso.

“At the beginning, when we put all the pieces on the table and looked around, it was hard for us to start. From what way? From what point?” said Chhan Chamroeun, deputy director of safeguarding and conservation of ancient monuments with the Ministry of Culture.

Chhan Chamroeun, who works in conservation with the Ministry of Culture, explains the painstaking process of restoring the dancing Shiva statue at the headquarters of Angkor Conservation in Siem Reap province. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

In their first phase, the team used digital scanning of the project to create a 3D model. A centre at Heidelberg University in Germany even used this to develop an interactive puzzle.

But the monumental task of connecting the pieces has been done almost entirely by hand. Bourdonneau said technology, including artificial intelligence, is not advanced enough to assist in putting the pieces back together as there aren’t enough regularities in how the fragments were broken off. 

“I won’t say that maybe in the future it won’t be possible, but for now, there’s nothing better than the human brain,” he said.

Some pieces remain missing but a basic shape has taken form along an internal scaffolding. This skeleton for the dancing Shiva may help put it back on its feet as it was in the 10th century

“As it is broken in so many parts and as it is so huge and so heavy, one real challenge of this kind of restoration is to design the metallic structure to make it possible to have the statue standing up,” Bourdonneau said.

The group plans to complete the majority of the restoration by the beginning of 2025 and hopes to eventually display the statue in Koh Ker in a new pavilion north of its original site. Bourdonneau hopes to keep the local community connected to the statue and has invited residents throughout the restoration to see its progress. 

One of two preserved dancing Shiva faces that are currently in the process of being restored. Photo by Anton L. Delgado for Southeast Asia Globe.

Despite the enormity of their task, the stone restorers and archeologists working on the project seem somewhat unfazed by what can appear to an outsider as a gruelling process. They see their work, largely unseen by the public, as part of a larger mission for Cambodia.

Asked about his reaction to recently finding the right location of an important missing piece, Chamroeun said he felt happier than if he had been gifted “a box of beer.”

But amidst his muted responses was an earnest commitment to the job at hand.  

“If we just have the experience or we have the knowledge we learn from different fields to restore this object – it’s not enough if we don’t have our heart,” he said. “It’s not just for us in this generation, this is for our country and for our next generation.”


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Biden’s Belt and Road counter needs an eastern extension

US President Joe Biden announced on September 9 at the G20 Summit in India an ambitious plan for a transportation corridor connecting India with the Middle East and, ultimately, Europe – a possible game changer for global trade.

The shipping and rail corridor would include India, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Israel, the European Union and other countries in the G20.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi asserted that the India-Middle East-Europe corridor will become a basis of world trade for the coming centuries, and history will remember that it was envisioned in India.

Indeed, this project was conceived during a meeting of the I2U2 forum of the US, Israel, the UAE and India (September 2022). In India, it was referred to as the “Western Quad.”

The rail and shipping corridor would enable greater trade and other interactions among the countries, including energy products and digital cooperation. The American-proposed passageway, which gives India a pivotal role, intends to bring Delhi closer to Washington amid its rivalry with China.

Map: The Hindu / Twitter Screengrab

It immediately comes to mind that the corridor could constitute one of the more ambitious counters to China’s own Belt and Road Initiative, which sought to connect more of the world to that country’s economy.

The announcement comes at a time when Washington is encouraging Saudi Arabia to normalize ties with Israel – a linkage critical for permitting the corridor to reach the Mediterranean on its way to Europe.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has previously discussed the possibility of a train linking Israel to Saudi Arabia via Jordan. There are many obstacles to realizing the American vision. However, they can be overcome with diplomatic acumen and money.

However, if the American goal is to circumvent Chinese influence, the announced corridor needs an eastern extension.

This western-oriented corridor neglects important US allies such as South Korea, Japan, Singapore, Taiwan and Thailand. These states are essential in the ongoing American competition with China.

They are all export-oriented and are energy-dependent upon the Middle East. They have major markets in Europe. Their security and prosperity hinge upon the American willingness and capability to secure the freedom of the maritime routes east of India. 

Moreover, the main arena of US-China competition is the Indo-Pacific. An Eastern Extension of the corridor can be critical to additional states such as Australia and the Philippines. Indonesia and Vietnam are potential supporters. Some of them are democracies that deserve American protection and are clearly in the American camp.

Malacca Strait image: Marine Insight

Extending the corridor to the Indo-Pacific emulates George Kennan’s containment strategy, put forth in 1946 to parry Russian expansionism. The eastern wing of the passage has two main choke points, the Malacca and Taiwan straits. A significant proportion of world trade travels via the two straits both ways. Both waterways are recognized among the busiest shipping channels in the world.

Approximately 25% of all oil transported by sea, primarily from the Middle East to East Asia, passes through these straits. Historically, over 100,000 vessels have passed through the channels annually. Significantly, Asia – particularly East and Southeast Asia – has long been considered the world’s manufacturing hub. A large proportion of the manufactured goods go westward.

Any trade corridor needs to be defended militarily. The US must control both straits via its allies or its own maritime power. This requires the US to establish the military might to maintain the freedom of navigation along the extended corridor. An uninterrupted flow of goods from Europe and the Middle East to the Indo-Pacific is critical.

Only an America that can supply security for the trade routes can reassure its allies and hedging states about the American seriousness to help in case of greater Chinese encroachment. The US possesses several diplomatic and military arrangements to respond to increased Chinese economic and military power.

For example, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD), commonly known as the Quad, is a strategic security dialogue among Australia, India, Japan and the US. Less known is the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Awareness (IPMDA), an offshoot of the Quad, intended to monitor China’s military activity and illegal fishing.

In the intelligence area, the US is a part of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance that includes Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom.

All arrangements must be incorporated into an eastern extension.

Nevertheless, both wings of the corridor are susceptible to hostile interference. Iran can act against free trade in the western corridor. It already does so by attacking even American ships in its vicinity in the Indian Ocean, and its presence in Yemen is also threatening.

A picture obtained from Iranian State TV IRIB on June 13, 2019. It allegedly shows smoke billowing from a tanker said to have been attacked off the coast of Oman. Photo: IRIB TV / Handout

Similarly, China acts aggressively in the South China Sea and threatens to invade Taiwan. Taking over the Taiwan Straits would have significant strategic impact.

The US needs to demonstrate to the states that getting closer to China is unwise. In the Middle East, anti-American political entities such as Iran, Syria and even the Palestinian Authority, which signed strategic partnerships with China, must realize that Beijing is not a reliable ally.

The best demonstration is a strong American response to the Iranian challenges. In contrast, neither China nor Russia can project power in the Indian Ocean, signaling that China cannot guarantee security.

President Biden will be well-remembered if his strategic clairvoyance, exemplified by his proposal of an India-Middle East-Europe corridor, leads to the establishment of an eastern extension.

Efraim Inbar is president of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security. The issues mentioned above will be discussed at a conference in Jerusalem on November 7.

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Love, war and the Free Burma Rangers

David Eubank will accept your call, but there might be missiles disrupting the connection. 

Eubank, 61, is the founder and leader of the Free Burma Rangers, an eclectic band of former U.S. Marines seeking new purpose, Myanmar ethnic minorities and rebels with a cause. Since 1996, the nonprofit group has gradually built a following throughout Myanmar with backing from local leaders, documenting war crimes carried out by the national military while distributing humanitarian aid. 

Eubank spoke with the Globe from a car driving outside Lutsk, Ukraine, a country that his organisation has recently entered. As the road rumbled and the connection cracked, Eubank spoke about the intense fighting in Ukraine, then switched to talk of Texas and the Alamo, a symbol of independence now nearly two centuries old. 

“I believe in the whole thing of freedom to this day,” he said.

Eubank is a devout Christian raised in Thailand by missionary parents. He and his wife, Karen Eubank, made faith and family central to their organisation, which also draws from David’s own experience as a former member of the elite U.S. Army Rangers and Special Forces.

The couple has raised three children across various conflict zones – now in young adulthood, the trio help their parents run family programmes in the field while on university breaks. With Eubank’s dual role as a combat-trained philanthropist and a spiritual leader who performs baptisms and other rites, he eludes any easy description. 

“You don’t surrender to fear or comfort or pride or the threats of the enemy,” Eubank said, adding that he only surrenders to love and God.

David Eubank baptising a Burman ranger named Jack in July 2023. Photo courtesy of Free Burma Rangers.

In Myanmar, decades of civil war and international isolation have created severe barriers to humanitarian aid. That already challenging landscape was further exacerbated after the 2021 coup that ousted the elected government of state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and unleashed a brutal chapter of widespread violence and lawlessness under yet another junta.

Amidst the scorched-earth campaign waged by the national military in its struggle to maintain control of the country, Eubank’s Rangers may be distinctly well-suited to fill a vacuum of service provision and information-gathering around Myanmar. 

Eubank said the quasi-clerical yet diverse humanitarian group operates with “no safety rules”. The organisation’s website states a total of 59 rangers have been killed since the group’s beginning. Though some died from disease, most were documented as perishing from gunshots, mortar attacks, air strikes or other actions by the Myanmar armed forces.

You don’t have to have any religion. As long as you do this for love, you don’t run, and you can read and write in some language to get the news out, you can be a Ranger.”

David Eubank

The Rangers focus on three key areas, according to Eubank. These are providing humanitarian aid such as food, shelter, clothing and medical assistance; documenting atrocities through interviews, photos and videos for media dissemination; and offering a range of trainings, from emergency medical care and logistics to what might be tactical instruction on landmine clearance and battlefield communication.

“Now there are about 150 teams deployed in every part of Burma, representing 16 ethnic groups,” Eubank said. “You don’t have to have any religion. As long as you do this for love, you don’t run, and you can read and write in some language to get the news out, you can be a Ranger.”

Though Myanmar is central to the group’s purpose, its website and prolific social media channels document missions abroad.

With an address in the U.S. city of Colorado Springs and a post office box in Chiang Mai, Thailand, the Rangers describe themselves as “a multi-ethnic humanitarian service movement working to bring help, hope and love to people in the conflict zones of Burma, Iraq and Sudan”.

Financial records on the Rangers’ website declare about 2,800 donors, mostly private individuals, churches and organisations donating to the group’s tax-exempt public charity, Free the Oppressed. For the last fiscal year, the organisation received more than $7 million for everything from medical supplies and cameras, to Bibles and Ranger-branded t-shirts. 

David Eubank with Ukrainian soldiers, holding a Karenni National Defense Force flag from Myanmar.
Photo courtesy of Free Burma Rangers.

The group’s nonprofit revenue nearly tripled from 2020 to 2021 following the military coup in Myanmar.

Aside from records, the Rangers’ website is full of regular updates on the intense civil warfare following the coup – including graphic images from the scenes of massacres reportedly committed by the national armed forces. The military has in turn claimed the volunteer organisation “was formed by Vietnam War veterans [and] are in fact militants” who train ethnic armed groups to attack its bases.

Eubank denies these accusations and has long maintained his focus is on protecting the public, not confronting the military.

“Of course, I’m angry. Of course, I’m going to support the people against [the military]. But I also pray for them, their hearts to change,” he said.

Although Thai was Eubank’s first language as a child, he was born in the U.S. and later returned there for university in Texas. He joined the U.S. Army after that, serving as an Army Ranger reconnaissance platoon leader for counter-narcotics missions in Central and South America before joining the Special Forces.

Eubank left the military service in 1992 and entered seminary school. As he tells it, about a year after that, representatives of the Wa people – who hold a powerful, two-region enclave in Myanmar along the Thai and Chinese borders – reached out to Eubank’s missionary father to request his help. 

That would be the start of the family’s work in Myanmar.

We’re not a militia or an army, but we’re not pacifist. … If you have your own weapon, then you can take it. But you can’t use it except for defending [internally displaced persons] or yourself.” 

David Eubank

From their founding in 1996, the Free Burma Rangers have worked closely with ethnic armed organisations, including the Karen National Liberation Army and the Kachin Independence Army. These groups safeguard the Rangers, many of whom share the same ethnic backgrounds. 

In return, the Rangers typically provide expertise and training in field medicine. The organisation has trained more than 7,000 people to date. Eubank said the group does not provide arms or military training to its members or to ethnic armies – but also doesn’t forbid anyone from carrying guns.

“We’re not a militia or an army, but we’re not pacifist,” Eubank said. “If you have your own weapon, then you can take it. But you can’t use it except for defending [internally displaced persons] or yourself.”

Eubank himself was filmed taking up arms against ISIS fighters during the liberation of Mosul in 2017 in a documentary about the Rangers from a Christian production studio.

One wounded ranger from the battle claimed Eubank killed three fighters, even after he was shot in the arm. 

In Myanmar, Eubank’s policy is to get close to but avoid the military.

Free Burma Ranger Thomas conducting medial training in Ukraine. Photo courtesy of Free Burma Rangers.

Still, the diplomatic concern of Rangers potentially acting as gunrunners for ethnic rebels in Myanmar has been documented in leaked cables transmitted to the Bangkok and Yangon embassies from the U.S. State Department. 

In one mishap, Eubank was caught on camera wearing a partial U.S. military uniform at a Shan National Day Rally, an annual festival where political and military leaders of the Shan people recognise and celebrate self-determination. According to the cable, this allegedly generated the perception the Rangers were providing weapons to the Shan State Army. 

The cable also suggested this incident – along with some disagreements between Eubank and the State Department over Thai refugee policy – prompted the department to limit contact with the Rangers and instruct Eubank to resign from the U.S. Army Reserve. Later, the Myanmar government claimed the photo of Eubank in uniform was evidence that the U.S. military was working with Shan militants and summoned the Defense Attache in Yangon over the issue.

While there is no evidence that the Rangers funnel weapons to rebels, State Department investigators stated in the cable they “believe there are other individuals who do help armed ethnic groups in Burma procure weapons, some of whom are former U.S. military. Due to the nature of his work, Eubank is probably aware of who they are and precisely what activities they are engaged in.” 

Rangers march in a funeral procession in March 2022 in Myanmar for one of their fallen compatriots, a ranger named Ree Doh. Photo courtesy of Free Burma Rangers.

Generally around the world, small communities of ex-U.S. military personnel volunteering to enter foreign conflicts have caused some – such as former Human Rights Watch researcher David Scott Mathieson – to suggest “war zones (like in Myanmar) attract a rogue’s gallery of adventurers, fantasists and psychopaths. Eubank and his Free Burma Rangers (FBR) have been called all those and more.”

But Mathieson acknowledged that those who find the group’s faith-fueled humanitarian work off-putting cannot go so far as to claim that the Rangers have been ineffective.

Flitting between frontlines, Eubank doesn’t shy from the martial realities of his calling. When asked about balancing love against vengeance, he spoke about a form of justice that requires punishment motivated by the former.

“Justice has to have love in it so that when someone has done something wrong, the punishment must be one of love,” Eubank said. “That might be imprisonment or any number of other punishments to help them see the error of their ways. You might even have to shoot them, they might even die, but you’re just going to kill their body, not their soul and that’s better than letting them continue – body and soul – to wreak havoc on others and themselves.”


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