Fed easing, BOJ tapering calls look like losing bets

TOKYO — For the Bank of Japan and US Federal Reserve, what a difference a week makes.

As 2023 ended, the BOJ was almost universally seen as “tapering” on the way to exiting quantitative easing (QE). Governor Kazuo Ueda’s team was viewed as setting the stage for a pivot that would send the yen skyrocketing.

Markets were convinced, too, that Fed Chairman Jerome Powell would be easing three times or more this year. Perhaps more as inflation pressures recede thanks to the highest US yields in 17 years undermining gross domestic product (GDP).

These rather pragmatic predictions have collided head-on with 2024. First came a 7.6 magnitude earthquake that further shook confidence in Japan’s government and economic outlook.

Then, four days later, came news that the US added a greater-than-expected 216,000 non-farm payroll jobs in December. It capped off a buoyant year for the US labor market and rapidly altered expectations for Fed rate cuts.

This U-turn in economic reality has the yen falling rather than rallying. And it’s delaying, at least for now, any plunge in the US. As these most crowded late 2023 trades go awry, Asia is reappraising economic trajectories.

For one thing, if the Fed fails to lower borrowing costs with the haste investors hope, Asian markets could give up gains driven by those very expectations.

In December, emerging markets from Jakarta to Sao Paulo enjoyed confidence-boosting rallies on hints by the Fed that US rate cuts are imminent. In Tokyo, the Nikkei Stock Average’s recent return to 33-year highs was predicated in part on anticipated powerful Fed rates to come.

Expectations for a big Fed pivot also had officials in Beijing breathing easier. Last month, Chinese leader Xi Jinping looked forward to a period when his team could address a property crisis, deflationary pressures and record youth unemployment without headwinds from Fed headquarters in Washington.

But are Asian markets sufficiently positioned for the likely disappointments to come? Odds are they’re not.

“Solid employment gains, low unemployment and sticky wages suggest no immediate need for Federal Reserve rate cuts,” says economist James Knightley at ING Bank.

US Federal Reserve Board chairman Jerome Powell may hold rates steady in 2024. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP / Mandel Ngan

This argument, though, is being made even before the real spoilers that could confound bond markets and, by extension, equity valuations as 2024 unfolds.

One is surprisingly robust US labor conditions adding upward pressure on wages. The December jobs data showed the extent to which wage gains are outpacing inflation.

Average US hourly earnings rose 4.1% over the past year compared with a 3.1% national inflation rate. The risk is that this dynamic blows up today’s investor optimism about a “soft landing” in the globe’s biggest economy.

As economist Mark Zandi at Moody’s Analytics points out, Americans’ real purchasing power is improving, and consistently so. This, he argues, is having a lagging effect on overall confidence.

In the post-Covid-19 period in 2021 and 2022, US households “got creamed” as inflation outpaced wages, Zandi notes. That shock, he says, explains why many are still “so uncomfortable with their financial position.” Now, he adds, things are “improving very quickly as wage growth remains strong.”

This dynamic may give the Fed pause as the world’s most-watched central bank mulls an about-face in policy. Hitting the monetary accelerator prematurely would squander the effects of the most aggressive Fed tightening since the mid-1990s.

As such, says strategist Matthew Ryan at global financial services firm Ebury, “we stand by our stance that calls for a first US rate cut in March are premature and that the Fed will need to see more evidence of a cooling in the jobs market, particularly in wages, to have confidence in achieving its medium-term inflation objective.”

George Mateyo, chief investment officer at Key Private Bank, concurs. The US, he says, “closed out the year on a high note, with stronger than expected labor market trends,” meaning the Fed maintains a “higher for longer” crouch for the foreseeable future.

Mateyo’s bottom line: Those “who thought the Fed will be aggressively cutting rates in 2024 will need to walk back their forecasts.”

The view, of course, isn’t universal. Kelvin Wong, an analyst at OANDA, points to hints in recent data that 11 Fed rate hikes in less than 20 months are having a cumulatively negative effect on US growth.

“Overall,” Wong says, “the mixed US jobs report for December has indicated the prior US Federal Reserve’s interest rate hike cycle has started to inflict some adverse impact on the labor market, which in turn keeps the expectation of a Fed dovish pivot alive in 2024.”

Tom Orlik, global chief economist at Bloomberg Economics, adds that “central banks are looking forward to a victory lap as inflation tracks back to target with only a modest blow to growth. Markets cheering the policy pivot will provide the appropriate soundtrack.”

Yet the plot for such debates thickens when considering the geopolitical hellscape that might lie ahead in 2024.

The number of flashpoints that could boost energy and food prices anew is increasing by the day. Top risks include Russia intensifying attacks in Ukraine, Saudi Arabia’s determination to slash oil production among OPEC+ members and the Israel-Hamas war widening into a full-blown regional catastrophe.

Israeli soldiers pictured on a tank at the Israel-Gaza border. Picture: CNBC Screengrab / Picture Alliance

News in late 2023 that the US military responded to attacks by Iran-backed Houthi militants by sinking a number of ships raised the stakes for a wider Middle East conflagration. Any extended disruption in shipping patterns near the Suez Canal would have central banks everywhere rethinking inflation risks.

Not surprisingly, the Middle East stands among Ian Bremmer’s top global risks for 2024.

“All these pathways pose risks to the global economy,” warns Bremmer, CEO of the Eurasia Group political risk advisory. “Most of the world’s largest shipping companies have already suspended transit through the Red Sea in response to the Houthi strikes, paralyzing a critical waterway that sees 12% of global trade pass through it.”

Bremmer adds that “ongoing Houthi attacks will keep freight insurance rates elevated, disrupt global supply chains and create inflationary pressure. In addition, the closer the conflict comes to Iran, the greater the risk of disruptions to oil flows in both the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, pushing crude prices higher.”

At the same time, Bremmer notes, any moves by Israel, the US or others to block Iran’s 1.4 million barrels per day of oil exports via sanctions or military strikes “would provoke retaliation by Tehran that puts larger volumes of oil and LNG exports from the region at risk.”

Even if this worst-case scenario, a closure of the Strait of Hormuz, remains a “very low probability,” Bremmer says, the mere specter could spook investors.

All this is complicating the BOJ’s 2024, and fast. After taking the BOJ reins last April, Governor Ueda passed up numerous opportunities to signal an end to 23 years of QE.

There were several moments in 2023 when global markets — and, grudgingly, Tokyo’s political establishment — were primed for a BOJ shift away from ultraloose monetary stimulus. Ueda demurred, opting instead for only technical tweaks.

There’s been a question for years about how ready Japan Inc was for an end to the free-money gravy train. In 2013, Ueda’s predecessor Haruhiko Kuroda was hired to expand a QE program first introduced in 2001.

Kuroda acted fast to grow the BOJ’s balance sheet. His team cornered the government bond market and became the biggest investor in Japanese stocks, topping the gigantic US$1.6 trillion Government Pension Investment Fund.

Such largesse, though, has a way of warping a financial system. Over time, trading in Japanese government bonds (JGBs) all but seized up. There have been countless days in recent years when not a single debt issue traded in the secondary market.

Thus when the highest inflation in 40 years arrived in 2022, JGB yields didn’t spike the way they did in the US and Europe. One reason: the unusually high percentage of bonds held by banks, companies, local governments, pension and insurance funds, universities, endowments, the postal savings system and retirees reduces incentives to sell.

In December 2022, Kuroda tiptoed up to signaling a move away from QE by letting 10-year yields rise as high as 0.5%. It shook global markets and sent the yen skyrocketing. That prompted Kuroda’s BOJ to increase bond purchases to communicate that QE wasn’t going away.

Ueda read from the same playbook in 2023 as he moved to let 10-year yields top 0.5% and then 1%. Both times, the BOJ scrambled immediately after to intervene in markets to avoid a jump in JGB rates. Absent, though, are concrete signs that Ueda sees room to begin wrapping up QE in 2024.

Bank of Japan Governor Kazuo Ueda may hold steady on QE for now. Image: Twitter / Screengrab

Reports this week that Tokyo inflation slowed for a second month in December, a sign that cost-push inflation is easing, gives Ueda cause to stand pat. Last week’s earthquake, which killed 168, adds to the reasons why Ueda might not act.

So is the high likelihood that Japan ended 2023 in recession. And with Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s approval rating at 17%, will Ueda think now is the time for a revolutionary change in the BOJ’s stance?

“We continue to expect that the timing of elimination of the negative interest rate policy is close, though uncertainty related to the earthquake has risen,” says Takeshi Yamaguchi, chief Japan economist at Morgan Stanley MUFG.

Economist Daisuke Karakama at Mizuho Bank thinks that the BOJ stepping away from negative rates in the first half 2024 has “become doubtful.”

So has virtually everything markets thought they knew about Asia’s 2024 and where the BOJ and Fed would be taking global interest rates.

Follow William Pesek on X, formerly Twitter, at @WilliamPesek

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Will ‘magnificent seven’ tech stocks ride as high in 2024?

Seven gunfighters defend a town from thieves in the 1960 northern The Magnificent Seven. At the end of the film, just three are left to ride out of town.

After dominating US investment markets in 2023, the seven tech companies just dubbed the beautiful seven have much better odds. However, there are issues that may surprise some of these businesses in 2024.

In 2023, US securities have risen thanks to Apple, Alphabet, Microsoft, Amazon, Meta, Tesla, and Nvidia. They now account for almost a third of the largest listed US companies ‘ S&amp, P 500 measure, which has increased by more than 20 % since January.

By the middle of November, these tech stocks had given shareholders a whopping 71 % return, while the other 493 names had only added 6 %.

Michael Hartnett, an analyst for Bank of America, named these businesses the wonderful seven earlier this year as a result of this outstanding achievement. Shortly after, Goldman Sachs declared their enormous outperformance to be the “defining feature” of the 2023 ownership industry.

However, despite how dramatic this performance has been and the fact that they are all essentially tech companies, do n’t mistakenly believe that all of them are the same. In fact, there are conflicting expectations for the beautiful seven in the coming year, especially in light of anticipated changes in their primary markets.

The EV industry is becoming more competitive.

This begin with the unfavorable information. Tesla Motors, a manufacturer of electric vehicles ( EV ), will continue to lose market share in 2024.

Over the first three quarters of this year, Tesla’s US market dominance decreased from 62 % to just over 50 % of the market, while CEO Elon Musk has been dealing with advertising issues on X ( previously Twitter ), one of his other businesses. Mercedes-Benz Autos and the BMW Group have both increased their traces.

And over the coming years, the expanding size of Taiwanese manufacturers on a global scale appears to be difficult to match. In 2022, Chinese EV players like BYD, Nio, Wuling, and Xpeng produced nearly 60 % of the world’s electric vehicles ( EVs ), and they did so at a very low cost.

The average price of an EV in China in the first half of 2023 was$ 33, 000, which is more than twice what the$ 70,700 and$ 72, 000 spent on them in Europe and the US, respectively.

By 2032, nearly two-thirds of all new vehicles sold in the US will be energy, according to a tight new car pollution control proposal put forth by US President Joe Biden. However, the price of EVs will need to decrease if they are to be popular in the large industry.

A grey Tesla model S driving on the road with the sun setting in the background.
Photo of a Tesla Model S: CanadianPhotographer56 / Shutterstock via The Talk

Optimal future for sky computing

Two-thirds of the cloud computing industry, which has seven people and is dominated by Amazon, Microsoft, and Alphabet, will continue to expand in 2024, though perhaps not quite as much as in the past.

However, it is anticipated that the market for sky equipment companies will grow from$ 122 billion in 2023 to$ 446 billion by 2032. In recent years, some customers have concentrated on using the cloud more to reduce costs as a result of worries about the economic environment, though this has yet to include any discernible effect on revenues.

Additionally, there are some unanswered questions about Amazon’s future. Although its sky business is still strong, its original e-commerce business has just faced increasing competition, particularly from rival wholesale behemoth Walmart, which is squeezing into its US operations.

According to my calculations, holding Amazon stock has yielded an annual profit of 16.7 % over the last two years as of early December.

Unstoppable AI

California-based chip manufacturer Nvidia Corporation, which is also connected to the cloud computing sector, has been the resounding victory of the beautiful seven this year. This is entirely attributable to its dominance in cloud-based AI workload control. Nvidia graphics processing units ( GPUs ) are primarily used by cloud players.

Although its two-year transfer of 43.3 % is the most spectacular of the seven technology firms, there are potential rivals that may eat up some market share.

AMD, Nvidia’s closest rival, attracted attention with its most recent chip offering in 2023 and predicts that the market will be worth$ 400 billion by 2027. Numerous other start-ups are also creating cards for specialized AI areas.

You Nvidia keep its hegemony? If it does, AI’s development may cause its revenue to soar. However, the AI market will continue to grow for years even if it loses some business communicate.

Jen-Hsun Huan, NVIDIA's founder, president and CEO, talking about the chipmaker.
Jen-Hsun Huan is the creator, president, and CEO of NVIDIA. Jamesonwu 1972, courtesy of Shutterstock via The Talk

The unusual

That only leaves two more people of the beautiful seven, for those who are keeping track.

According to my calculations, Apple Inc., the largest company in the world by market capitalization, has consistently produced strong results over the past two decades.

The only member of the group to have demonstrated an basically flat property market performance over the past two years is social media firm Meta, the owner of Facebook, Instagram, Threads, and WhatsApp.

Although Meta’s revenues and income have consistently exceeded expectations this time, the company is still in danger from anti-trust laws in the US and Europe, as well as from a declining advertising business. The profit outlook for Meta for the upcoming year could be negatively impacted by both of these problems.

The beautiful seven have all made it out of town by the end of 2023, but it is obvious that not everyone will enjoy a leisurely ride on horseback in 2024. Get on your horses, companions!

International Institute for Management Development ( IMD) Professor of Finance KarlSchmedders

Under a Creative Commons license, this article is republished from The Conversation. read the article in its entirety.

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China can accelerate surge in foreign bond inflows

The large waves of foreign capital suddenly racing China’s way are raising a vital question for 2024: is sentiment toward Asia’s biggest economy swinging back toward positivity?

Investors will be and already are debating this very question now that China has racked up a nearly six-fold increase in foreign buying of bonds in November from October – 251 billion yuan (US$33 trillion) of inflows.

But here’s the better question:

What can Chinese leader Xi Jinping do to lean into the trend and broaden it?

The obvious answer is for the People’s Bank of China to keep doing what it’s done in recent months. Governor Pan Gongsheng’s team has been a study in restraint as other top central banks took decidedly activist approaches to 2023’s economic and financial uncertainties.

Despite the wreckage of Xi’s Covid lockdowns and China’s property crisis this year, the PBOC only cut official rates twice. It prioritized targeted liquidity to money markets to boost growth.

Granted, Chinese borrowing costs are already at record lows. But Pan’s determination to put yuan stability ahead of Japan-like bursts of extreme stimulus – even as deflation stalked the economy – is now paying dividends in the form of big bond inflows.

Of course, Team Xi displayed its own restraint in 2023, foregoing the massive stimulus jolts investors everywhere expecting.

But as 2024 arrives, it is high time for Xi’s government to accelerate moves to build more international and robust capital markets. It is equally important to internalize and heed warnings from Moody’s Investors Service.

On December 5, Moody’s downgraded Beijing’s credit outlook to negative from stable, citing “structurally and persistently lower medium-term economic growth” and a cratering property sector.

The good news, as Moody’s pointed out, is the “economy’s vast size and robust, albeit slowing, potential growth rate, support its high shock-absorption capacity.” The bad news is that headwinds hitting cash-strapped local governments and state-owned enterprises are “posing broad downside risks to China’s fiscal, economic and institutional strength.”

China wasn’t happy. The Finance Ministry acknowledged it was “disappointed” with Moody’s outlook cut. “China’s economy,” the ministry retorted, “is shifting to high-quality development, new drivers of China’s economic growth are taking effect and China has the ability to continue to deepen reforms and respond to risks and challenges.”

As such, Beijing officials called concerns about the country’s growth, fiscal trajectory and economic prospects “unnecessary.”

Yet Xi’s reform team, led by Premier Li Qiang, would be wise to internalize what Moody’s is saying and heed its warnings. The reason is that, fair or not, Moody’s is highlighting the broader conventional wisdom about China’s 2024.

Clearly, the 251 billion yuan jump in foreign bond inflows in November is an important ray of hope. At a minimum, it raises the specter that China can recoup 2022’s record outflows of 616 billion yuan (US$86.3 billion).

“The bond market remains bullish, and market rates will trend lower,” analysts at Guotai Junan Futures write in a note to clients.

Yet sustaining inflows at this pace requires bold policy upgraded to increase transparency and competitiveness.

In recent months, another mainland milestone came into focus: the yuan’s fast-rising share of global payments to the 3.6% mark. Although China still lags behind America’s 47% share by a healthy margin, it would be at Washington’s peril if the US ignored the nearly 2% jump in yuan use in the first 11 months of 2023.

This year, the yuan overtook the euro to become the second-most-used currency in trade, according to data from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, or SWIFT. As of September, the yuan’s share of SWIFT payments hit 5.8%.

Some of this increase reflects China’s rising economic status; some reflects concerns about the health of the dollar as Washington’s debt tops US$33 trillion. And some reflects the work Xi’s government has done to internationalize the currency since 2016.

That was the year when the PBOC, then under Governor Zhou Xiaochuan, secured a place for the yuan in the International Monetary Fund’s “special drawing-rights” program. The yuan’s inclusion in the IMF’s exclusive club of reserve currencies, joining the dollar, euro, yen and pound, was a pivotal moment for Beijing’s financial ambitions.

Over time, Xi’s reformists took it out for a ride by increasing the channels for foreign investors to tap mainland stock and bond markets. Shanghai stocks were added to the MSCI index, while government bonds were included in the FTSE Russell benchmark among others.

As demand for the yuan surges, Beijing is tolerating a stronger yuan as rarely before. Arguably no policy would jolt Chinese growth faster or more convincingly than a weaker exchange rate. Yet Xi’s Ministry of Finance has avoided engaging in a race to the bottom versus the yen, earning it points in market circles.

Chinese President Xi Jinping. Image: Facebook / GeekWire

Increasing trust among global investors, though, requires a clear and bold commitment to structural reforms. Topping Xi’s to-do list are:

  • increasing transparency,
  • prodding companies to strengthen governance,
  • crafting reliable surveillance mechanisms,
  • developing an independent credit rating system and
  • building a robust market infrastructure.

The more Xi develops dynamic capital markets, the more foreign investors will send waves of capital China’s way. And the more willing mainland households will be to invest in stocks and bonds over real estate.

Another top priority is devising a broader network of social safety nets to encourage households to spend more and save less. This step alone would help recalibrate growth engines from exports and excess investment to domestic demand.

These reforms would go a long way to reducing the frequency of the boom/bust cycles that all too many investors associate with China and to change the subject from the regulatory crackdowns of the last three-plus years that started with Alibaba Group’s Jack Ma.

Here, Xi’s government did itself no favors this month with controversial new gaming restrictions. Although Beijing has throttled back a bit, investors fear a crackdown on the world’s largest mobile arena.

“Although we think the short-term selloff is likely to continue in the coming days, given investor frustration and negative readthrough to internet and general China equity regulation risk, we believe the share price reaction to the exposure draft is overdone,” says JPMorgan Chase & Co. analyst Alex Yao. “We expect a negative but insignificant impact on Tencent and NetEase’s gaming monetization.”

All this shines a bright spotlight on the big China reform question: Does Xi’s government need more stimulus to create space to shake up China’s economic model?

“For the past year and more, investors have been waiting for a different type of pivot in China: when the government finally gets serious about growth again,” says economist Andrew Batson at Gavekal Research.

Still, recent signals from Beijing “showed an attempt to find a new balance between growth concerns and broader objectives that top leader Xi Jinping has laid down, such as technological self-sufficiency and national security.”

Barton adds that a “recalibration would be welcome to investors.” He notes that “arguably the major issue afflicting economic policy in 2023 has been the government’s conviction that it could have its cake and eat it too. The hope was that a long-term drive to build high-tech industries and bolster the country against external threats could double as a short-term stabilization plan.”

“But that strategy suffers from a time inconsistency problem,” Batson says. “The favored growth sectors of the future, even big ones like electric vehicles, are simply too small today to offset the damage from the rapid decline in the property sector.

Batson adds that “the government has shown it’s happy to throw vast sums of money at ‘good’ sectors through industrial policy, but real economic stabilization requires broad-based support of aggregate demand – allowing the ‘bad’ sectors to get money, too. On this front, the language from [recent deliberations in Beijing] showed more willingness to deploy the traditional levers of fiscal and monetary policy.”

Even more important, though, is creating conditions necessary to ensure today’s capital inflows lead to tomorrow’s prosperity.

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Analysis: Malaysia PM Anwar’s crackdown on ex-financial czar Daim could signal a wider dragnet to come

WHO IS DAIM?

Intensely private and taciturn, Mr Daim, whose business career stretches back to the late 1960s, has amassed a fortune through canny networking, patronage and exploitation of Malaysia’s often-opaque commercial world where business and politics intertwine.  

At 85 years of age, the elfin lawyer-turned-businessmen is frail. 

He regularly uses the wheel-chair, wears a mask at all times and uses a voice amplifier and speaks through a wireless microphone headset.

Mr Daim also keeps a tight schedule of meetings three days a week, according to associates, meeting politicians and businessmen apart from his managers who operate his extensive business holdings, with equity stakes in property development, hotels, and banking. 

His enduring influence has been one of the few constants in Malaysia’s turbulent politics. 

During the first two decades of the Mahathir era that began in 1981, Mr Daim played the role of finance minister, informal advisor and purse-keeper of UMNO and was also the most enthusiastic architect of the Malaysian economic model.

It featured a brand of command capitalism where the government awarded economic opportunities in the form of infrastructure contracts, licences and lucrative concessions to operate toll networks and power-generation projects to politically well-connected businessmen who today control large swathes of the economy.

The big beneficiaries of economic privileges closely associated with Dr Mahathir are Mr Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary of the DRB-Hicom Group, Mr Vincent Tan Chee Yioun of the Berjaya conglomerate and Mr Ananda Krishna, who controls a sprawling empire in with a leading presence in multi-media and telecommunications.

While building his own wealth through business proxies, such as businessman Nasir Ali, and businesswomen Lutfiah Ismail and Josephine Premala Sivaratnam, who are close associates of his third wife Na’ imah Abdul Khalid, Mr Daim concentrated on the creation of a new generation of ethnic Malay businessmen. 

Through the Mahathir government’s privatisation of state enterprises and major infrastructure projects, Mr Daim, who served as UMNO treasurer between 1984 and 2001, wielded his role as finance minister with the expansion of UMNO business interests. 

His business proxies included Mr Halim, who was executive chairman of the once UMNO-owned publicly listed conglomerate Renong Bhd, as well as Mr Tajudin Ramli, who was awarded the country’s first private telecommunications licence and later acquired a controlling stake in the national carrier Malaysian Airlines Bhd, or MAS.

BEHIND DAIM’S TROUBLES 

So, what is behind Mr Daim’s current woes?

Weeks after the anti-graft probe began in late May, the MACC released a statement that the agency was gathering information into the “alleged embezzlement of state funds amounting to an estimated RM2.3 billion”. 

The agency added that it had frozen bank accounts with funds amounting to RM39 million (US$8.45m) belonging to an unidentified former senior minister and two businessmen, who were also not identified. It gave no other details apart from the investigations relating to anti-money laundering violations.

Government officials and anti-graft investigators directly involved in the probe told CNA that the alleged embezzlement of state funds was a direct reference to the RM2.3-billion-ringgit transaction that took place in November 1997 involving Renong and United Engineers Malaysia Bhd (UEM) that were already locked in a complex set of cross holdings.

The three unnamed personalities are believed to refer to Mr Daim, who served as finance minister between 1984 and 1991; Mr Halim, his long-time business protégé who at the time was a controlling shareholder of both Renong and UEM; and Mr Abdul Rashid Manaf, a prominent Kuala Lumpur-based lawyer who handled all of UMNO’s corporate affairs. 

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Analysis: Malaysia PM Anwar’s crackdown on ex-financial tsar Daim could signal a wider dragnet to come

WHO IS DAIM?

Intensely private and taciturn, Mr Daim, whose business career stretches back to the late 1960s, has amassed a fortune through canny networking, patronage and exploitation of Malaysia’s often-opaque commercial world where business and politics intertwine.  

At 85 years of age, the elfin lawyer-turned-businessmen is frail. 

He regularly uses the wheelchair, wears a mask at all times, uses a voice amplifier and speaks through a wireless microphone headset.

Mr Daim also keeps a tight schedule of meetings three days a week, according to associates, meeting politicians and businessmen apart from his managers who operate his extensive business holdings, with equity stakes in property development, hotels, and banking. 

His enduring influence has been one of the few constants in Malaysia’s turbulent politics. 

During the first two decades of the Mahathir era that began in 1981, Mr Daim played the role of finance minister, informal advisor and purse-keeper of UMNO and was also the most enthusiastic architect of the Malaysian economic model.

It featured a brand of command capitalism where the government awarded economic opportunities in the form of infrastructure contracts, licences and lucrative concessions to operate toll networks and power-generation projects to politically well-connected businessmen who today control large swathes of the economy.

The big beneficiaries of economic privileges closely associated with Dr Mahathir are Mr Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary of the DRB-Hicom Group, Mr Vincent Tan Chee Yioun of the Berjaya conglomerate and Mr Ananda Krishna, who controls a sprawling empire with a leading presence in multi-media and telecommunications.

While building his own wealth through business proxies, such as businessman Nasir Ali, and businesswomen Lutfiah Ismail and Josephine Premala Sivaratnam, who are close associates of his third wife Na’ imah Abdul Khalid, Mr Daim concentrated on the creation of a new generation of ethnic Malay businessmen. 

Through the Mahathir government’s privatisation of state enterprises and major infrastructure projects, Mr Daim, who served as UMNO treasurer between 1984 and 2001, wielded his role as finance minister with the expansion of UMNO business interests. 

His business proxies included Mr Halim, who was executive chairman of the once UMNO-owned publicly listed conglomerate Renong Bhd, as well as Mr Tajudin Ramli, who was awarded the country’s first private telecommunications licence and later acquired a controlling stake in the national carrier Malaysian Airlines Bhd, or MAS.

BEHIND DAIM’S TROUBLES 

So, what is behind Mr Daim’s current woes?

Weeks after the anti-graft probe began in late May, the MACC released a statement that the agency was gathering information into the “alleged embezzlement of state funds amounting to an estimated RM2.3 billion”. 

The agency added that it had frozen bank accounts with funds amounting to RM39 million (US$8.45m) belonging to an unidentified former senior minister and two businessmen, who were also not identified. It gave no other details apart from the investigations relating to anti-money laundering violations.

Government officials and anti-graft investigators directly involved in the probe told CNA that the alleged embezzlement of state funds was a direct reference to the RM2.3-billion-ringgit transaction that took place in November 1997 involving Renong and United Engineers Malaysia Bhd (UEM) that were already locked in a complex set of cross holdings.

The three unnamed personalities are believed to refer to Mr Daim, who served as finance minister between 1984 and 1991; Mr Halim, his long-time business protégé who at the time was a controlling shareholder of both Renong and UEM; and Mr Abdul Rashid Manaf, a prominent Kuala Lumpur-based lawyer who handled all of UMNO’s corporate affairs. 

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13-year old Cybersecurity firm, Nexagate lands US.5mil investment from VentureTech

Investment will focus on developing flagship Nexa Security Intel Platform
VentureTECH invests in Bumiputera high value added and high technology industries

[Correction: An earlier version misspelt Nexagate as Nexgate in the headline and gave the wrong investment amount. We also wrongly captioned the pic as consisting of both VentureTECH and Nexagate executives. The errors are regretted.]
VentureTECH…Continue Reading

13-year old Cybersecurity firm, Nexagate lands US.8mil investment from VentureTech

Investment will focus on developing flagship Nexa Security Intel Platform
VentureTECH invests in Bumiputera high value added and high technology industries

[Correction: An earlier misspelt Nexagate as Nexgate and wrongly captioned the pic as consisting of both VentureTECH and Nexagate executives. The errors are regretted.]
VentureTECH Sdn Bhd has made an RM7 million investment in Nexagate…Continue Reading

G7 could use Russian assets to ‘finance and lease’ Ukraine’s victory

The United States and its Group of Seven (G7) partners must transfer some $500 billion of Russian frozen assets – of which at least $300 billion is Russian Central Bank reserves and up to $200 billion of funds belonging to sanctioned oligarchs – so Ukraine can achieve its dual objective of liberating its country from Russian occupation and becoming a full member of the European Union.

YouTube video

[embedded content]

Ukrainian Prosecutor General Andrey Kostin speaks to Capitol Intelligence/CI Ukraine on oligarchs operating as organized crime at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington on September 26, 2023.

President Joe Biden, as his wartime predecessor Franklin D Roosevelt did, could bypass isolationist opposition in Congress by instituting a “finance and lease” program where Ukraine can immediately access Russian assets to purchase war materiel, finance the country’s budget and reinforce the country’s private sector. 

And unlike FDR’s “Lend-Lease Act of 1941” to Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and the Republic of China, Ukraine would be merely accessing funds already earmarked for postwar reconstruction, a task that becomes every day more burdensome and costly as the war with Russia enters its third year.

It is also time for Biden to have US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen openly campaign that Ukraine immediately be given full drawdown authority on the $300 billion of frozen Russian Central Bank assets and US Attorney General Merrick Garland aggressively use the long arm of US law to force the transfer up to $200 billion of oligarch wealth to refinance and regrow the country’s critical private-sector economy.

The White House has already been utilizing news-media leaks by high-ranking US Treasury officials (such as Deputy Treasury Secretary Wally Adeyamo) to put out the message that  Russian Central Bank assets must be transferred to Ukraine.

It is now time for Yellen to lead the call for the asset transfer as the former US Federal Reserve chairwoman did when she orchestrated the original freeze with former European Central Bank president and Italian prime minister Mario Draghi after the Russian invasion on February 24, 2022.

Former British prime minister and current UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron was the first G7 official to demand publicly the transfer of Russian state assets to Ukraine during his first Foreign Office visit to the United States on December 9 ahead of a contentious congressional vote to approve $61 billion in financial and military aid to Ukraine.

“Instead of just freezing that money, let’s take that money, spend it on rebuilding Ukraine and that is, if you like, a down payment on reparations that Russia will one day have to pay for the illegal invasion that they’ve undertaken,” Cameron said. “I’ve looked at all the arguments and so far, I haven’t seen anything that convinces me this is a bad idea.”

The vote on US aid to Ukraine is expected early in the new year after being hijacked by “America First” Republicans, while the EU package was delayed by a veto by Hungary’s Viktor Orban.

Former World Bank president Robert B Zoellick and former US treasury secretary Larry Summers both agree that seized Russian Central Bank assets could be transferred and reutilized by Ukraine under US and international law.

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Former World Bank president Robert B Zoellick and former US treasury secretary Lawrence Summers filmed by Capitol Intelligence/CI Ukraine debating the timing of private-sector investment and Ukraine reconstruction at the Atlantic Council on February 27, 2023.

Zoellick and Summers – highly influential figures in the Republican and Democratic administrations of George W Bush and Bill Clinton – made it abundantly clear earlier this year that the Biden administration and the G7 have no valid reasons not to transfer Russian state assets to Ukraine.

In fact, Biden’s closest foreign-policy adviser outside the executive branch, Senator Chris Coons, said in an interview just prior to the Christmas recess that the bipartisan Rebuilding Economic and Economic Prosperity for Ukrainians (REPO) Act will further empower Biden to shift Russian assets to Ukraine.

Harvard Law graduate Zoellick stated that while the transfer of Russian Central Bank state assets is legally straightforward but noted the transfer of confiscated assets of sanctioned Russian oligarchs such as Rusal aluminum tycoon Oleg Deripaska, Alfa Bank founder and oil asset raider Mikhail Fridman, and Severstal steel baron Alexei Mordashov have added legal complexities.

‘Mafia bosses’

Ukrainian Prosecutor General Andriy Kostin, speaking at the Carnegie think-tank in Washington in September, bluntly stated that oligarchs should be treated and seen by all as organized-crime bosses on the lines of Mexico’s El Chapo or the late Italian mafia capo Toto Riina and not robber barons of the John D Rockefeller and J P Morgan ilk.

Kostin said he does not differentiate between Russian and Ukrainian oligarchs as they all use the same mechanism and means as organized-crime outfits. In fact, Kostin oversaw the arrest of notorious Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky for corruption and money-laundering related to the bankruptcy of the oligarch’s PrivatBank.

Notwithstanding wide-ranging discussions with Attorney General Merrick Garland at the US Department of Justice, Kostin seemed surprised that neither Garland nor DOJ officials requested the extradition of Kolomoisky on US federal fraud charges.

Ukrainian fertilizer and metals oligarch Dmytro Firtash has been in Vienna since 2014 fighting US extradition orders on Boeing-related bribery charges and has admitted to business dealing with Ukrainian born Semion Mogilevich, the now Moscow-based godfather of the Russian mafia and on among the FBI’s Most Wanted.

Kostin’s attitude to oligarchs must be adopted by Garland and Western law enforcement as all their wealth was derived by ill-gotten gains from the mass theft of state-owned assets after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.

In fact, the reinvestment of Russian assets was the focus of Bearstone’s Asset Recovery CEE conference in Warsaw on April 18 featuring hedge-fund managers and international lawyers under the tutelage of Poland’s newly elected “rule of law” prime minister, Donald Tusk.

Ukraine defense sector

The $300 billion to $500 billion drawdown would allow Ukraine directly to manage its social spending and private-sector investment requirements but also make the country self-sufficient in its defense sector by co-producing its arms with major defense contractors such as F-16 and MGM-140 ATACMS manufacturer Lockheed Martin, RTX (Raytheon), and L3 Harris.

Ukraine already supplied up to 40% of the Russian defense industry prior to the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and such co-production would allow Ukraine to immediately join NATO after the end of hostilities.

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Andriy Yermak, chief of staff to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, filmed by Capitol Intelligence/CI Ukraine answering questions on whether Ukraine has signed contracts to jointly produce arms ahead of the US-Ukraine Defense Industrial Base Conference on December 6-7 at the US Institute of Peace in Washington on December 5, 2023.

The goal of co-production with major Western defense firms is a top priority of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who mandated his chief of staff, Andriy Yermak, to ink as many deals as possible when he traveled to Washington on December 5-7.

Zelensky and Yermak are fully aware of the billions of dollars Lockheed and Boeing invested in Polish industry as part of mandatory offsets in exchange for the Polish government acquiring F-16s and 787-9 Dreamliners, but US defense contractors continue to stiff Ukraine on jobs and in-country investment.

The Ukraine delegation was visibly upset when not one of the chief executives of the major US defense companies such as Lockheed’s James Taiclet, RTX’s Gregory Hayes, Boeing’s David L Calhoun or L3 Harris’ Chris Kubasik met with Zelensky during his critical mission to Washington on December 11.

John Herbst, the US ambassador in Ukraine during the last years of president Leonid Kuchma, said the lack of US defense CEOs was due to US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and national security adviser Jake Sullivan warning off US defense companies from direct investment in the Ukrainian arms industry.

Biden has publicly stated in Oval Office meetings with Zelensky that he supports US defense investment in Ukraine’s defense sector.

The up to $200 billion in oligarch assets can already be used to re-energize the Ukrainian private sector either through project finance or equity investments managed by the US International Development Finance Corporation (US DFC), European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and or the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation.

A good part of the funds could be used to provide private-sector war risk insurance via the World Bank’s Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) or fund the rebuilding of Sweden SKF’s ball-bearing plant in Lutsk after Russia obliterated the factory in northwestern Ukraine this year.

Sadly, much of the good financial news surrounding Ukraine, such as the $480 million in financing and investment by the US DFC, EBRD and IFC in Ukraine’s MHP SE poultry concern or M&A talks between one of the America’s top three US private equity firms (Blackstone/Carlyle/KKR) and Ukraine’s game-hosting giant Boosteroid is being left off the pages of the Financial Times and Wall Street Journal.

Blackstone, which acquired a 40% stake in the Benetton family–owned Atlantia infrastructure group, is being actively courted by the Ukrainian government to participate in future privatizations of airports and highways.

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US International Development Finance Corporation (US DFC) CEO Scott Nathan speaks to Capitol Intelligence/CI Ukraine on $250 million investment with European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and International Finance Corporation (IFC) in Kiev-based poultry concern MHP SE at the Meridian Global Summit in Washington on October 20, 2023.

The immediate transfer of Russian Central Bank and oligarch assets to Ukraine would kill any hope by President Vladimir Putin of a possible victory over Ukraine, especially ahead of presidential elections in March when he will be required to travel to restive Russian regions and occupied Ukraine.

However, the asset transfer would also create a privileged forum with the G7 for any future peace talks between a post-Putin Russian government and postwar, liberated Ukraine.

In the case of a permanent stalemate, Russian assets would be frozen for decades or more, and even longer in the case of Bolshevik Russia, where it took more than 70 years to repay Czarist Russian Railway bonds.

Biden’s and the G7 “finance and lease” program would finally allow Ukraine to focus on its dual mission of ending the Russian occupation and its stated goal to become a full member of the European Union by end-2025 after becoming an official EU ascension candidate with Moldova and Georgia on December 14.

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