Upcoming hydrogen-ready power plant will provide ‘very competitive pricing’ for consumers: YTL PowerSeraya CEO

By:
On:
In: South-East Asia

ECONOMIC SAVINGS FOR Business

The Jurong Island power plant “may cost somewhat higher” because of its capacity and capability as a hydrogen-ready hospital, according to Mr. Ng when asked how cost-effective it will be to have a gas turbine as opposed to a regular gas turbine.

” But the performance you really get out of this herb, plus the fact that it generates less carbon monoxide, will result in economic benefits for the organization”, he added.

” For instance, if efficiency is increased by 10 %, that means that your dollar per value from just improving efficiency can actually increase by about 15 % thereabouts.”

In line with that, Mr. Ng claimed that the company can lower its carbon emissions by 17 % per megatonne of light.

” With the benefits in carbon taxes that we have to pay, and even lesser energy to produce the same system of power, I believe there’ll be discounts for the general public as a whole”, he added.

The future flower may immediately be able to generate electricity using up to 50 % of natural oil and 50 % of gas. In the future, it can be retrofitted to be entirely powered by gas.

In terms of employment, Mr Ng said it is a” regular care” for the business.

He noted that the company must take into account existing staff ‘ needs when new plants are constructed and ensure that fresh, skilled workers are available to work there.

The company has re-trained those employed at Jurong Island’s recently decommissioned available cycle gas turbine in order to assist them in operating at the approaching power plant, according to Mr. Ng.

Making sure our workers are reskilled early and upskilled early to ensure they are ready for the new flower, he said,” It’s really very, very significant for us that we try to minimize any possible disruption to the employment of our workers.”

Continue Reading

Indonesia: At least 10 dead after Mount Lewotobi volcano erupts

By:
On:
In: Asia

According to authorities, at least 10 people have died as a result of a volcano eruption in eastern Indonesia on Monday.

Mount Lewotobi Laki-laki, located on Flores Island in East Nusa Tenggara province, erupted at 23: 57 local time, according to the Indonesian Center for Volcanology and Geological Disaster Mitigation ( PVMG).

Hadi Wijaya, a PVMG spokesperson, said fiery lava and rocks had hit the villages about 4km ( two miles ) from the crater, burning and damaging residents ‘ houses.

According to local officials, the volcano has affected seven villages.

PVMG has raised the status of the volcano to the highest alert level, warning that a 7km ( four-mile ) radius from the crater must be cleared.

Local official Heronimus Lamawuran, a local authority official, told Reuters:” We have started evacuating residents to other villages located about 20 kilometers ( 13 miles ) from the crater.”

Individuals covered in volcanic dust, stone showers, and homes fire, as well as the burnt aftereffects of the disturbance, are captured in video footage that eyewitnesses shared with BBC News.

A crisis company representative in Indonesia warned of upcoming flash floods and icy lava flows.

They added that the local authorities had declared a state of emergency for the next 58 time, which would allow the central government to assist 10, 000 impacted people.

Indonesia is perched high above several tectonic plates in a region known as the” Ring of Fire” in the Pacific, where there is high seismic activity.

Sunday’s eruption follows a series of eruptions in the region. In May, a volcano on the island of Halmahera, Mount Ibu, led to seven villages being evacuated.

Continue Reading

Bread & Kaya 2023 Pt1: Noteworthy cyberlaw cases include use of thumbs up emoji, defamation, anti-stalking law

By:
On:
In: Technology
  • The poison ink letters and the unreliability of metadata
  • Beware use of the hands up and other such emoticons

Bread & Kaya 2023 Pt1: Noteworthy cyberlaw cases include use of thumbs up emoji, defamation, anti-stalking law

Bread & Kaya 2023 Pt1: Noteworthy cyberlaw cases include use of thumbs up emoji, defamation, anti-stalking lawIn their lawful training, some attorneys began to experiment with ChatGPT in 2023. In fact, some elements of this article were drafted with the assistance of ChatGPT where I had used it to summarise my situations above. However, some pieces were inaccurate and needed to be altered.

These cases are additions to the new edition ( 2nd edition ) of my upcoming textbook, Foong’s Malaysia Cyber, Electronic Evidence and Information Technology. The case summaries were previously written in detail for the text, but ChatGPT helped to reduce the length and make them simpler for laypeople to read.

The use of ChatGPT by doctors but had not attracted good usage.

In Mata v. Avianca, Inc. &nbsp, ( 1: 22-cv-01461 ), the case was decided in America. The United States District Court found that the solicitor in command and his laws firm had “abandoned their responsibilities when they submitted non-existent criminal opinions with false quotes and citations created by the artificial intelligence tool ChatGPT, then continued to stand by the false opinions after criminal orders called their existence into question”.

In essence, the lawyer had submitted a document containing allegedly administrative cases that had been created using ChatGPT, but these criminal cases did not exist. The Court issued a show cause notice to him. He and his company, among other things, received sanctions from the court and fines of US$ 5, 000 ( RM21, 892 ).

This eventually led to some US Courts imposing limits on the use of relational artificial intelligence. With the exception of artificial intelligence embedded in the typical on-line legitimate research resources, among others, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina required filing a document with any small or memo memo submitted to the Court.

Anti-stalking rules wounds

The first instance of the anti-stalking law, which was introduced last year under section 507A of the Penal Code, came from Mohamad Safiq bin Rosli ( Shah Alam Magistrate Criminal Case No. BA-83-1937-08/2023 ) ) was charged with allegedly stalking one Acacia Diana who had highlighted her ordeal on the social media platform X. Her tale went popular, which led to the arrest and prosecution of the accused. He was afterwards found to be of erroneous thinking and acquitted and discharged and placed and detained at the delight of the Sultan of Selangor under area 348 of the Criminal Procedure Code.

[Ed: A prison sentence that is freely imposed upon the Sultan and allows the prisoner to be released at the Sultan’s choice.

Defamation

Based on the number of cases filed in the Court assigned code for defamation cases ( i. e. 23CY and B53CY), there were at least 103 defamation cases filed in the Klang Valley. However, there should be more situations because some of these cases were not filed under the appropriate Judge assigned codes.

]Ed: Cases are focused on those filed in the Klang Valley as it is not easy to trace the figures for other courts. ]

In Leaderonomics Sdn. v. Sundra Rajoo Nadarajah Bhd. The plaintiff, a renowned arbitrator and former director of the Asian International Arbitration Centre ( AIAC ), filed a lawsuit against the defendants for defamation after an anonymous” Poison Pen Letter” was published, which went viral and seriously harmed his reputation and career. The claimant alleged that the accused were liable for the article’s release.

The plaintiff used IT forensic experts to examine the metadata of the Microsoft Word document ( “MACC” ) to identify the author of the Poison Pen Letter. docx” ) version of the poison pen letter. They discovered that the document’s account was” Leaderonomics,” the first defendant’s brand. However, the accused contested this proof, arguing that data may be edited and manipulated, and therefore, it was unsatisfactory for proving authorship.

The second accused, who allegedly participated in the release, had passed away before the test, so the event against him was dropped. The plaintiff also invoked section 114A ( 3 ) of the Evidence Act 1950, which presumes that whoever has control of a computer from which defamatory content originates is considered the publisher, unless proven otherwise.

The High Court upheld the High Court’s ruling that, even though the information indicated” Leaderonomics” as the artist, this alone was insufficient evidence to support author. The defendant’s individual professional witness admitted that the poison pen letter itself may create or show which computer, server, account or IP address that the file originated from. The metadata does not establish the identity of the person behind the username” Leaderonomics” in the metadata.

Additionally, the court found that the 1st defendant, being a corporate entity, could only be held liable if it was proven that an authorized employee had published the letter, which was not adequately pleaded by the plaintiff.

Regarding section 114A ( 3 ), the court acknowledged that the presumption could apply to the first defendant if it had control over the computer used to publish the letter. However, the defendants successfully rebutted this presumption by demonstrating that the 2nd defendant had custody of the laptop from which the letter was published.

In consequence, the High Court dismissed the plaintiff’s legal action against the first defendant at cost.

Defamation suit by business against online users is a common occurrence these days. The parties were involved in a dispute over the defendant’s sale of frozen seafood in Loh Li Sze v. Eugene Chong Haou Inn &amp, Anor [2023] CLJU 1620. The defendant was dissatisfied with the weight and size of the seafood and the plaintiffs eventually refunded the money paid for the frozen seafood. The frozen seafood was never brought back, though.

This led to publication of 3 viral Facebook postings by the defendant that essentially said that the plaintiffs had cheated her. Additionally, the defendant urged her followers to go viral with one of the posts. The plaintiff filed the suit in the Sessions Court. The defendant argued that the defense was based on fair comments and justification.

The Sessions Court found that the postings to be defamatory and the publications were actuated by malice. US$ 11 425 ( RM$ 50, 000 ) damages were granted by the Sessions Court.

The High Court declined to interfere with the findings of the Sessions Court as it was not shown that the Sessions Court was plainly wrong in arriving at its decision. The fact that the appellate Court feels like it might have made a different decision is irrelevant as long as the Sessions Court’s conclusion can be supported on a rational basis in light of the relevant evidence.

In addition, the High Court said that reading the melodramatic postings and the defendant’s numerous urgings to her followers to viral her postings the defendant’s motive was clearly to solicit more followers through her postings and she was delighted in gloating on the plaintiffs ‘ predicament. The testimony of the witnesses and some of the defendant’s postings provide a basis for the Sessions Court judge to rule in favor of finding malice.

Further, the postings by the defendant that the plaintiffs are cheats are not comments on facts but a statement of fact. Therefore, the defendant is unable to use fair comment as a defense. In addition, the defendant failed to state which of her words are comments and which are facts as required under the law.

The plaintiffs claimed that they had no losses, as the defendant had argued. The High Court held that this is a frivolous defence. A party may be entitled to damages without the need of proof because of the express averment of cheating.

Can “emojis” be used to signify an agreement?

The Court addressed the issue of whether a thumbs-up emoji””” is valid in the Canadian case South West Terminal Ltd. v. Achter Land &amp, Cattle Ltd. &nbsp, ( 2023 SKKB 116 ).Bread & Kaya 2023 Pt1: Noteworthy cyberlaw cases include use of thumbs up emoji, defamation, anti-stalking law” by the defendant in response to the plaintiff’s request to confirm the terms of a contract sent by way of an electronic message. The plaintiff had signed the agreement and sent a copy of it via text to the defendant. The defendant argued that it was simply to confirm that he had received the contract. Later, the defendant was examined on the use of the thumbs-up emoji.

The Court referred to the dictionary meaning of a thumbs-up emoji which meant “it is used to express assent, approval or encouragement in digital communications, especially in western cultures” and took judicial notice of the same.

The Court determined that there was a contract between the parties. The Court looked into the circumstances leading to the conversation and those circumstances supported the plaintiff’s version. Additionally, the Court determined that a thumbs-up emoji is an electronic action that can be used to express consent as required by the Canadian Electronic Information and Documents Act, 2000, SS 2000, c E-7.22.

The defendant argued that a simple thumbs-up emoji to signify identity and acceptance would open up the flood gates to allow all sorts of cases coming forward asking for interpretations as to what various different emojis mean. The Court ruled that the” Court cannot ( nor should it ) attempt to stem the tide of technology and common usage; this seems to be Canadian society’s new reality, and courts will have to be prepared to deal with the new difficulties that may arise from the use of emojis and the like.”

In our local case of SG Home Style Sdn Bhd lwn. The Magistrate held that the OK gesture emoji”” is Ng Kim Lian [2023] SMCU 46.A yellow hand with a white backgroundDescription automatically generated” made by the defendant to the plaintiff in a WhatsApp conversation amounted to an agreement to an attendance fee. The learned magistrate took judicial notice of the Wikipedia post’s contents, stating that it denotes approval, agreement, agreement, and that everything is good or okay. The learned Magistrate also combed through the WhatsApp conversation between the defendant and plaintiff’s witness and found that defendant habitually reply to the plaintiff’s witness with the same emoji to answer the plaintiff’s messages.

However, the High Court ruled that an emoji sent via WhatsApp to the parties cannot constitute an explicit admission by the defendant in the High Court case CC Land Resources Sdn Bhd &amp, Anor v. Geo Win Sdn Bhd [2023] CLJU 1206. The emoji, as explained by the defendant’s witness, is merely to indicate that he has taken note of the request, and he still requires approvals from his other partners.

In light of the circumstances above, using an emoji to indicate an agreement does not render a transaction invalid. The Court must keep up with technology and the way our society does its business. It is an electronic message, falling under the definitions of “writing” in the Interpretation Acts of 1948 and 1967 and “electronic message” under the Electronic Commerce Act of 2006, and thus falling under the definition of “writing” in section 3 of the Interpretation Acts of 1948 and 1967.

It is submitted that in determining whether an emoji amount to an agreement to a certain term, the Court may look into the type of emoji that was being used ( e. g. a thumbs-up or an OK gesture ), &nbsp, history of how the sender uses the emoji in the same conversation and the surrounding circumstances.

Online proceedings

Many Courts are now calling back lawyers to attend Court physically especially for trials. The appellant courts converted many of their online hearings to physical hearings at the beginning of 2024. Online hearings are now things of the pandemic years. However, there are still court cases involving the effects of the pandemic to cases.

In Karen Yap Chew Ling v. Binary Group Services Bhd]2023] 7 CLJ 534, High Court dismissed the defendant’s application for the ongoing trial to be conducted via remote communication technology. The defendant sought numerous adjournments, which the Court granted because she was unable to travel to Malaysia from Cyprus due to health concerns amidst the Covid-19 pandemic.

On the final trial date, the defendant did not appear, and despite requesting another adjournment, her counsel eventually closed her defence. The defendant had already closed her case, so the court decided to reject the request for remote communication technology. Judgment was subsequently entered against the defendant.

The defendant argued a breach of natural justice on appeal. The Court of Appeal disagreed, emphasizing that sufficient time had been provided for the defendant to arrange her return and appear in court. The defendant had ample opportunity to present her evidence, go through cross-examination, and participate in the proceedings, according to the Court, who determined that natural justice had not been violated.

The Court also highlighted practical concerns with remote cross-examination, such as connectivity issues and potential prompting during breaks, which might compromise the effectiveness of the process. In the end, the Court ruled that the trial judge’s decision to use remote communication technology is ultimately determined based on factors like justice, efficiency, and cost, rather than the litigants ‘ preferences.

The Court of Appeal agreed with the plaintiff’s objection that a trial by way of remote communications technology is not suitable based on the following reasons-

The trial Judge’s ability to assess the appellant’s demeanor and credibility in this case without filtering ( a ) &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp,

( b ) &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, the plaintiff’s counsel’s ability to cross examine the defendant without technical disruption,

( c ) the absence of party representatives, not only while the appellant is on camera, but also during the anticipated breaks, and &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, and ( c ) &nbsp, &nbs

( d ) &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, the absence of the solemnity of oath taking in open Court in Malaysia and the general formality of such proceedings.

The first defendant, a fugitive facing arrest warrants in Malaysia, sought to appear in court via Zoom, citing the risk of arrest and claiming entitlement to participate remotely in accordance with his civil rights, in Securities Commission Malaysia v. Wong Shee Kai &amp, Ors [2023] 7 CLJ 825. The High Court initially allowed his remote presence but later required a formal application for continued remote attendance. The plaintiff opposed, while the first defendant argued his right to participate remotely, highlighting the defendant’s non-compliance with court orders and the possibility of undermining justice.

The High Court dismissed the application, ruling that the 1st defendant had not disclosed a specific location for attendance as required under the Practice Direction for Remote Communication Technology i. e Practice Direction 1 of 2021: Management of Civil Case Proceedings Conducted by Long-distance Communications Technology for all Courts in Malaysia ( Pengendalian Prosiding Kes Sivil Melalui Teknologi Komunikasi Jarak Jauh Bagi Mahkamah Di Seluruh Malaysia ) ( “RCT Practice Direction” ).

The first defendant merely concealed his location in Papua New Guinea’s Port Moresby. The High Court ruled that a person attending the proceedings by means of remote communication technology has to disclose where he is logging in from. It cannot be said that there are sufficient administrative and technical facilities and arrangements at the place because this particular location is not disclosed. In the alternative, the 1st defendant could provide proof that sufficient administrative and technical facilities and arrangements are made at whichever place he wants to log in from but none was given.

It concluded that granting the application would set a dangerous precedent, allowing fugitives to avoid criminal charges while engaging in civil litigation, putting a strain on justice and public trust in the legal system. The Court prioritized the proper administration of justice over the 1st defendant’s assertion of rights to remote participation.

The Court exercised discretion in the course of the proceedings by using remote communication, rejecting the first defendant’s requests to continue the trial and interlocutory hearings remotely.

The Court of Appeal dismissed the 1st defendant’s appeal based on the plaintiff’s preliminary objection i. e. that the High Court’s order is a ruling under section 3 of the Courts of Judicature Act 1964 and thus not appealable.

The Federal Court’s request for leave of appeal was denied. &nbsp, It held that” The court dismissed Wong’s leave application as the question of whether the trial judge had erred in his decision is a matter that can be challenged by way of appeal at the end of the trial”. Wong’s right to appeal is reserved in this regard; it is not that the trial judge’s decision is non-appealable, but rather it can be appealed at the trial’s conclusion and not while it is ongoing. It would not be appropriate for the Federal Court to interfere with the trial court’s discretion at this juncture. Thus, there is no prejudice against Wong.

Do we need to check our spam emails?

Electronic service of documents eases the administration of justice and reduces costs for parties. However, this method may be disadvantageous to the intended recipient. For instance, emails that are sent via email may end up in the recipient’s spam folder or remain unsent in their inboxes. Additionally, the recipient’s email server may be unavailable while the service is being served.

The accused in the case of Mohd Ramadhan Bin Hussin v Pendakwa Raya ( Alor Setar High Court Criminal Application No. This issue was unfortunate to KA-44-5-02-2023. The accused applied for extension of time in the High Court to file his petition of appeal as required by section 307 ( 4 ) of the Criminal Procedure Code. The delay was caused by the fact that the grounds of judgment were sent to his lawyer’s email but ended up in the spam folder. &nbsp, The High Court dismissed the application and held that, among others, it is the responsibility of the accused’s lawyer to ensure that all emails received by their firm are carefully scrutinized and reviewed, this includes emails received in the’ spam’ folder.

The same responsibility should not be applied when it comes to a litigant’s email address as it is when regular email users do not regularly check their spam folder. In Patricia Sue Lin Knudsen v. Joey James Ghazlan]2019] CLJU 2037, the High Court held that cause papers in relation to the proceedings were not all served on the defendant as some of the documents were found in the spam folder of the defendant. &nbsp,

Part 2 tomorrow looks at what the Syariah High Court had to say about cryptocurrencies. Online sexual grooming, as well as a software dispute case, were also heard in court.

Continue Reading

North Korea coup speculation is back – Asia Times

By:
On:
In: Asia

When you’re sending 12,000 troops to battle under the command of a side not exactly known for its kind treatment of conscripts, you’ve got to be thinking twice about the the soldiers you’re threatening to send and the soldiers coming back. If those troops end up as cannon fodder as a result of Kim Jong Un’s policy choice, the coup d’etat speculation is back on!

There’s a history. In 1996, the Korean People’s Army Sixth Corps, headquartered in Chongjin, planned a coup d’etat. With the failure of state services and the continuing restrictions on trading, North Hamkyung Province was hungry and dissatisfied – including the leadership and officers in each link of the self-monitoring triumvirate of political committees, military command and National Security Agency. We know the coup attempt failed, but we also know it was a very real threat.

Jacket image: Harvard University Press

Edward N. Luttwak’s Coup d’État: A Practical Handbook is the best known book on how to undertake a coup. Luttwak’s book explores the mechanics of seizing state power through small, organized efforts, bypassing mass uprisings or large-scale warfare. It details how modern states’ bureaucratic and military structures can be exploited for swift takeovers.

His work has influenced both coup plotters and governments worldwide, prompting them to refine strategies for seizing power or preventing it, respectively. The book’s impact spans decades, providing insight into real-world coups and shaping political-security frameworks to counteract internal threats to regimes.

The nature of the North Korean state presents unique challenges, requiring a strategy that considers both internal vulnerabilities and external pressures. Drawing on the insights from Luttwak’s text, to destabilize and ultimately collapse the North Korean regime, plotters would need to check several boxes.

  • A vulnerable centralized state apparatus ☑

Luttwak emphasizes that a coup or regime change becomes feasible in a highly centralized system where power is concentrated in a few hands. North Korea’s tightly controlled bureaucracy and military chain of command make it vulnerable to disruptions at key nodes. However, these same characteristics act as both strengths and weaknesses. While the leadership relies heavily on elite military units and inner-circle loyalty, these structures also create isolated factions that can be exploited.

Targeting North Korea’s leadership requires infiltrating the command structure or amplifying internal distrust among elite factions. This could involve intelligence operations designed to increase paranoia within the ruling elite, planting the seeds for a self-fulfilling cycle of purges and defections.

  • Economic deprivation ☑

Luttwak argues that regimes become especially vulnerable during economic crises, which fuel public discontent and elite dissatisfaction. North Korea already suffers from chronic economic deprivation, but the regime’s ability to suppress mass uprisings has limited the destabilizing effects of poverty.

Sanctions, already heavily employed, should be refined to better target the regime’s elite class rather than the broader population. Simultaneously, humanitarian aid directed at border regions and marginalized communities could increase resentment among those outside the elite circles, undermining the regime’s narrative of strength.

  • Exploitable communication and information gaps ☑

According to Luttwak, coups succeed when they disrupt the flow of information within a regime, creating confusion and limiting the leadership’s ability to coordinate a response. In North Korea, the state’s rigid control over communications isolates it from both domestic and international information networks.

Operations should focus on introducing alternative sources of information into North Korea. For example, the distribution of propaganda via radio waves, smuggled devices, or leaflets can erode the regime’s monopoly on truth. This disruption would weaken the state’s ideological control and embolden potential dissidents.

  • Elite discontent and defections to leverage ☑

Luttwak highlights how military factions and dissatisfied elites often play a pivotal role in coups. While North Korea has implemented strict control mechanisms, recent high-profile defections indicate cracks within the elite class.

Incentivizing high-ranking officials to defect or cooperate covertly can further destabilize the regime. International guarantees for defectors, along with financial incentives, could increase the likelihood of defections from within the military or political elite. Encouraging these individuals to disseminate counter-narratives within the regime could accelerate the erosion of loyalty.

  • Perceived or actual external threats ☑

Luttwak emphasizes that external military threats or diplomatic crises often lead to internal disarray, particularly in regimes where survival is tied to militaristic policies. In North Korea’s case, the regime relies heavily on the narrative of an external threat to justify its existence and maintain internal unity.

Strategic displays of military strength, combined with diplomatic isolation, could force the regime into overreactions that expose internal weaknesses. Simultaneously, diplomatic outreach to China and Russia – North Korea’s traditional allies – can erode the regime’s geopolitical support, isolating it further.

  • Psychological operations and disruption campaigns ☐

Luttwak’s analysis suggests that successful coups rely on psychological operations to undermine public trust in the regime and create confusion within the leadership. In North Korea, the state ideology is central to regime stability, making it a prime target for psychological disruption.

Targeted messaging campaigns should aim to discredit the Kim dynasty’s legitimacy, highlighting corruption, contradictions and failures. The spread of dissident voices and testimonies from defectors can further destabilize the regime’s narrative. These operations should be coordinated to coincide with economic or diplomatic pressures, maximizing their psychological impact.

While there have been continuous attempts to undermine public trust in the North Korean regime and create confusion within its leadership, the intensity has been tempered by recognition of South Korea’s concern that collapse threatened economic well-being, and US concern that collapse threatened regional security.

  • Localized resistance movements ☐

While Luttwak warns against large-scale revolutions, he acknowledges that localized resistance movements serve as catalysts for regime change. In North Korea, the heavy surveillance and repression make organizing such movements difficult, but small-scale resistance is still possible.

Empowering underground networks and opposition groups within North Korea, particularly along the Chinese border, could create pockets of resistance. Providing logistical and financial support through covert channels would allow these groups to sustain operations and challenge the regime’s control over remote areas. However, financial support must be coupled with a deeper level of inspiration. Whether this comes from ethnic nationalism, evangelical Christianity, or any other anti-regime belief, there needs to be some form of inspiration that pushes individuals and groups to rise up.

Perhaps the greatest weakness in any attempt to undermine the North Korean regime is the absence of a recognized local resistance movement and the impossibility of supporting them through covert channels. Without an opening of the North Korean regime, this is unlikely to change.

Collapsing the North Korean regime requires a nuanced strategy that integrates internal subversion, economic pressure and external isolation. Drawing on the principles outlined by Luttwak, this strategy emphasizes exploiting vulnerabilities within the leadership structure, promoting defections and disrupting communication channels.

While a direct coup may be challenging, the cumulative impact of these efforts can destabilize the regime and pave the way for meaningful change – and then another problem appears: What comes next?

Jeffrey Robertson is an academic, consultant and writer focusing on foreign affairs, diplomacy and the Korean Peninsula. This article was originally published on his Substack, Diplomatic Seoul, and is republished with permission. Read more here.

Continue Reading

On foreign policy, it’s Trump disruption vs Harris engagement – Asia Times

By:
On:
In: Asia

According to conventional wisdom, US voters are largely motivated by domestic concerns and especially the economy.

But the upcoming presidential election may be somewhat of an outlier. In a September 2024 poll, foreign policy actually ranks quite high in voters’ concerns – with more Democrats and Republicans combined saying it was “very important” to their vote than, say, immigration and abortion.

As such, understanding where Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and Democratic rival Kamala Harris stand on the significant international issues of the day is important. And we can do so by looking at the records of their respective administrations in the three regions they prioritized: the Indo-Pacific, Europe and the Middle East.

Donald Trump: disrupter-in-chief

In his 2017 inaugural address, Trump painted a dark picture of the US In his telling, his country was being taken advantage of by other nations, especially in trade and security, while neglecting domestic challenges.

To disrupt this, Trump promised an “America First” approach to guide his administration.

And in practice, his foreign policy certainly proved disruptive. He showed a clear willingness to buck traditions and undid some of former President Barack Obama’s signature policies, such as the Iran nuclear deal, which exchanged sanctions relief for restrictions on Tehran’s domestic nuclear program, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement.

In so doing, he ruffled the feathers of allies and foes alike.

Trans-Atlantic relations were tense under Trump, especially because of his hostility toward NATO. After deriding the Atlantic alliance on the campaign trail, Trump stuck to the same tune while in office. He routinely insulted allies at high-level summits and allegedly came close to withdrawing from the alliance altogether in 2018.

Donald Trump meets Russian President Vladimir Putin in June 2019. Image: Kremlin Press Office / Handout / Anadolu Agency / Getty Images via The Conversation

While NATO did make inroads in bolstering its Eastern flank in that period, the alliance was primarily defined by internal turmoil and limited cohesion during Trump’s time in office. US relations with the European Union hardly fared better. In 2018, the US imposed steel and aluminum tariffs on the European Union, citing national security concerns.

Trump also broke with previous US presidents in his administration’s Asia policy. One of his first moves in 2017 was to abandon the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a trade deal negotiated by Obama. Trump’s late 2017 national security strategy also announced a major shift toward China, labeling it as a “strategic competitor” – implying a greater emphasis on containing China as opposed to cooperating with it.

This hawkish turn played out especially in the field of trade. Trump’s administration imposed four rounds of tariffs in 2018-19, affecting US$360 billion of Chinese goods. Beijing, of course, responded with tariffs of its own.

The two countries did sign a so-called phase-one deal in January 2020 that sought to lower the stakes of this trade war. But the Covid-19 pandemic nullified any chance of success, and relations soured further with each Trump utterance of the pandemic being a “Chinese virus.”

Trump showcased somewhat contradictory impulses toward the Middle East and other issues. He pushed for disengagement and to undo Obama’s major policies.

Besides withdrawing from the Paris Climate Accords in 2017, Trump abandoned the Iran nuclear deal in 2018. His administration also signed a deal to end the US presence in Afghanistan, and it withdrew forces from northern Syria.

But at the same time, Trump continued the bombing campaign against the Islamic State group in Syria and Iraq and authorized the killing of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani in 2020. The latter was consistent with a policy that aimed to pressure and isolate Iran economically and diplomatically.

The key example of diplomatic pressure came especially through the Abraham Accords, through which Trump helped facilitate the establishment of normal diplomatic ties between Israel, the UAE, Bahrain and Morocco.

Kamala Harris: alliance and engagement

Although not taking a driving role in foreign policy, Harris has been part of an administration that has committed the US to repairing alliances and engaging with the world.

This came across by undoing some major actions from the Trump administration. For example, the US quickly rejoined the Paris Climate Accords and overturned a decision to leave the World Health Organization.

But in other areas, the Biden administration has shown more continuity with Trump than many expected.

For instance, the US under Biden has not fundamentally deviated from strategic competition with China, even though the tactics have differed a little. The administration maintained Trump’s tariff approach, even adding its own targeted rounds against Beijing on electric vehicles.

Moreover, it cultivated different diplomatic platforms in the Indo-Pacific to act as a counterweight to China. This included the cultivation of the Quad dialogue with Australia, India and Japan, and the AUKUS deal with Australia and the UK, both of which attempted to further the Biden administration’s strategy of containing China’s influence by enlisting regional allies.

Finally, the Biden administration did maintain some channels of communication with China at the highest level as well, with Biden meeting Xi Jinping twice during his presidency.

A man and a woman walk along a balcony.
Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy walks alongside Vice President Kamala Harris at the White House compound on September 26, 2024. Photo: Tom Brenner / Getty Images / The Conversation

The Biden administration’s Middle Eastern policy displayed significant continuity with Trump’s approach – at first.

While it turned out to be chaotic, the US completed the withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan in summer 2021, as had been agreed under Trump. The Biden administration also embraced the format and goals of the Abraham Accords. It even tried to build on them, with the goal of fostering Israeli-Saudi diplomatic ties.

Of course, the attacks of October 7, 2023, in Israel completely changed the equation in the Middle East. Preventing the spiral of violence in the region has become an all-consuming task. Since then, Biden and Harris have tried, largely unsuccessfully, to balance support for Israel with mediation efforts to liberate the hostages and to ensure a cease-fire.

Trans-Atlantic relations, however, are an area where there were marked differences in the past four years. The tone of the Biden-Harris administration has been in sharp contrast with that of Trump, reaffirming frequently its clear commitment to NATO. And once Russia launched its illegal invasion in February 2022, the US placed itself at the forefront of supporting Ukraine.

Harris has suggested that she would continue Biden’s policy of providing Kyiv with extensive and continuous military support. In conjunction with allies, the White House of Biden and Harris also implemented a broad range of sanctions against Russia. But the US under Biden has not yet been willing to support Ukraine’s immediate entry into NATO.

What next?

Based on their records, what could we expect of a Trump or Harris presidency?

It’s unlikely either candidate will abandon strategic competition with China. But Trump is more likely to seriously escalate the trade war, promising extensive tariffs against Beijing. Trump’s commitment to defending Taiwan is also more ambiguous in comparison with Harris’ pledges.

US policy toward Europe will largely depend on the results of the election. Harris has frequently underlined her steadfast support for NATO, as well as for Ukraine. Trump, on the other hand, is showing signs that he is unwilling to further aid the regime in Kyiv.

And for the Middle East, it remains to be seen whether either Trump or Harris would be able to better shape events in the region.

Garret Martin is senior professorial lecturer, co-director Transatlantic Policy Center, American University School of International Service

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Continue Reading

What the West can learn from China about using AI – Asia Times

By:
On:
In: Asia, Technology

AI is already everywhere, ready to change the way we work and play, how we learn and how we are looked after. From hospitality to healthcare, entertainment to education, AI is transforming the world as we know it.

But it’s developing at a different pace in different parts of the world. In the West, it seems, there is a tendency to aim for perfection, with companies taking their time to refine AI systems before they are implemented.

China, on the other hand, has taken a more pragmatic path, on which speed and adaptability are prioritized over flawless execution. Chinese companies appear more willing to take risks, accept AI’s current limitations and see what happens.

And China’s desire to be the world leader in AI development seems to be working. Here are three important lessons the west can learn from China’s economic strategy towards AI.

1. Embrace imperfection

Many Chinese companies have adopted a “good enough” mentality towards AI, using it even when the technology is not fully developed. This brings risks, but also encourages fast learning.

For example, in 2016, Haidilao, a popular Chinese restaurant chain, introduced “Xiaomei”, an AI system which dealt with customers calling up to make reservations. While Xiaomei is not the most sophisticated AI system (it only understands questions about reservations), it was effective, managing over 50,000 customer interactions a day with a 90% accuracy rate.

It’s not perfect, but it provides a valuable service to the business, proving that AI doesn’t need to be flawless to make a big impact.

2. Make it practical

A key distinction between AI strategies in China and the West is the focus on practical, problem-solving applications. In many Western industries, AI is often associated with cutting-edge technology like robot-assisted surgery, or complex predictive algorithms.

While these advances are exciting, they do not always bring immediate impact. China, by contrast, has made significant strides by applying AI to solve more basic needs.

In China, some hospitals use AI to help with routine – but very important – tasks. For instance, in April 2024, Wuhan Union Hospital introduced an AI patient service which acts as a kind of triage nurse for patients using a messaging app.

Patients are asked about their symptoms and medical history. The AI then evaluates the severity of their needs and prioritizes appointments based on urgency and the medical resources available at that time. The results are then relayed to a human doctor who makes the final decision about what happens next.

By helping to ensure that those with the most critical needs are seen first, the system plays a crucial role in improving efficiency and reducing waiting times for patients seeking medical attention.

It’s not the most complex technology, but in its first month of use in the hospital’s breast clinic, it reportedly provided over 300 patients with extra consultation time – 70% of whom were patients in urgent need of surgery.

3. Learn from mistakes

China’s rapid adoption of AI hasn’t come without challenges. But failures serve as critical learning experiences.

One cautionary tale over AI implementation comes not from China, but from Japan. When Henn na Hotel in Nagasaki became the world’s first hotel staffed by robots, it received a great deal of attention for its futuristic concept.

But the reality soon fell short of expectations. Churi, the hotel’s in-room assistant robot, frequently misunderstood guest requests, leading to confusion. One guest was reportedly woken up repeatedly because a robot in his room mistakenly understood the sound of his snoring to be a question.

In contrast, many Chinese hotels have taken a more measured approach, opting for simpler yet highly effective robotic solutions. Delivery robots are now commonplace in hotel chains across the country, and while not overly complex, they are adept at navigating hallways and lifts autonomously, bringing meals to guests.

By focusing on specific, high-impact problems, Chinese companies have successfully integrated AI in ways that minimize disruption and maximize usefulness.

The Chinese restaurant chain I mentioned earlier provides another good illustration of this approach. After the success of its chatbot, Haidilao introduced “smart restaurants” equipped with robotic arms and automated food delivery systems. While innovative, the technology struggled during peak hours and lacked the personal touch many customers valued.

YouTube video

[embedded content]

Instead of abandoning the project, Haidilao continued to adjust and refine its use of AI. Rather than adopting a fully automated restaurant model, it went for a hybrid approach, combining automation with human staff to enhance the dining experience.

This flexibility in the face of setbacks represents a crucial willingness to pivot and adapt when things don’t go as planned.

Overall, China’s pragmatic approach to AI has enabled it to take the lead in many areas, even as the country lags behind the West in terms of technological sophistication. This is driven by a willingness to embrace AI’s imperfections, and then adapt where necessary.

Where speed and adaptability are critical, companies can’t afford to wait for perfect solutions. By embracing AI’s imperfections, focusing on practical applications, and real-world feedback, Chinese companies have unlocked the economic value of AI in a way that others are too timid to emulate.

Jialu Shan is research fellow at the TONOMUS Global Center for AI and Digital Transformation, International Institute for Management Development (IMD)

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Continue Reading

US election as an epistemological crisis – Asia Times

By:
On:
In: Asia

America is in the grip of a crisis of truth and its political and electoral systems are under duress. Losing the connection between what is true and what is fiction could have enormous consequence in the middle of this US election campaign.

Academics refer to this as an epistemological crisis, a situation where different people believe different “truths” and it becomes difficult to get a shared understanding of key facts. This, they argue, can lead to polarisation and potentially, even, an ungovernable country, based on an inability to decide on what is factually correct.

Jonathan Rauch, the journalist and author of “The Constitution of Knowledge: A Defense of Truth”, says historically disagreement about what is true has, on some occasions, led to untold killing and suffering.

Right now in the US, it’s clear that there are massive differences in what people believe is true. Polls show, for instance, that around 69% of Republicans and Republican-leaning voters think the 2020 election result was not legitimate and that Joe Biden did not win.

This division is amplified by what is happening in and around the campaigns, and the use of new and developing techniques. The Trump campaign, for instance, continues to make claims that the 2020 election was stolen.

Sharing misinformation (that is, when inaccurate content is disseminated but not with the intent to mislead) has always been part of political life, but it is now quickly amplified by social media. Spreading disinformation takes this to the next level when organizations or individuals deliberately spread lies. But the means to do so have grown more sophisticated, as demonstrated in the recent Moldovan election, where a massive Russian disinformation campaign was discovered.

History reminds us that fake news is at a premium during wartime and the world is currently experiencing two major conflicts. In both cases, the geopolitical consequences for the US are sky-high.

By spring 2024, US news media were reporting on Russia’s potential to interfere in the US election. The US administration’s position on the Ukraine war in particular matters greatly to the Kremlin, and it is no secret that a Donald Trump victory would suit Putin far better than a continuation of the Ukraine-funding Democrat alternative.

In September, US officials warned of election threats, not only from Russia but also Iran and China. Former director of the US Cyber-Security and Infrastructure Agency, Chris Krebs, stated that 2024 is “lining up to be a busy election interference season.”

What makes these multi-faceted and constantly evolving threats even harder to manage is the fact that Maga influencers are embroiled in the proceedings. This makes a unified American response against an external threat all but impossible.

One recent such example involved a company in Tennessee which was used by members of the Russian state-owned broadcaster RT (formerly Russia Today) to spread Russia-friendly content. The content-creators were paid US$10 million by RT to publish pro-Russia videos in English on a range of social media platforms. The RT employees were charged with conspiracy to commit money laundering and violating the Foreign Agent Registration Act.

This is one of many developments by the foreign interference machine as the election on November 5 nears. Other incidents include dozens of internet domains used by the Kremlin to spread disinformation on websites designed to look like news sites and to undermine support for Ukraine.

The US government’s response to these complex and boundary-blurring threats is complicated by the tension between maintaining discretion and informing the public.

Old challenges, new technology

Looking back, the 2016 presidential campaign and subsequent victory for Trump brought many firsts, some comical, others deadly serious in this post-truth arena.

The lighter side included inaccurate claims made by White House press secretary Sean Spicer about the size of Trump’s 2017 inauguration crowd. When Trump advisor Kellyanne Conway declared on television to have “alternative facts” to those reported by the media on the crowd size, her phrase entered general use.

With hindsight, such falsehoods now seem a little quaint, as the images from the day told the truth better than any script. Far more disturbingly, Russia’s Project Lakhta involved a “hacking and disinformation campaign” described in Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s 2019 Report as vast and complex in scale.

The scheme involved human and technological input and targeted politicians on the political left and right, with a view to causing maximum disruption. Just a year later, Russia interfered in the 2020 race, this time spreading falsehoods about Biden and working in Trump’s favor.

Fast forward to 2024 and we are awash with AI-created images and writing. Now any sort of lie is possible. Deep fakes, voice, image and video manipulation now mean that we literally can no longer believe our ears and eyes.

Meanwhile, back on the campaign trail in 2024, Team Trump demonstrates few qualms when dishing out alternative facts. A long-time proponent of “truthful hyperbole” the former real-estate dealer takes exaggeration to a point no longer on the scale.

From sharing an AI-generated image of Taylor Swift endorsing him (she soon backed his opponent) to claims that helicopters were not getting through with hurricane relief, the news cycle is awash with baseless content.

An inevitable outcome of this crisis and conflict over truth is voters’ confusion and disengagement, and increasing public tension, with a new poll reporting that the majority of Americans are expecting violence after the election.

Voters deserve to know whether what they know is real, but in this campaign it is increasingly clear that they don’t and the consequences of this could be stark.

Clodagh Harrington is lecturer in American Politics, University College Cork

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Continue Reading

Boosting growth by democratising financial solutions

By:
On:
In: South-East Asia

CEO of Sea (Thailand) Maneerut Anulomsombut is working to remove constraints holding back SME growth

CEO of the Year 2024: Maneerut Anulomsombut, CEO, Sea (Thailand).
CEO of the Year 2024: Maneerut Anulomsombut, CEO, Sea (Thailand).

Maneerut Anulomsombut, the Chief Executive Officer of Sea (Thailand), a leading internet platform provider, has been playing a key role in using technology to upgrade Thai people’s quality of life for years.

Because of her remarkable achievements and contributions to society and the economy at large, Ms Maneerut has clinched a prestigious 2024 Bangkok Post CEO of the Year Award in the “Impactful Technology Leadership” category.

Sea (Thailand) is focused on bettering the lives of consumers and small businesses with technology. It has provided them with diverse products and services that are essential to people’s daily routines. Its platforms included Shopee (e-commerce), SeaMoney (digital finance) and Garena (digital entertainment).

For over a decade, Sea has been operating its businesses in Thailand while setting its sights on sustainably growing businesses and making a positive impact on society with technology.

Led by Ms Maneerut since 2014, the group has expanded and improved its services for Thai users.

It has also participated in driving the digital economy forward by utilising its resources and business expertise, while embarking on digital education initiatives to help surrounding communities grow together.

Under Ms Maneerut’s leadership, the group has taken the first step of expanding its business operations beyond the gaming market by making Thailand the first country to use the digital payment service known as “AirPay”– later renamed “ShopeePay” — to improve the user experience and enable people to do more on digital platforms.

Such leadership has been truly transformative, especially among SMEs, because it helped to bridge the digital divide by harnessing their digital platforms to enhance accessibility, income generation, and business opportunities for Thai SMEs, Ms Maneerut says.

Ms Maneerut says that the group has positioned itself as Thai SMEs’ key partner through three main pillars: enlargement, enablement, and empowerment. These so-called “3Es” have helped Thai SMEs navigate digital disruption in the macroeconomy and achieve sustainable success.

Through Sea (Thailand)’s e-commerce platform, Shopee, local sellers are given the opportunity to reach a vast, borderless market. Shopee allows SMEs to expand their reach beyond traditional geographical limitations, enabling them to connect with customers anywhere, anytime, she says.

This enlargement of market access is crucial for sellers looking to scale quickly without incurring significant overheads.

“Shopee gives them a platform to sell more with minimal effort, and this helps drive sustainable growth for their businesses,” Ms Maneerut says.

Along with more market access, Ms Maneerut says SMEs must also have the skills to effectively utilise the tools available to them. That’s why Sea (Thailand) focuses heavily on equipping its users with the digital know-how they need to succeed, she said.

“We offer a variety of training programmes through Shopee University and the Sea Academy, where sellers can learn everything from digital marketing to optimising their product listings,” she says.

The goal is to help entrepreneurs become more proficient in leveraging the digital economy. This not only boosts their sales but also ensures they are well-prepared to adapt to the ever-evolving digital landscape.

Access to capital is a common challenge for Thai SMEs, especially when looking to grow. Ms Maneerut acknowledges this difficulty, saying Sea (Thailand) is working to financially empower SMEs so they have the resources to scale up without being held back by funding constraints.

“Empowerment comes in the form of financial solutions. We help sellers gain access to cash loans and other financial services, giving them the capital they need to expand their businesses,” she says.

Although innovation is the core of the company, she says it would not have proven as successful if the people and the process were not part of this core.

Ms Maneerut says employees are the most important factor in creating successful products and services. Therefore, the company allows its employees to express their ideas freely while promoting transparency and open-mindedness.

She also believes in giving her team members the freedom to take ownership of their work, which helps to foster a sense of responsibility and commitment and drives the company’s continuous evolution.

“When people feel like they own a project, that’s when innovation truly happens,” she says.

Maneerut Anulomsombut

Chief Executive Officer of Sea (Thailand)

Continue Reading

Delhi: Worry over toxic air as pollution worsens

By:
On:
In: Asia

Air quality in India’s capital Delhi has deteriorated to severe and extremely poor levels in the past few days, data shows.

Pollution levels crossed 25-30 times the World Health Organization (WHO)’s recommended safe limit at several locations in the city last week.

Experts have warned that the situation will worsen in the coming days due to weather conditions, use of firecrackers during the festival of Diwali on Thursday and burning of crop remains in neighbouring states.

Delhi and several northern Indian cities report extreme levels of air pollution between October and January every year, causing disruption to businesses, shutting down of schools and offices.

The levels of tiny particulate matter (known as PM 2.5), which can enter deep into the lungs and cause a host of diseases, reached as high as 350 micrograms per cubic metre in some areas on Monday, data from government-run Safar website shows.

According to the website, air quality is categorised as very poor when PM 2.5 levels reach 300 to 400, and it’s termed severe when the limit reaches 400-500.

Delhi gets enveloped in a thick blanket of smog every winter due to smoke, dust, low wind speed, vehicular emissions and crop stubble burning.

In November and December, farmers in the neighbouring states of Punjab and Haryana burn crop stubble to clear their fields.

Farming groups say they need financial and technical help to find alternative ways of clearing crop remains but government schemes have so far not been effective.

The smoke from firecrackers set off during Diwali adds to the problem.

Like every year, the Delhi government has announced a complete ban on the manufacturing, storage and sale of fireworks ahead of the festival, which falls later this week.

But such bans have not been completely effective in the past as people source fireworks from other states.

The Delhi government has also enacted its Graded Response Action Plan, known as GRAP, to tackle pollution.

It bans all activities which involve the use of coal and firewood, as well as diesel generator use for non-emergency services.

Authorities in Delhi have warned residents to stay indoors as much as possible and have curbed construction activity in the city.

They have also urged people to use public transport to cut vehicular emissions.

Continue Reading

OR banking on diversification strategy

By:
On:
In: South-East Asia

CEO Disathat Panyarachun oversees expansion from oil retail to healthcare and beauty products

PUBLISHED : 28 Oct 2024 at 04:30

While it would be a challenge for OR to enter the healthcare and beauty business sector, the move is expected to generate revenue fir the company, Mr Disathat said.
While it would be a challenge for OR to enter the healthcare and beauty business sector, the move is expected to generate revenue fir the company, Mr Disathat said.

The transformation of a business to ensure its survival in response to technological disruption requires a varied approach, according to Disathat Panyarachun.

The chief executive officer of PTT Oil and Retail Business Plc (OR) is not opposed to making changes within a business in response to disruption, but in his opinion such steps are often carried out when it’s already “a bit too late”.

Rather, Mr Disathat is a proponent of individuals trying to “disrupt themselves” first, before the emergence of any tech disruption. This approach has enabled him to prove that he has guided and directed OR on the right track, ensuring the company is able to further grow from the expansion of its non-oil businesses.

From developing electric vehicle (EV) charging facilities to selling healthcare and beauty products, OR’s business diversification has provided opportunities to fuel the company’s growth amid technological upheaval and the emergence of new societal and lifestyle trends.

Mr Disathat continues to get behind OR’s plan to roll out more EV charging stations at PTT petrol stations to serve EV motorists, a move that aligns with the global trend of promoting greater EV usage.

Like other oil retailers, OR saw the impact of increasing numbers of battery-powered vehicles on the country’s roads had on oil sales. This led the company to rapidly roll out charging services for EV motorists at its petrol stations. Indeed, it was one of the first to do so.

Mr Disathat says OR needs to rapidly become part of the EV ecosystem before electric-powered vehicles make an even bigger dent on the demand for oil in the future. Global demand for oil is expected to rise by 5% to a peak of 50 million barrels per day by 2032, with oil use per vehicle likely to fall sharply as EVs are expected to account for more than half of all auto sales by 2040, according to a report released in June 2024 by Goldman Sachs Research, a division of Goldman Sachs Group, a global investment banking, securities and wealth management firm.

The development of EV charging stations is part of OR’s “Beyond Fuel” concept, which also includes the company’s food and beverage business. This prioritises matching OR’s product and service offerings with the demands of consumers amid new societal and lifestyle trends.

OR has long been working towards realising the Beyond Fuel goal by embarking on non-oil ventures rather than remaining in the comfort zone by enjoying its long-established status as a major oil retailer, said Mr Disathat. “We don’t care what new energies there will be in the future. What we have to do is to maintain our leadership position as we do in the oil retail sector,” he said.

The company wants EV charging stations to provide another alternative service for motorists, which will also provide OR with a new business opportunity. OR earlier announced it plans to increase its investment in the battery charging business through its EV Station PluZ plan. The company expects to have 600 EV charging outlets nationwide within this year, up from 400 outlets as of July 2023. The longer-term aim is to raise the number of outlets to 7,000 by 2030.

Another non-oil business OR is keen on promoting is the sale of healthcare and beauty products, representing another aspect of the company’s shift away from its decades-long role as an oil retailer.

While visiting a petrol station, consumers can now experience a one-stop shop by selecting a tasty dish, sipping some refreshing coffee and purchasing from a range of alluring cosmetics and skincare products. Thailand is now the second largest healthcare and beauty market in Southeast Asia and OR is keen to tap into this significant business opportunity.

Through its subsidiary OR Health and Wellness, OR took the step of venturing into the health and beauty business by partnering with Sugi Holdings, a Japanese drugstore chain and nanotech platform operator.

OR plans to open up to 10 shops named “found & found” by year end to increase sales of these products. Mr Disathat said while it would be a challenge for OR to enter the healthcare and beauty business sector, which has a local market value estimated at 1 trillion baht, the step is expected to generate revenue for the company.

Disathat Panyarachun 

Chief Executive Officer of PTT Oil and Retail Business Public Company Limited (OR)

Continue Reading