‘Trump trade’ wins, Asia loses as risk factors surge – Asia Times

It’s obvious Donald Trump’s big gain is a game-changer of epic sizes, from the harsh effect in Asian economies to the frantic press speculation about what lies ahead.

The declines in Chinese securities and the yuan only demonstrate how investors are quickly rearranging their strategies for addressing global financial risks and opportunities. The money surged on the news Trump scored a&nbsp, next term. US companies jumped, as did crypto prices. Provides on US Treasury securities shot higher, also.

The” Trump trade” that Asia has in mind is to take cover. A Trump 2.0 White House may certainly be more inward-looking, putting Asia’s export-oriented economy in harm’s way.

A large fire radius is present. Though aimed at China, Trump’s designed 60 % tariffs will destroy Japan, South Korea, Thailand, Vietnam and another trade-driven markets. The aftermath on shipping flows could be unimaginable.

According to Dubravko Lakos-Bujas, a planner at JPMorgan,” a significant increase in tariffs would reflect the most significant departure in policy from the latest administration and possibly the largest source of volatility.” The current macro environment is significantly different from what it was eight years ago, when the business cycle was in its mid-cycle, when the Fed did n’t care about inflation, and when pro-growth 1.0 policies were simpler to implement and had a greater impact on the bottom line.

Trump’s win over Kamala Harris is more of a “black swans” occasion for Asia than a “gray one.” Unlike the past, the latter is a repetitive but doubtful results. A “gray swan”, though, does have its own&nbsp, serious consequences, too.

Unexpected effects might be a way to strengthen Xi Jinping’s influence in China. Trump may effectively strengthen it by attacking Beijing with such an aggressiveness that he essentially strengthens by compulsion to integrate with an Eastern economy with China at its core and not an America led by an uneven, mercantilist president who blames Asia for many of his country’s failings.

For Asia, the best-case situation is that Trump’s tax risks are more a negotiating strategy than a real accompli. In fact, Goldman Sachs economists predict that Trump may only establish 20 % tariffs on China and resist the urge to impose blanket charges on other countries.

Trump may turn the other means and impose taxes he has previously threatened to impose. Trump has already stated that there will be 100 % taxes on Mexican car exports.

How much is manufacturers in Japan and Korea hope to avoid such restrictions, especially given that Tesla’s CEO has Trump’s ear? At the very least, electronic vehicle charges will be stacked confidently against non-US manufacturers.

The&nbsp, financial challenges &nbsp, may be even greater. One is that a penny march that has already irritated Asia will take a turn. For years, the economy’s “wasteball” impulses have shook international markets. It has lured enormous waves of global capital west, disadvantaging emerging-market markets in specific.

The difficulty, explains Tom Dunleavy, a companion at MV Capital, is that emerging markets “rely strongly on assets and have debts in money”. The majority of business and debt is also based in dollars, along with fuel. And he says that” the ratio of everything is going up.”

Regardless of the dubious reasoning behind it, the more packed a continued-dollar-strength business becomes as the result of the global fallout when depressed punters flee for their exits. And Trump was serve up some such situations.

Though Trump’s tariffs get the headlines, Asia is extremely worried about what his next president may mean for the Federal Reserve, the keeper of the world’s top supply money.

Trump put the techniques on the Fed during his 2017-2021 stay in the White House. Jerome Powell sabotaged his hand-picked Fed chair, and he went after him frequently. In 2019, Powell bowed to unrelenting force from&nbsp, Trump, who also threatened to fire him.

That’s how the world’s most powerful economic authority added liquidity to a flourishing business that did n’t need new substances. Trump’s Fed meddling set the stage for the post-Covid-19 price surge to come. It also tarnished the Fed’s credibility in global markets.

For Asia, Trump’s Fed policies are especially worrisome. The region’s central banks are armed with the largest stocks of US Treasury securities. Japan alone holds$ 1.1 trillion of US debt, China$ 770 billion.

Together, Asia’s largest holders of dollars own about$ 3 trillion worth. Trump 2.0 would put at risk vast amounts of Asian state wealth if his fiscal policies push Washington’s debt far above today’s US$ 35 trillion.

Not to mention the ways China might retaliate, leading to cycle of tit-for-tat trade curbs. Or might Beijing make a move to dump sizable amounts of Treasuries to punish the Trump 2.0 gang?

Or what if Trump’s designs on altering the Fed’s mandate come to pass? A key plank of the” Project 2025″ strategy that the Heritage Foundation devised for a&nbsp, second Trump term&nbsp, is watering down Fed independence.

In a recent interview with Bloomberg, Trump took shots at Powell and his fellow policymakers. ” I think it’s the greatest job in government”, Trump said. Everybody talks about you like a god when you say,” Let’s say flip a coin,” and you show up to the office once a month.

Trump also contends that the White House has every right to compel the Fed to do its bidding.

Trump once remarked in August that the Federal Reserve had “kind of got it wrong” ( very interesting ). He went on to say that” I feel the president should have at least ]some ] say in there, yeah. I feel that strongly. I think that, in my case, I made a lot of money. I was very successful. And I believe I have a better instinct than those who, in many cases, would be chairman of the Federal Reserve.

This could put the Fed’s economic role closer to that of the People’s Bank of China.

To be sure, the concept of central bank independence has been muddied. Take the&nbsp, Bank of Japan, which has held interest rates at or near zero for 25 years. What truly self-governing central bank would do that?

Yet the Fed is a different story. The dollar serves as the foundation of global finance and trade. Trump frequently discussed using a weaker dollar to gain a competitive advantage during his first term. Any policy change that undermines confidence in the US government and the dollar makes the world system shakier.

A weaker dollar could fan inflation. That, on top of Trump’s tariffs, could put the Fed in a very tough spot as Trump looks over Powell’s shoulder. Economists are frantically debating how all of this might turn out.

” On the US dollar, Trump wants to revitalize US manufacturing and exports”, says Will Denyer, an analyst at Gavekal Research. He may try to manipulate the dollar lower because he recognizes that the strength of the US dollar is an obstacle to these goals.

However, Denyer says, “he has few good options. Given how dependent the US government and companies are on foreign capital today, it is difficult to use capital controls to deter foreign inflows. And if Fed chair Jay Powell persists until the end of his term in May 2026, leaning on the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates wo n’t be simple in the near future.

Trump might try to use the threat of tariffs as a negotiating tactic in an effort to revalue their currencies, Denyer adds. However, it is doubtful whether multilateral or even broader economic policy changes will significantly weaken the US dollar in the absence of broader economic policy shifts.

This, Denyer concludes,” will leave Trump to hope that continued disinflation allows the Fed to cut rates, weakening the US dollar. However, there is a sizable probability that loose fiscal policy and sticky inflation will keep&nbsp, monetary policy&nbsp, relatively tight, supporting the US dollar and confounding Trump’s aim of weakening the currency”.

Another irrational possibility: whether Trump will continue to flirt with defaulting on US debt. He declared to CNBC in 2016 that he would “know that you could make a deal” if the economy crashed. And if the economy was good, it was good. So, therefore, you ca n’t lose”.

Trump considered canceling Beijing’s debt while serving as president for the first time in light of trade tensions. With the US national debt twice the size of Chinese gross domestic product, it’s easy to see how that would make the 2008″ Lehman shock” seem quaint by comparison.

Asian assets are also weighed by the threat of geopolitical conflict. One example is what a Trump 2.0 foreign policy team might have for Taiwan.

Trump’s return is music to Vladimir Putin’s ears, giving the Russian leader greater scope to commandeer&nbsp, Ukraine&nbsp, once and for all. Compared with US President Joe Biden’s administration, Trump also seems less likely to come to Taipei’s defense if China moved against the island of&nbsp, 23 million people.

Asia investors will also keep their bets guessing about the direction US policies in the Middle East will take. Trump, for instance, might give Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu more freedom to fight the conflict in Gaza. He’s also likely to tighten sanctions on Iran, adding fresh uncertainty to oil supply dynamics and, by extension, energy prices.

” Conceptually, the impact of a potential second Trump term on oil prices is ambiguous”, says commodity researcher Yulia Zhestkova Grigsby at Goldman Sachs.

As Trump 2.0 assumes power, other issues will concern Asian governments. Japan and Korea are concerned that Trump’s “grand bargain” trade agreement with Xi leaves other top Asian nations staring in from the distance.

All that’s clear, though, is that there will be fewer guardrails or inhibitions as Trump seeks to “make America great again” at Asia’s expense.

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State railway sees ‘huge promise’ in 28 land plots

To a company for area development and management, thousands of rent contracts were transferred.

State Railway of Thailand (SRT) governor Veeris Ammarapala (third from right) hands over 12,333 land lease contracts to Pol Col Supakorn Supasincharoen, an executive of SRT Asset Co, on Monday. Looking on (in yellow jacket) is Deputy Transport Minister Surapong Piyachote. (Photo: SRT public relations Facebook page)
State Railway of Thailand ( SRT ) governor Veeris Ammarapala ( third from right ) hands over 12, 333 land lease contracts to Pol Col Supakorn Supasincharoen, an executive of SRT Asset Co, on Monday. Looking on ( in yellow jacket ) is Deputy Transport Minister Surapong Piyachote. ( Photo: SRT public relations Facebook page )

The State Railway of Thailand ( SRT ) is pinning its hopes on planned commercial development of 38, 500 rai of land it owns, including 28 plots with “enormous” potential, to bring in 20 billion baht in revenue over the next four years.

According to information released by the National Economic and Social Development Council ( NESDC ), the SRT lost 17.8 billion baht last year. The state organization is perpetually losing money, and it also has an accumulated bill of about 300 billion ringgit.

SRT Asset Co, a house management online established in 2020, has so far taken over the administration of 12, 233 lease agreements covering 38, 469 ray of property, SRT government Veeris Ammarapala said on Wednesday.

The plots fall under the category of “non-core,” meaning they are not intended to be used for key road operations or related activities.

The SRT is one of the country’s largest owners with 240, 880 ray in all, almost 202, 000 ray of which is considered core business area. But, not all the non-core company area has the ability to be developed for professional purposes.

SRT Asset has had little exercise to time, with revenue last year of merely 660, 000 ringgit, according to the NESDC.

Of the 12, 233 area lease contracts it has acquired, 5, 856 were previously handled by the SRT’s asset management office, 6, 369 by the coach operations section and the other eight by the signal and communications division, said Mr Veeris.

SRT Asset is also in charge of finding new plots of land to purchase for development projects and finding private partners to work together to develop either existing or new narratives, according to the government.

According to Mr. Veeris, the SRT anticipates a 5 % share of all development projects ‘ online income from SRT Asset Co., adding that the SRT will continue to be the owner of the land while its company will handle it.

He claimed that three phases are being used to divide the development of 28 plots that are deemed to have great possible.

Starting next year, the first phase will involve seven plots: the Bang Sue-Klong Tan (RCA ) project, Sila At, Klong San Market, Ratchaprarop, Phahon Yothin, Bang Sue Area and the Nong Khai station project, Mr Veeris said.

The other two aspects may be carried out from 2026 through 2029, he added.

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Bread & Kaya 2023 Pt2: The syariah court tackles crypto, the importance of experts in software disputes and online sexual grooming

  • If , dealing with Bitcoin, guidelines by Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Selangor to been followed.
  • Never a defence for an accused&nbsp, to say that they&nbsp, did not know that the target is a baby

Bread & Kaya 2023 Pt2: The syariah court tackles crypto, the importance of experts in software disputes and online sexual grooming

Bread & Kaya 2023 Pt2: The syariah court tackles crypto, the importance of experts in software disputes and online sexual groomingAfter revealing some striking situations yesterday, I now look at a few more ones that readers will undoubtedly find fascinating. I’ll give some advice on what to watch out for in 2024 cyber-related scenarios that might come up in court.

Possession of bitcoins in the Syariah Court

Mohd Nahar Bin Mohd Nasir is described in Rosmaliza Bin Mohamad Rosli Lwn ( Mahkamah Tinggi Syariah Shah Alam di Negeri Selangor ). .. Kes Mal Bil. : 10100-049-0757-2019 ), the plaintiff wife sought a declaration that Bitcoin amounting to 206.9967889 which is equivalent to RM10, 095, 109.20 to be a marriage debt between the plaintiff wife and defendant husband pursuant to s. 61 of the Administration of the Religion of Islam ( State of Selangor ) Enactment 2003, and that the Bitcoin be returned to the plaintiff wife.

The initial decision was made by the Syariah High Court, which authorized the hearing of the question of whether Cryptocurrency may be reclaimed as a marriage debt. The Court made a decision on” Hukum Matawang Kripto ( Cryptocurrency ): Satu Analisa Syarak” in relation to the” Keputusan Mesyuarat Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Selangor yang&nbsp, telah bersidang pada 8 Muharram 1443H bersidang dengan 17 Ogos 2021″ decision.

“HARUS untuk menjalankan urus niaga menggunakan mata wang digital sama ada sebagai perantara pembayaran ( medium of payment ), pemindahan wang ( remittance ) &nbsp, dan aset simpanan SEKIRANYA memenuhi parameter-parameter di bawah. &nbsp,

a. &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, Urus niaga melibatkan mata wang online hendaklah dilakukan dapat system pertukaran mat wang online berlesen yang diluluskan dan dikawal selia by pihak berautoriti sahaja,

b. Pengguna hendaklah mempunyai pengetahuan yang inclusions mengenai &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, Pengguna hendaklah mempunyai pengetahuan

document. Jenis, ciri-ciri dalam jack risiko berkaitan mat wang online, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, ciri-ciri

i. &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp, Perkara-perkara teknikal yang inclusions mengenai bagaimana for memperoleh mat wang online jack di mana ia perlu disimpan untuk memastikan keselamatannya,

ii. Peraturan-peraturan oleh ditetapkan by platform pertukaran mat wang online berlesen untuk diluluskan dan dikawal selia by pihak berautoriti, daniv. Undang-undang danny peraturan yang berkaitan mat wang online.

Sebagaimana mata wang yang lay, mat wang online hendaklah untuk digunakan sebagai bayaran kepada barangan, pelacuran, perjudian, pendanaan aktiviti keganasan serta penggubahan wang haram, according to c. &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp,

The Syariah High Court held that the requirements set forth in the Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Selangor choice must be followed if one wants to deal with Bitcoin. &nbsp,

The plaintiff’s family must demonstrate that the plaintiff’s wife’s Bitcoin account adheres to the requirements set by the&nbsp, Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Selangor, according to the Syariah High Court. She did not do it, either during the trials or in any of her petitions. As such, the Syariah High Court dismissed the activity. &nbsp,

Reduction of bitcoin

A respected market technician was also found to be answerable for negligence over the loss of Bitcoins by a person. In Petaling Jaya Sessions Court Suit No. Yew See Tak v. Luno Malaysia Sdn Bhd The claimant sued the accused, a documented market operator with a DAX license, for negligence for failing to secure and protect his cryptocurrencies, which are 2. 730096 Bitcoins worth RM566, RM570.70, in its possession and control.

The Cryptocurrencies were transferred to an unfamiliar profile in three distinct transactions but on a single time. The defendant claimed, among other things, that the illegal transactions were made possible through SMS sent to the defendant’s mobile number and through the plaintiff’s Luno account. Since the plaintiff had activated two-factor verification ( also known as two-factor authentication ), anyone who wants to get his Luno account must use the 2FA code generated by the 2FA program, Google Authenticator. The defendant concluded that there was nothing to demonstrate that his finances was compromised, and the transactions were inevitable due to Blockchain systems.

The plaintiff claimed that he had given Luno the task of keeping and caring for the funds and cryptocurrencies in the Luno account and that he had opened an account with them to be able to employ its functions properly and safely. Thus, the respondent and the plaintiff had a professional relationship with the claimant as its customer.

The Court found that the defendant had been irresponsible and awarded standard, aggravated and excellent restitution of RM100, 000.00.

The defendant’s customer support was hampered by the defendant’s 36 hours-long delay in letting the plaintiff know his account had been locked out for security reasons, the jury determined. This demonstrates that the defendant did not take the issue seriously. The customer service personnel even did not speak to present the role and responsibilities taken by the plaintiff in handling issues submitted by their clients. The respondent may correct the issue within a reasonable amount of time to resolve the issue being raised.

The plaintiff’s program should have been notified and the dubious deals identified. This is a situation involving a large amount in two dealings in a short time. The claimant has been a 5-year customer for five years, not a new client. The accused can interpret and forecast the plaintiff’s interpersonal pattern. The defendant don’t avoid liability by merely implementing a 2FA system.

Additionally, the accused developed a new fraud prevention strategy to restrict transactions made through the platform following the plaintiff’s event. With this plan, the defendant may determine whether there are transactions that are abnormally high or above the permitted level, and if they are abnormal, they will be suspended or looked into. In contrast, the Court recognised that other websites may stop suspicious transactions and the plaintiff failed to do so.

The defendant also allegedly violated the Securities Commission’s Guidelines on Prevention of Money Laundering and Terrorism Financing for Capital Market Intermediaries. Not only did the defendant not report the incident to the Securities Commission.

A reporting institution is required to conduct ongoing due diligence and scrutiny of its customers throughout the life of the business relationship, according to the Guidelines. Such measures shall include monitoring and detecting patterns of transactions undertaken throughout the course of the business relationship to ensure that the transactions being conducted are consistent with the reporting institution’s knowledge of the customer. Additionally, it ought to think about changing a customer’s risk classification and requesting a suspicious transaction report from Bank Negara Malaysia’s Financial Intelligence and Enforcement Department.

The Court took into account the following in terms of the general, aggravated, and exemplary damages:

  1. the defendant’s position that its security measures are very good and anything more is not their problem but nevertheless admitted that there was improvement in the security after the incident,
  2. The defendant could at least offer a thorough and urgent investigation, and transactions in such an account should be stymied or frozen until the investigation is finished.
  3. the plaintiff had firmly believed in the defendant and had made an investment there.
  4. the plaintiff could have continued with his investment into cryptocurrencies but for the loss of the cryptocurrencies.

However, the High Court overturned the appeals court ruling from the Sessions Court. The learned High Court Judge reportedly believed that the Sessions Court judge had imposed a high standard of care and duty on Luno despite the lack of supporting evidence. The High Court’s grounds are not available as at the time of writing.

Online grooming

Online sexual grooming was also affected by the Sexual Offences Against Children Act 2017 ( SOLACT). In Hendra Bin Mulana v Pendakwa Raya]2023] CLJU 2230, the Court showed its abhorrence towards child sexual abuse materials and child grooming. The accused was found guilty of four counts of child pornography under the Sexual Offenses Against Children Act 2017 and given a 13-year sentence, three strokes of rotan ( caning ), for each charge, by the Sessions Court.

The accused had arranged for the victim to give him sexual-related photos and videos and had lewd conversations with her on a social media platform by the name of BIGO. The accused however had never met the victim, but they had communicated via live streaming and WhatsApp calls.

Because of her BIGO profile, which stated she was 19 years old, the accused’s defense claimed that he had no idea what the victim’s true age was. He added that the victim claimed to have been informed that she was still in school and that she was enrolled in Form Six ( Upper ). The accused argued that he had taken all reasonable steps to ascertain the age of the victim and relied on the defence under section 20 of the Sexual Offences Against Children Act 2017. The victim acknowledged that she had informed the accused that she was 14 years old but did not disclose her true age. Her friend’s account was the BIGO account.

The High Court held that there were two ingredients to be fulfilled for an offence under section 8 ( b ) by the prosecution and they were that the victim is a child, and the accused had asked for pornography from the child at the material time. The Sessions Court ruled that the High Court had made an error by holding that both requirements were met. In terms of the first ingredient, it was satisfied by the availability of the victim’s birth certificate. As for the second ingredient, this was fulfilled through the evidence provided by the prosecution witness, the accused’s own statements and documentary evidence.

The accused defense claimed that he did not know the victim’s true age. The Sessions Court rejected this claim, holding that the accused should have made an effort to meet the victim in person to find out her true age. Pursuant to section 20 of the Sexual Offences Against Children Act 2017, it is not a defence for the accused to claim that he did not know that the victim is a child unless the accused took all reasonable steps to ascertain the age of the person.

The High Court concurred with the Sessions Court and remarked that the victim’s photo clearly demonstrates that she is a young person. The accused should have tendered evidence to support his claims that he had taken reasonable steps to determine the victim’s age. As such, the High Court upheld the conviction of the Sessions Court but reduced the sentence from 13 years for each charge to 10 years each. The High Court’s conviction and sentence were upheld by the Court of Appeal.

Software Dispute

The High Court case of Liberty Technology Resources Sdn Bhd v. Suruhanjaya Syarikat Malaysia ( SSM)]2023] 1 LNS 1294 highlights the importance of terms on refund and liquidated damages, and role of experts in software disputes.

The litigant was tasked with creating an ERP system for Suruhanjaya Syarikat Malaysia ( the defendant ) under the terms of a contractual agreement known as the ERP Agreement. Due to delays in the project’s completion, the defendant abruptly terminated the agreement, which both parties then brought to court.

The plaintiff alleged wrongful termination and sought significant contractual payments, primarily for third-party software licenses and subscription fees purchased on behalf of the defendant. However, the court determined that the ERP Agreement did not specifically mandate that the plaintiff be required to pay for the acquisition of third-party software at its own expense unless otherwise specified in the contract. Therefore, the plaintiff’s request for reimbursement of these costs was rejected.

Regarding the delays in project completion, the plaintiff argued that these were caused by actions of the defendant. The court noted, however, that this assertion was unsupported by any compelling evidence, such as expert reports or thorough delay analyses. In consequence, the plaintiff was unable to establish the defendant’s guilt in light of their wrongful termination claim.

On the defendant’s counterclaim, seeking a refund of payments made under the ERP Agreement upon termination, the court ruled in favor of defendant. Based on solid contractual terms that allowed for such refunds in the event of termination, this decision was made. Additionally, the court upheld the defendant’s right to liquidated damages, separate from the refund, as well as those that were deemed necessary to make up for losses brought on by project delays.

Throughout the case, expert opinions played a significant role. The plaintiff uncontested the expert analysis regarding the causes of project delays that the defendant presented. This further supported the court’s decision in favor of the plaintiff on matters involving termination, refunds, and damages.

Closing

In 2024, we can expect more interesting developments in the cyberlaw and IT sphere.

    On June 26, 2024, the Cyber Security Bill became law. This new law aims to improve the security of the nation by, among other things, regulating the role and responsibilities of the national critical information infrastructure (NCII ) sector leaders and national critical information infrastructure entities, managing cyber security threats and incidents involving national critical information infrastructures, and regulating the role of the cyber security service providers through licensing, and providing for related matters. Details of this article can be found in my June article” Bread &amp, Kaya: Impact of the Cyber Security Bill 2024 on the Cybersecurity Industry in Malaysia”.

  • During the Parliament’s session in July 2024, our government proposed changes to the Personal Data Protection Act 2010. The new regulations now require data controllers to comply with the requirements of a data protection officer, notification of data breaches, and the right to transfer personal information to another data controller, including data portability.
  • Singapore may require online platforms Carousell and Facebook to verify the identity of all their sellers if the number of scams reported on the respective platforms does not drop significantly. The Singapore government made a welcome effort to stop scam, which should follow our government’s example.
  • New laws are being passed to combat scams by making a severe dent in those who operate mule accounts, according to the issue of scams. Currently, mule account holders are charged under s. 414 ( assisting in the concealment of stolen property ) and s. 424 ( dishonest or fraudulent removal or concealment of consideration ) of the Penal Code, among others. The new proposed changes will now make someone who has a payment instrument or account of another person in his or her possession ( s. 424A ), gives possession of the same ( s. 424B), and engages in transactions related to the same ( s. 424C ) illegally in his or her possession or control ( s. 424A ).
  • By January 1st, 2025, social media service providers and instant messaging service providers with 8 million or more users in Malaysia must comply with the Communications and Multimedia Commission’s ( Exemption ) ( Amendment ) Regulations 2024 and Communications and Multimedia ( Licensing ) ( Exemption ) ( Amendment ) ( No 2 ) Regulations 2024. This requirement was introduced to combat rise in cybercrime offences including online scams and gambling, cyberbullying, and sexual crimes against children.

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Who’s afraid of the big bad bond market? – Asia Times

When interest levels were being cut in the US, a funny thing happened: they ended up being higher.

The US Federal Reserve lowered its benchmark interest rate by half a percentage point in September, &nbsp, raising expectations&nbsp, that another levels may soon start coming along. Otherwise, the US Treasury’s two-year and 10-year information and the common 30-year lease rate have all risen by half a percentage point or more.

What happened? The Fed has limited authority over interest rates, which is the quick reply. The bond market, when well, has a lot to say about rates—the longer-term charges in particular, although no entirely.

The relationship economy’s” say” is a simple representation of supply and demand. The key is to comprehend that bond yields and prices move in the opposite direction: one moves off and the other moves down.

The 30-year mortgage interest rate is one of several other bond market-based rates that was coming down before the Federal Reserve slashed its benchmark rate on Sept. 18 but went up after it. (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis chart)
The 30-year loan attention rate is one of several different bond market-based levels that were decreasing before the Federal Reserve cut its benchmark rate on September 18 but increased after it. Graph: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

For example: If I buy for US$ 100 a bond that yields 5 %, I will receive$ 5 a year in interest. Let’s say I’m selling the bond to you and you only pay$ 90 because the demand is subdued and the supply is strong. You currently receive$ 5 in interest per year, but because you paid$ 90, your yield is 5.55 %. ( If, instead, you had to pay$ 105 for the bond, your yield would be 4.76 %. )

What’s happening, therefore, is that while the Fed is now trying to push prices down, ties are selling off and that’s driving costs higher. The question is: Why is the connection business negative?

There are at least two possible solutions.

Some experts blame what they’re calling the” Trump trade”. Although the surveys are a tossup, the industry think Trump is going to win the presidency. They also believe that a second Trump term will aggravate the trend toward higher inflation and worsen the already bad national debt.

Understand that the markets do n’t have a political agenda. Bond investors may be mistaken about the effects of a Trump success, as well as the success itself, but their predictions do n’t represent anti-Trump discrimination.

Their purchasing and selling of securities is based on what they think will happen in terms of prices. Lenders apprehension about being reimbursed in undervalued currency. Both candidates have pledged to provide tax breaks and freebies that will help with inflation, but academics believe Trump has already made those promises.

The business serves as the other justification for the ties selling off. The Fed’s September 18 price cut reflected an market that was scarcely creating 100, 000 new tasks a month. Some economists were predicting another half-point split at the Fed’s November meet.

But in early October the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported a 254, 000 increase in work in September, well above the 12-month regular, and Census revised some of the earlier times forward. Meanwhile, the inflation rate in September continued its downward march toward the Fed’s 2 % target but did n’t drop as much as analysts expected.

With those studies, a half-point November split by the Fed looked less good. One Fed official also expressed his willingness to avoid a split in November.

The November 1 report that only 12, 000 additional jobs were reported for October seems likely to be dismissed as being distorted by significant storms and the Boeing attack.

Financial businesses are forward-looking, they anticipate activities. In anticipation of the Fed’s September cut, owners had bought securities, which drove bond yields over. In light of the studies showing a stronger market and worse-than-expected prices in September, owners ‘ anticipation changed. If the Fed was n’t going to lower rates as much or as fast as expected, markets had to adjust.

It’s possible, of course, that the true answer is some mix of the Trump deal and expectations of future Fed price movements. The expectations solution is more normal. You’d have to wonder why then if shareholders were selling bonds out of concern for higher imbalances and prices. Bond traders have ignored decades of multi-trillion-dollar national budget deficits.

If those shortfalls are then causing bond traders to feel uneasy, it would represent a return of those who were known as the “bond vigilantes.” Bond investors ‘ concerns about federal spending three decades ago led to 10-year note yields falling from 5.2 % annually to 8 %.

Years later, the administration also managed to generate a budget surplus by working with Congress on plans to control spending. That it had to be pushed by the markets to do so caused a Clinton consultant, James Carville, to say – reportedly – that, if he could be reincarnated as anyone, it would be the relationship industry so he could scare everyone.

For farmers, ranchers and another business loans, the big question is where interest rates are going from below. The most probable course for them to take is, in my opinion, to fall, perhaps more quietly than analysts had predicted in September.

The US economy is robust, according to The Economist, and inflation is essentially under command. The present level of interest rates is much higher than current economic situations warrant, and if the economy continues to grow at this rate, which is very unlikely and if a rebound in inflation is possible but not specially unlikely.

If I’m correct about the economy, the Fed will continue to cut interest rates, perhaps just quarter-point cuts, and perhaps not at every meeting, but it will be closer to 3 % than 5 % over the long run.

The industry will eventually fall in line as the Fed moves in that direction, particularly if whoever wins the presidency is prevented from carrying out their most inflationary campaign promises by Congress, the relationship market, or a return to common sense.

Urban Lehner, a former Wall Street Journal Asia journalist and editor, is DTN/The Progressive Farmer’s editor emeritus. &nbsp, This&nbsp, content, &nbsp, actually published by DTN on November 1, and now&nbsp, republished by Asia Times with authority, is © Copyright 2024 DTN, LLC. All rights reserved. &nbsp, &nbsp, Follow&nbsp, Urban Lehner&nbsp, on X @urbanize

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Tariff time: Free trade skepticism deeply rooted in US history – Asia Times

One of the more surprising developments in recent American politics has been the backlash against free trade.

As recently as a decade ago, Democrats and Republicans alike generally favored free trade. But with the 2024 presidential election just days away, both Republican Donald Trump and Democrat Kamala Harris are leaning hard on protectionism.

The Trump campaign in particular is promoting tariffs that would be difficult to imagine coming from a Republican presidential candidate just a decade ago.

This new post-neoliberal moment might seem confounding. But it hearkens back to economic policies – and political parties – from around the time of the nation’s founding, and it offers clues to our divided present.

Back in the late 18th century, the Founding Father Alexander Hamilton helped put in place a set of policies designed to encourage US industry and to promote economic development and innovation.

That arrangement, which laid the groundwork for what became known as the “American System,” emerged in part as a counterbalance to British conceptions of free trade. And the American System quickly grew as accepted economic policy as a young America developed its industrial strength.

Hamilton’s economic nationalism

In the early years of the republic, the US didn’t have much of a trade policy at all.

When the US officially achieved independence in 1783 with the signing of the Treaty of Paris, the Articles of Confederation – the nation’s first constitution – greatly limited the federal government’s powers, including its ability to regulate foreign trade.

These restrictions reflected the reality of 13 very different states that had been more united against the British – and their trade controls – than in support of a common vision of economic development.

The economic conditions within this loosely connected nation quickly worsened. A deepening economic crisis, rising debt, inflation, cheap British manufactured goods and rising bankruptcy soon emerged. Such changing conditions gave rise to calls for a new national economic policy.

This economic strain was an important factor leading to the drafting of the US Constitution, ratified in 1789. The Constitution gave the federal government the capacity to regulate trade with foreign countries and, for the first time, to collect taxes. Both were privileges once held exclusively by sovereign American states.

The ‘second American revolution’

A strengthened American Congress made passing a national Tariff Act one of its first tasks. When it was ratified in 1789, a national import tax replaced customs previously enacted by the states.

Perhaps indicating the magnitude of this change, supporters called it “the Second American Revolution,” passed as it was on July 4, 1789. In effect, it helped create a new conception of the American political and economic system, with a much stronger role for the state in economic matters.

Duties were levied on 30 commodities, including hemp and textiles. Perhaps foreshadowing trade policy of a future era, the Tariff Act also placed duties of 12.5% on goods imported from China and India.

The main architect of this new industrial policy was Hamilton, who released his seminal work on economic policy, Report on Manufactures, in 1791. Hamilton’s ideas were based on transforming a predominantly agricultural nation into one defined, at least in part, by growing and diversified industry.

Though often overlooked, Hamilton’s Report on Manufactures also contained a grander vision – it sought to encourage the development of American invention and ingenuity as a form of economic policy and argued for unlocking “the genius of the people” so that “the wealth of a nation may be promoted.”

To promote this spirit of national enterprise, Hamilton encouraged promoting technological progress, subsidizing research, attracting migrants, supporting a new financial system and implementing a patent system to promote invention. Such policies were in many ways an extension of previous policy enshrined in Section 8 of the Constitution.

Tariffs and their discontents

As the use of tariffs continued in the decades following Hamilton’s plan, policymakers turned increasingly protective in an attempt to more directly promote American industry. They enacted tariffs to insulate growing American industries from foreign competition, primarily from the UK.

By the early 19th century, this growing protectionist movement coalesced around the powerful Kentucky legislator Henry Clay and his Whig Party. Clay, who first referred to the American System by name, and his allies were instrumental in raising average national tariff rates to 20% in 1816.

When crisis appeared during the Panic of 1819, a collapse in cotton prices, a tightening of credit, widespread foreclosures and rising unemployment followed. In response, Clay and his allies raised tariff rates again, to 50% in 1828.

The increasing use of tariffs provoked a fierce response from some in the nation’s agricultural and slave-owning class, who objected to perceived Northern dominance and a strong federal government. One prominent Southern critic at the time referred to the 1828 tariff as the “tariff of abominations.”

Indeed, opposition to elements of the American System was one of the chief policy goals of early Democratic politicians such as Andrew Jackson, and fights over the system presaged later sectional fights leading up to the Civil War.

As an industrial revolution took root in American society in the decades that followed, tariffs remained a cornerstone of US economic policy. By the late 1850s, tariffs had become integrated into the policy of the newly formed Republican Party and an important plank of Abraham Lincoln’s economic platform.

Toward the end of the 19th century, a changing Democratic Party, supported increasingly by a strong agricultural populist movement, continued to largely oppose the tariff system, arguing it benefited powerful industrialists at the expense of the working class while offering little to counter economic crisis.

The breakup of the American System − and why it matters today

Between 1861 and 1933, tariffs were a standard tool of US economic policy. During this period, tariffs on dutiable goods often averaged 40% to 50%, especially in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. US policymakers didn’t seriously question tariffs as a form of industrial policy until the deepening of the Great Depression in the 1930s.

Following World War II, the US decisively shifted away from tariffs. The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act was widely blamed for deepening the Great Depression and contributing to the international conflicts of the 1930s and 1940s, effectively ending the protectionist era of U.S. industrial history.

The establishment of the Federal Reserve in 1913 provided policymakers with a novel tool – monetary policy – to deal with economic downturns. The Keynesian revolution provided still another policy response for governments to consider during periods of economic crisis: spending as fiscal stimulus to create jobs and income.

Finally, as postwar American policy embraced open global trade, American economic policy pursued more direct mechanisms to foster national innovation and entrepreneurship – effectively breaking up policy once dependent on activist trade intervention. With the elimination of tariffs, one of the great periods of American economic growth and innovation followed.

In 2024, the Republican platform has, in many ways, returned to its origins by offering tariffs as a key economic strategy. Likewise, the Democratic platform, with its skepticism of concentrated corporate power, coupled with a renewed focus on financial support for small businesses and entrepreneurship, echoes its own earlier generation.

As Americans head to the polls, it’s worth asking how current economic proposals with deep roots in the American System of old might help shape economic policy in the future.

Erik Guzik is assistant clinical professor of management, University of Montana

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Squid Game: Season 2 sees return of champion to deadly games

No Ju-han/Netflix Lee Jung-jae as Gi-hun, wearing a green tracksuit against a blue backgroundNo Ju-han/Netflix

The first trailer for the second season of Squid Game has been released, thrusting viewers back into the deadly arena where champion Seong Gi-hun has returned to play once more.

Three years after his victory in the lethal series of children’s games Gi-hun returns as Player 456 and is joined by hundreds of new players – and tries to lead them to safety.

The first season of the South Korean drama followed a group of 456 people, desperate and in debt, fighting to the death for a huge cash prize.

It became Netflix’s biggest ever series launch, streamed by 111 million users in its first 28 days.

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The trailer opens as the sinister masked guards welcome a new cast of characters to the competition.

They are despatched for their first game, also familiar from season one: Red Light Green Light.

Despite Gi-hun’s efforts to coach the players across the finish line to safety, things take a lethal turn.

As in season one, the players get to vote to stop the game or keep playing. While Gi-hun encourages them to focus on “getting out of this place,” the players ignore his pleas.

“One more game,” they chant, as the cash prize fills a giant piggy-bank dangling above them.

No Ju-han/Netflix Lee Jung-jae as Gi-hun, wearing a green tracksuit and frowning at a guard wearing a hooded red suit.No Ju-han/Netflix

Director Hwang Dong-hyuk said: “Gi-hun’s endeavor to find out who these people are and why they do what they do is the core story of season two.”

Also returning is the black-masked mysterious Front Man, who oversees the games, and Hwang Jun-ho, the police detective that broke into the games last season to search for his missing brother.

Dong-hyuk previously said he felt “a lot of pressure” on how to make season two “even better” after the show’s runaway success.

Netflix has also announced that the final, third season will be released in 2025.

The second series of Squid Game will be released on Netflix on 26 December 2024.

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Beijing mulls buying unsold homes for 4 trillion yuan – Asia Times

The Chinese government is said to be considering issuance in the next five years of 4 trillion yuan (US$561 billion) in special treasury bonds in order to fund the purchase of unsold homes and idle sites in an effort to reduce inventory in the markets and support property prices.

The issuance of these bonds will come on top of the previously-reported issuance of 6 trillion yuan in ultra-long special treasury bonds, which will be implemented over the next three years, Reuters reported

It is expected that these long-term money printing schemes will be discussed in the coming standing of the National People’s Congress (NPC) Standing Committee between November 4 and 8. 

The meeting was originally scheduled for late October but it was postponed to November with some media reports saying that Beijing wants to make its final decision after the United States presidential election. 

In case the election’s winner is Republican candidate Donald Trump, who vowed to impose a 60% tariff on all Chinese goods, China may need a stronger stimulus package to maintain its economic growth for the next few years, Reuters reported, citing two unnamed sources.

Mysterious local debt figure

The news about China’s stimulus package came after Li Jianjun, vice president of the Central University of Finance and Economics and an economist, said in a public speech at the Financial Street Forum 2024 in Beijing on October 18 that China’s debt-to-GDP ratio had increased to about 103% as of the end of June this year.

Li’s comments were reported by foreign media only this week. They seemed different from Beijing’s propaganda in recent years claiming that China’s debt situation remained healthy.

Li said China’s local government financing vehicles (LGFV) loans and related shadow loans had grown to 57.16 trillion yuan as of June 30.

Since the early 2010s, local governments, property developers and LGFVs had formed an iron triangle to benefit from a decade-long property bubble, which burst in 2021 with the default of Evergrande Group.  

It is an open secret that China has so far accumulated what many foreign economists estimate to be more than 50 trillion yuan of LGFV loans. 

But it is the first time for this figure to be disclosed in an official way: The Financial Street Forum is jointly organized by the People’s Bank of China (PBoC), Xinhua News Agency and other financial regulators. Besides, the Central University of Finance and Economics, in which Li is serving, is co-sponsored by the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Education and the Beijing municipal government.

Li said China’s total debt, including 30 trillion yuan of central government loans and 42.23 trillion yuan of legally-issued local government loans, totaled 129 trillion yuan, which is more than China’s 2023 GDP of 126 trillion yuan. He added that the figure excludes the shadow loans guaranteed by local governments. 

He stressed that China’s debt-to-GDP ratio is now above the globally-recognized 60% representative threshold for high debt levels. 

He said more than 60% of Chinese provinces and municipalities, including Tianjin, Chongqing, Guizhou and Gansu, saw their debt-to-GDP ratios exceeded 300%. He said it is important to define clearly the role of local governments and markets and reduce governments’ influence in debt issuances.

Between the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 and the first land auction in Shenzhen in 1987, all land use had to be approved by the Chinese government.

Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying said in a press conference in 2018 that he had helped introduce Hong Kong’s land auction system to China and contributed to the country’s land reform and opening up. 

It was supposed to be a system in which local governments could receive fiscal revenue and manufacturers and property developers could get land resources. But most local governments ended up becoming overly reliant on land sales revenue to maintain operations.

Fareast Credit, a Shanghai-based credit rating agency, said in a research report in April 2022 that land sales revenue accounted for 41.47% of local governments’ fiscal income on average.

It said the levy of property tax would not be enough to offset the decline in local governments’ land sales revenue during a property down cycle. It said the central government should allow local governments to enjoy a bigger share in the country’s business and consumption taxes.  

300 million migrant workers

On September 21, Liu Shijin, a top economist and the former deputy president of the China State Council’s Development Research Center, said in a public event that the central government should raise 10 trillion yuan by issuing ultra-long special treasury bonds within one to two years. 

He said the central government should use the proceeds from bond issuance to buy up unsold homes from the markets in the short run and accelerate urbanization over the medium term. 

His comments, followed by the PBoC’s interest rate and reserve requirement ratio cuts, had contributed to the stock market rally in mainland China and Hong Kong between late September and early October.

Caixin reported on October 14 that the Finance Ministry planned to issue 6 trillion yuan of ultra-long special treasury bonds in the coming three years to ease the local debt crisis. 

On Tuesday, Reuters confirmed that there will be another 4 trillion yuan bond issuance to fund the purchase of unsold homes over the next five years.

Coincidentally on the same day, Liu commented about China’s stimulus package at a forum organized by Tsinghua University’s Institute for China Sustainable Urbanization. 

He said the new money from bond issuance should be spent on providing basic needs for about 300 million migrant workers, rather than subsidizing urban residents to “buy a few more pieces of bread.” 

He admitted that more than 900 million people in China are low income. He said China needs to boost its middle income population from the current 400 million to 800-900 million in the next decade in order to maintain moderate economic growth for a longer term and overcome the limitations of insufficient demand. 

Meanwhile, China’s economy also showed signs of stabilizing after Beijing announced its stimulus package.

The official manufacturing purchasing managers’ index (PMI) increased to 50.1 in October, higher than a forecast of 49.9 by economists, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. Non-manufacturing PMI rose to 50.2 in October, up from 50 in September. 

Read: Market unsatisfied with Beijing’s 6 trillion yuan stimulus

Follow Jeff Pao on X: @jeffpao3

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How China can revive its bruised and dwindling billionaire class – Asia Times

Is the “smart” money still fleeing China? Whether it’s wise to leave Asia’s biggest economy is debatable. What’s not is that the mainland billionaire emigration trend continues and that their ranks have thinned by more than a third in just the last three years.

The latter dynamic, tracked by research group Hurun, spotlights how the fallout from the last few years of government crackdowns, slowing economic growth, volatile equities and property collapse is catching up with Xi Jinping’s policymakers and complicating their efforts to counter Wall Street worries that China has become “uninvestable.”

To be sure, the “avoid-China” vibe isn’t what it was, say, six months ago. As Nicholas Colas, co-founder of research firm DataTrek, notes, the recent “surprise announcement of aggressive fiscal and monetary policy action is spurring a reappraisal of the view” that Chinese equities are uninvestable.

“China’s leadership has finally acknowledged that the country’s economy needs much more monetary and fiscal stimulus if it is to achieve its growth potential over time,” Colas says.

Billionaire David Tepper has been making his own headlines by declaring it time to buy “everything” in China. And after “running around the world” in recent weeks, Kinger Lau, chief China equity strategist at Goldman Sachs, says that “for some investors who haven’t really looked at China over the past one to two years, certainly, the interest level has picked up a lot”

As Lau tells the South China Morning Post, “I’m not saying everyone is buying. But the level of interest has picked up a lot, very much consistent with the flows and positioning.” He’s among many who now see “upside” for Chinese equities.

Where this leaves China’s remaining billionaires in US dollar terms – Hurun says there are now 753 versus a peak of 1,185 in 2021 – is debatable. What’s clear, though, is that the stakes surrounding next week’s gathering of the standing committee of National People’s Congress are rising.

Rarely has there been a better opportunity for Xi’s inner circle to reassure the billionaire set at home and global funds abroad.

“The announcement of the NPC Standing Committee meeting for November 4-8 reflects Beijing’s strategic approach to the major economic policy U-turn underway,” says economist Diana Choyleva at Enodo Economics.

Choyleva noted that “by scheduling the meeting immediately after the US presidential election on November 5, the Chinese leadership has positioned itself to announce fiscal measures with full knowledge of the electoral outcome, enhancing its ability to manage market expectations and responses effectively.”

Next week’s confab will “allow Chinese policymakers to fine-tune their announcements and potentially adjust the scale or presentation of stimulus measures based on the new geopolitical context,” she says.

Choyleva notes that “a better-coordinated approach to policy announcements could actually enhance market stability. Investors should view the timing as a sign of careful planning rather than delay, particularly given the potential for more comprehensive and strategically calibrated announcements.”

Billionaires and global funds alike are craving a “well-thought-out approach” that “sets the stage for more impactful and sustainable market responses,” Choyleva says. “For investors, this timing and a more coordinated policymaking reduces uncertainty by ensuring that China’s fiscal response will be announced with full knowledge of the US political landscape, potentially leading to more stable and sustained market reactions rather than volatile short-term responses.”

The potential wildcard of a Donald Trump 2.0 presidency would be a game-changer for Asia, starting with a 60% tax on all Chinese goods that would upend Asian growth and supply chains.

Derek Holt, Bank of Nova Scotia’s head of capital markets economics, speaks for many when he warns that “Trump’s plans risk being highly destabilizing to world markets in a much more fractured world.”

Investors everywhere are bracing for a supersized US trade war in the event of a second Trump White House, including Europe. Germany’s recession is already casting a pall over European markets.

“In a worst-case scenario of a full-blown tariff war with retaliation, we estimate potential for a mid to high single-digit drag on European earnings-per-share growth,” says Barclays Plc strategist Emmanuel Cau. A “big chunk” of analysts’ worry more than 10% growth in earnings next year could disappear as trade tensions spike, he notes.

One worry is Trump’s desire to add fiscal stimulus via giant tax cuts into an economy that doesn’t need it. “The US economy doesn’t need pump-priming, it’s in excess demand and will remain there next year,” Holt notes. And while “the US needs to assert control over its borders, Trump’s extreme immigration policies would severely damage the US economy.”

Trump’s desire to weaken the US dollar also would increase inflation risks, complicating hopes the Federal Reserve might cut interest rates. Not that Vice President Kamala Harris has a great track record in global market circles, Holt notes. As a US senator in 2020, Harris was one of only a few lawmakers who voted against a revised US-Mexico-Canada trade agreement.

In Holt’s view, “it’s a matter of picking the one you think will be less damaging. As a professional economist, I have no doubt that this means voting against Donald Trump and the weak self-serving men behind him.”

Yet risks abound as the US national debt tops the US$35 trillion mark. “America’s fiscal position is living on borrowed time and the more damage that’s done now, the higher taxes will go in the future in a potentially more divided and more dangerous world,” Holt explains.

Reassuring China’s billionaires and overseas funds requires bold and transparent action by Xi’s inner circle. 

Earlier this month, Beijing cut borrowing costs, slashed banks’ reserve requirement ratios, reduced mortgage rates and unveiled market-support tools to put a floor under share prices. Beijing is telegraphing bolder fiscal stimulus steps.

Team Xi also raised the loan quota for unfinished housing projects to 4 trillion yuan (US$562 billion), nearly double the previous amount. The bump was less than markets wanted, but pledges of more come has limited big negative market reactions.

The bigger issue, though, is repairing the balance sheets of giant property developers. Success in devising a mechanism to dispose of toxic assets could go a long way toward reassuring investors.

Xi’s inner circle has surely demonstrated it knows what’s needed to turn things around and reassure its capitalist class: a clear strategy to strengthen the finances of good-quality developers; incentivizing mergers and acquisitions; improving capital markets so that consumers stop seeing property as their only investment option; creating social safety nets so that households spend more and save less.

Beijing also must allay concerns that the tech crackdowns that began in late 2020 are over and done with.

Xi has left it to Premier Li Qiang to make the case for a more dynamic, competitive and predictable China. In January, Li said that “choosing investment in the Chinese market is not a risk, but an opportunity.”

He stressed that “investing in China will bring huge returns and a better future” and described CEOs on hand as “participants, witnesses, and beneficiaries of China’s reform and opening up.”

China, Li added, “stands ready to seriously look into and solve the difficulties and problems encountered by foreign enterprises” operating in the country. “We will take active steps to address reasonable concerns of the global business community,” Li said.

The bottom line, says Fred Hu, CEO of Primavera Capital Group, is that if China “really commits to rule of law and market reforms, I do think the confidence will slowly but surely come back, then the animal spirit will be rekindled.”

One reason the clock is ticking in Xi’s reform plans is that the 10-year mark of his “Made in China 2025” scheme is fast approaching.

When he took the reins of power in 2012, Xi promised to let market forces play a “decisive” role in Beijing’s decision-making. In May 2015, Xi unveiled his ambitious plan to morph China into a high-tech Mecca for semiconductors, renewable energy, electric vehicles, biotechnology, aerospace, artificial intelligence, robotics and green infrastructure.

A decade on, progress has been more sporadic than hoped. Team Xi has often proved better at treating the symptoms of China’s economic funk, not the underlying ailment. 

It’s a lesson Japan taught the world: throwing money at an economy traumatized by plunging property values and deflationary pressures won’t work without supply-side moves to repair cracks in the economy.

Late last year, Xi introduced the buzz-phrase “new quality productive forces.” Though somewhat cryptic, Xi’s inner circle has been selling it as the answer to China’s economic future.

China wants to get its consumers to spend more and save less to keep growth near 5% year after year. That means continuing to raise incomes and building more robust social safety nets to encourage spending. It means creating deeper, trusted capital markets so the average Chinese can invest in stocks and bonds — not just real estate.

Beijing’s extreme focus on boosting consumption over the years has proved counterproductive, economists say. It leaves China susceptible to boom-and-bust cycles that require urgent attention at the expense of moving the economy upmarket. China’s heavy reliance on exports leaves the economy vulnerable to Trump-like antics.

There’s no better alternative to accelerating and broadening China’s evolution into a high-tech powerhouse, development experts say. And indications are, this is precisely the pivot Xi and Li are making as 2025 approaches.

At the NPC in March, Xi’s Communist Party said “it’s imperative to boost the endeavors to modernize the industrial system, and accelerate the development of new productive forces.” Billionaires skittish about China’s prospects couldn’t agree more. The days and weeks ahead offer Xi a ready opportunity to do just that.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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Commentary: A possible Trump win muddies an already-chaotic economic debate in China

WILL BEIJING’S PRIORITIES CHANGE?

Until recently, Xi’s stimulus was entirely a domestic affair.

Ministry-level officials have promised the largest one-time debt swap in recent years to improve municipal finances. The state will also buy unsold housing to stabilise property prices, as well as boost banks’ capital buffer to increase their willingness to lend in a weak economy.

All these are sensible blueprints to lift China out of deflation. 

But a Trump win can change Beijing’s priorities again. His hawkish rhetoric on Chinese imports, as well as the wide latitude that the US president enjoys in setting and imposing tariffs, directly threatens Xi’s ultimate passion of transforming China into a high-end manufacturing powerhouse.

China has certainly reacted to Trump’s moves before. After Huawei was placed on the US trade blacklist in 2019, state resources were poured into industrial upgrades. Huawei alone received over US$1 billion in government grants last year, more than quadruple the amount in 2019, in part a reflection that President Joe Biden has furthered Trump’s tough trade policies. 

Bank lending to industrial firms has also soared in that time; meanwhile, real estate developers are struggling to refinance. In July, the government said it would spend 300 billion yuan (US$42 billion) to expand an existing trade-in and equipment upgrade programme as a way to boost consumption but also to absorb industrial production.

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Palestine’s economy teeters on the brink after year of war – Asia Times

The Palestinian economy has been devastated beyond recognition. Israel’s intense military operations in Gaza have led to unprecedented destruction, wiping out much of the enclave’s essential infrastructure, private property and agricultural resources.

Meanwhile, the occupied West Bank is also under severe strain. Similar patterns of destruction, alongside rising settler violence, land confiscations and expanding settlements, have left its economy buckling under the pressure of mounting public debt, unemployment and poverty.

Gaza’s economy was being suffocated even before the war. A blockade imposed by Israel in 2007 has severely restricted the import and export of goods, while fishermen were limited to a six-mile zone, crippling their ability to earn a livelihood.

The blockade caused Gaza’s GDP per capita (a measure of the wealth of a country) to shrink by 27% between 2006 and 2022, with unemployment rising to 45.3%. This gave rise to a situation where 80% of the population depended on international aid.

In addition to the economic blockade, Gaza suffered massive physical destruction due to Israeli military operations in 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2021 and 2022. Yet the cumulative effects of 16 years of blockade and military attacks are minor compared to the sheer destruction caused by the current war.

A report by the UN’s trade and development wing (Unctad) has revealed that in the space of just eight months, between October 2023 and May 2024, Gaza’s GDP per capita fell by more than half. The economic situation now is almost certainly worse.

According to the report, which was released in September 2024, Gaza’s GDP dropped by 81% in the final quarter of 2023 alone. The report concluded that the war had left Gaza’s economy in “utter ruin,” warning that even if there was an immediate ceasefire and the 2007–2022 growth trend of 0.4% returns, it would take 350 years just to restore the GDP levels of 2022.

A graph showing the sharp drop in Gaza's GDP after October 2023.

The only sectors still functioning are health and humanitarian services. All other industries, including agriculture, are at a near standstill. The destruction of between 80% and 96% of agricultural assets has led to rampant food insecurity.

The scale of destruction in Gaza is unprecedented in modern times and is happening under the world’s gaze. From October 2023 to January 2024 alone, the total cost of damage reached approximately US$18.5 billion – equivalent to seven times Gaza’s GDP in 2022.

A separate report by the UN Development Program, which was published in May, predicts that it will take more than 80 years to rebuild just Gaza’s housing stock if it repeats the rate of restructuring seen after Israeli military operations in 2014 and 2021. Merely clearing the debris could take up to 14 years.

The war has displaced almost all of Gaza’s population and has thrown people into dire poverty. Unemployment surged to 80%, leaving most households without any source of income. And prices of basic commodities have increased by 250%, which is contributing to famine across the Strip.

Palestinians walking down a street in Gaza that has been destroyed during the war.
The Gaza Strip is in ruins after more than a year of relentless bombardment. Photo: Anas-Mohammed / Shutterstock via The Conversation

The economic crisis has also extended to the West Bank, where GDP has fallen sharply. Military checkpoints, cement blocks and iron gates at the entrances to Palestinian towns and cities, as well as the denial of work permits for Palestinians in Israeli settlements, have resulted in more than 300,000 job losses since the start of the war.

The Unctad report reveals that the rate of unemployment in the West Bank has tripled to 32% since the start of the conflict, with labor income losses amounting to $25.5 million. Poverty is rising rapidly.

Israeli forces have also continued to confiscate Palestinian homes and land. Over the past year alone, 24,000 acres of land in the West Bank have been seized, and over 2,000 Palestinians have been displaced.

This devastation has been exacerbated by Israel’s decision to withhold the tax revenue it collects for the Palestinian Authority, which typically accounts for between 60% and 65% of the Palestinian public budget, as well as a significant decline in international aid. Aid to Palestine has dropped drastically over the past decade or so, falling from the equivalent of US$2 billion in 2008 to just $358 million by 2023.

The Palestinian Authority is facing a massive budget deficit, which is projected to increase by 172% in 2024 compared to the previous year. This financial strain has crippled the Palestinian government’s ability to provide essential services, pay salaries and meet the needs of a population battered by war, displacement and severe poverty.

The road to recovery

For the Palestinian economy to have any chance at recovery, several immediate steps are necessary.

First, international aid should flow into Gaza uninterrupted, and pressure must be applied to ensure that humanitarian aid – particularly food aid – reaches those in need. Data analysis by organizations working in Gaza suggests that Israel is currently blocking 83% of food aid from reaching Gaza.

Second, the destruction of homes, schools and infrastructure must cease. However, this seems improbable as Israel continues to pursue its military goal of destroying Hamas – an objective most analysts believe to be unachievable.

And third, the economic restrictions imposed on Gaza and the West Bank must be lifted. Sustainable development – and any prospect for recovery – cannot be achieved without granting the Palestinian people the right to self-determination and sovereignty over their resources.

This would require new peace agreements, an outcome that appears unlikely at present. But without these crucial interventions, the Palestinian economy will be completely devastated and the humanitarian crisis will worsen, making any future recovery within the lifetime of anyone currently living in Gaza virtually impossible to imagine.

Dalia Alazzeh is lecturer in accounting and finance, University of the West of Scotland and Shahzad Uddin is professor of accounting, University of Essex

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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