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In the coming years, several areas will be as crucial to the nation’s economy as Sub-Saharan Africa. It covers the majority of American states, stretching from the plains of the Sahel to the coasts of the Cape.

The land of nations like the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burkinabe, Niger, and Mali is rich in natural resources, including lithium, chrome, gold, platinum, and uranium, which are essential for the development of next-generation batteries and the operation of small nuclear reactors, which will determine the scientific arms race in artificial intelligence.

Russia has been aggressively pushing into the area, using both secret military companies like the famous Wagner Group and state-owned companies like the Russian nuclear power corporation Rosatom, which is expanding its footprint across the continent by becoming a partner to various American governments in their effort for energy diversification. This almost unprecedented wealth in important materials is the reason why.

Russia is consistently stifling France, a trusted security companion of many African governments, in its effort to gain more traction across the globe. Iran has also had troubling opportunities as a result of France’s decline in control. Uranium bright cake, which Tehran is now trying to buy from Niger, has a potential significant contribution to its nuclear program. &nbsp,

The United States ‘ leadership on the continent should be a goal that should have broad bipartisan support across the aisle because of the combination of economic and political factors that have made Africa a crucial part of its federal security interests.

Nonetheless, much like the botched flee from Afghanistan, the Biden presidency has been delaying both our American friends and colleagues by focusing less on the intentions and more on the tactical execution of this “pivot to Africa.”

In a report released by the White House in August 2022, the recent US government laid out a four-point strategic plan for Sub-Saharan Africa. According to this document, America’s goal was to “foster openness and open cultures”, “deliver democracy and stability dividends”, “advance pandemic recovery and economic opportunity” and” help protection, climate version, and a just power change”.

Only the final two objectives have a chance of being more than worn-out neoconservative cliches and being meaningfully realized in the interests of both Africa and the United States, according to one charitable argument from these high-flying ambitions. The Biden administration has n’t yet demonstrated any tangible accomplishments in its pivot to Africa, and it’s unlikely to do so in its final few months in office.

Angola is a prime example of the US’s failure to pursue a policy in Sub-Saharan Africa, where the Biden administration has been attempting to reshape relations with a government that, since winning its independence from its former colonial master Portugal in 1975, has been a staunch ally first of the Soviet Union and then Russia, after its fall.

The ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola ( MPLA ), a party with radical Marxist roots, has been in power for almost 50 years, imposing rigged elections and numerous egregious human rights violations on the populace to stay in power.

Although Angola ( like Venezuela ) is rich in gas and oil reserves, corruption is widespread and a daily part of life for ordinary citizens. And while Angola’s president João Lourenço has signaled his intention to improve his country’s ties with the US and lessen Chinese and Russian influence, in August of this year, he signed several agreements with Russian President Vladimir Putin solidifying Moscow’s presence in a range of strategic sectors of the Angolan economy, including gas and oil production, space and agriculture.

In Angola, one of the Biden administration’s instruments for achieving at least two of its strategic objectives, namely creating greater economic opportunities and supporting renewable energy production, has been the little-known Export-Import ( “EXIM” ) Bank of the United States, a federal export credit agency.

It was established in 1934 in the wake of the Great Depression, and its original purpose was to boost trade with US businesses by offering preferential loans to foreign businesses looking to purchase American goods.

In pursuit of this mission, EXIM Bank gave billions of dollars in loans to countries around the world, including strategic adversaries, such as the Soviet Union and China, as well as governments in Africa, Asia and Latin America that were “democratic” only in name.

It could be argued persuasively that the results of this lavish spending of US government funds were frequently linked to maintaining the stability and power of dictatorial regimes by providing them with economic assistance and compounding corruption.

In Angola, EXIM Bank has been attempting to encourage economic growth by awarding two separate loans worth a combined US$ 2.5 billion to a Delaware-registered company called Sun Africa LLC in June 2023 and July 2024.

EXIM Bank’s loans were intended to support the construction of solar energy plants in Angola, create over 4, 700 US jobs, and help US exporters compete with Chinese suppliers.

While this transaction appears to be in line with American economic interests at first glance, a closer examination of the facts on the ground reveals yet another troubling set of circumstances that undermine any hope for meaningful job creation in the United States.

For a start, for the completion of its Angolan projects, Sun Africa is collaborating with local construction company Omatapalo, which is crony-linked to the Lourenço administration and the MPLA, raising significant concerns regarding potential corruption involving local authorities.

One of Sun Africa’s strategic partners in Angola is Hitachi Energy, a contractor that has done extensive work for Chinese state companies, and Dar Al-Handasah, a controversial Lebanese company, will provide technical assistance, according to a memorandum of understanding signed in December 2023.

Finally, according to an article that was published in July of this year about the appointment of Sun Africa’s new British head of export credit and structured finance, the business largely purchased its solar panels from South Korea and indicated that it might also consider “very competitive” British suppliers in the future.

It appears that Sun Africa has everything in place to launch operations in Angola for the benefit of its shareholders and international partners. Anyone’s guesses about where and how thousands of US jobs will ever be created under this scheme. &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp,

The Biden administration’s consistent blundering foreign policy, which, with little oversight, has failed to do basic due diligence on the recipients of large-scale US government funds, is perfectly illustrated by the EXIM bank’s promotion of green energy in Angola.

It also appears to have failed to steer clear of the obvious risks of corruption arising in the case of Sun Africa’s government-linked partner, Omatapalo, which will likewise benefit from EXIM bank/US Taxpayer largesse.

While on a political level, the Biden Administration has failed to insist that Lourceno’s government perform a meaningful break with America’s adversaries, economically, it equally does not appear to have insisted on making sure that American and Angolan private businesses would be the main suppliers of Sun Africa’s US government-funded activities.

The US is being outsmarted by its adversaries and fooled by unrealistic policy objectives and untrustworthy local partners in the case of EXIM Bank’s Angolan investment, which is symptomatic of the poorly executed “pivot to Africa” campaign.

A radical reappraisal of America’s African strategy is in order. Let’s hope it happens sooner, rather than later with more competent leaders in charge.

Erik Prince is an expert in security and business in America. He founded the Frontier Group of Companies as well as a philanthropist.

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MANILA – Ahead of one of America’s most contentious-ever votes, one Eastern position is doubling down with confidence in its alliance with Washington.

Regardless of whether Trump or Harris wins the presidency, the Philippines is optimistic in stark contrast to crucial European and Asian capitals, where there is little sway over the path of American foreign policy. &nbsp,

Because Republicans and Democrats agree that China must be contained, including in the South China Sea, the Filipino corporate elite believes that relations with their one mutual defense treaty alliance will continue to be stable, if no significantly, in the coming years.

If anything, Manila is very enthusiastic about the chance for even stronger bilateral relations if former US president Donald Trump wins the election.

Back in the US, however, Filipino-Americans are also among the staunchest of his followers with minority parties. The Filipino-American group has a significant impact on the outcome of the approaching elections thanks to their significant presence in swing states like Nevada.

” With President Trump, an allied partner needs to play an ( active ) role”, Philippine Ambassador to Washington, Jose Romualdez, told this writer earlier this year. &nbsp,” And we will]surely ] do our part. We must collaborate to serve our individual goals. ]And ] our Republican friends have been very appreciative of]us playing a more proactive role ]”, he added.

The long-term prospects for diplomatic ties are promising for the Philippines ‘ best minister to Washington, who also happens to be a second cousin of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. ” Whether it’s a Republican or Democratic, we may do our part”, he argued, emphasizing bipartisan support for strong diplomatic relations for the foreseeable future.

The country of Southeast Asia is speaking the language. Despite China’s vehement opposition, the Philippines has made it clear that it will continue to host America’s state-of-the-art weapons systems, most notably the Typhon missile system, under an expanded Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement ( EDCA ) regime.

In addition, the Southeast Asian nation is strengthening its trilateral ties with the US and Japan, as well as other important Western partners from Europe to Australia, who are interested in exploiting the Philippines ‘ enormous potential as a major materials supplier and semiconductor manufacturing site.

The Marcos Jr. management has good reason to feel comfortable about its “personal politics” with either of the two individuals. By all accounts, Vice President Kamala Harris had a successful trip to Manila in soon 2022, just weeks after Marcos Jr’s opening.

Harris was able to establish a rapport with vital political parties in the Philippines during the journey, and she was honored to receive acclaim from the security apparatus for her visit to Palawan, a province on the edge of the South China Sea, as well as for her interaction with journalists and civil society organizations with an emphasis on human rights and democracy.

As president, Harris would have ideal ties with important allies like the Philippines because of her Eastern American history and instinctive experience with the Asian region.

When the two demagogues were at the height of their power, Rodrigo Duterte’s relationship with Donald Trump has been extensively covered.

There is even a fantastical story among Trump followers that the transfer of a nationalist to the White House was fundamentally alter diplomatic relations in their pursuit amid the political unrest between the Dutertes and Marcoses.

However, the Marcos Jr. management has every reason to be confident in its ties to a Trump 2.0 president. After all, the Marcoses have had a half-a-century-long partnership with the original real estate mogul.

While former First Lady Imelda Marcos and the famous Filipino community shared an intimate friendship during their seventies in Manhattan, according to reports, the famous Filipino community also owned a Trump tower in America. Not to mention that both Trump and Marcos Sr. had the same social branding strategies and battle managers.

Beyond attitudes and close relationships, what binds the US and the Philippines is shared political passions, especially their concern for China.

” We have very powerful bipartisan support from both the Republicans and Democrats”, the US ambassador to Washington, Jose Romualdez, told this writer. ” Our mutual interests are at stake, ]and ] we have same interests in stabilizing the region”, he added, underscoring his optimism about continuity in bilateral relations due to shared interests.

With Kamala Harris, the Marcos Jr management expects consistency in the Biden administration’s international policy, which has focused on building a coalition of like-minded colleagues in the Indo-Pacific to preserve China’s interests in check.

With Trump, nevertheless, some Filipino managers expect an even more Asia-focused and Sino-skeptic international policy, which could directly benefit the Philippines.

Top Trump administration planners, some of whom are expected to retake important positions in the coming year if Republicans win the White House, have officially advocated for a foreign policy that appeals to China hawks in Manila.

Past US deputy national security adviser Matt Pottinger has argued for a more strategic approach to contain China. Others like Elbridge Colby, one of the chief architects of the Trump administration’s National Security Strategy ( NSS) at the Pentagon, have identified the Philippines as key partner for America’s grand strategy against China.

The Philippines is a “frontline” state that deserved the most American military and proper assistance in the face of a secessionist China, according to Colby, who served from 2017 to 2018 as deputy assistant secretary of defense for plan and power growth.

Robert O’Brien, a previous US national security adviser, has also made related arguments. &nbsp, “]T] he United States may concentrate its Pacific politics on allies such as Australia, Japan, the Philippines, and South Korea, standard partners such as Singapore, and emerging ones such as Indonesia and Vietnam”, he argued in an oft-cited Foreign Affairs part.

” Congress may help build up the military forces of Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam by extending to them the sorts of grants, loans, and arms payments that the United States has long offered Israel. The Philippines, in particular, needs fast aid in its conflict with Chinese troops in the South China Sea. The army should start a crash course to repair abandoned ships, including battleships and amphibious assault ships that are currently awaiting service in Philadelphia and Hawaii, before donating them to the Philippines, he suggested.

Regardless of whether Republicans or Democrats are in power in the White House, the Philippines is constantly preparing for more defense cooperation with the US. On the one hand, it’s doubling down on security cooperation with various important nations like Japan and not just the US.

The US-Japan-Philippines Trilateral Cyber and Digital Dialogue was held on the heels of Singapore International Cyber Week’s 9th anniversary next month.

The US Ambassador at big for Cyberspace and Digital Policy Nathaniel Fick, Jeffrey Ian Dyer, the Philippine Undersecretary for Infostructure Management, Cybersecurity, and Upskilling, and Yukio Saita, Japan’s Deputy Assistant Minister for Cyber Security and Information Technology Management, were among those present.

” During the speech, officials discussed multilateral assistance in cyberspace, including human cybersecurity capacity building, cybersecurity workforce development, maritime security, and data sharing”, the US State Department said in a statement. &nbsp,” The United States, Japan, and the Philippines will continue to work together to enhance international cyberspace stability, data security and privacy, and cyber and digital capacity building in the region”.

The three allies are also focusing on supply-chain resilience and strategic economic cooperation. Both Japan and the US are quickly upgrading and upgrading their capacity for semiconductor production. The Philippines, however, provides a unique opportunity for enhancing America’s “de-risking” strategy vis-à-vis China.

As the world’s second-largest producer of nickel, the Southeast Asian nation is positioning itself as a chief’ China-free ‘ provider of critical minerals for EV battery production. This is crucial because Chinese companies control almost every EV supply chain in the neighboring countries of Indonesia and Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America.

Additionally, the Philippines wants to become a major producer of more sophisticated semiconductors and a potential design and packaging hub for Taiwanese neighbors, who are also major chip-making nations.

&nbsp,” We are a trusted partner right now, we provide a major destination for semiconductor production”, Romualdez told this writer, when asked about strategic economic cooperation under a future US president. &nbsp, &nbsp,

Just as crucial is the Philippines ‘ decision to welcome an ever-larger American military presence and, accordingly, host state-of-the-art weapons systems which could target China-based missile systems in the event of any conflict in the region, including over Taiwan.

The Philippines ‘ 25th Infantry Division’s commander, US Major General Marcus Evans, stated in a statement following the Philippines ‘ announcement to permanently host the Typhon missile system, which has a range of up to 1,600 kilometers (994 miles ), which gives it the opportunity to understand how to use that capability.” This is very unique to any other place in the region,” said Evans.

” ]We have been conducting ] incredibly important operations]together ] because you get to work in the environment, but most importantly, you’re working alongside our partners here in the Philippines to understand how those will be integrated into their operations]in the event of a contingency ]”, the US general added after the US and Philippine armies conducted major wargames last month to underscore growing interoperability and joint preparedness for any future regional conflict.

Follow Richard Javad Heydarian on X at @Richeydarian

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