US tech war opens fire on China’s cloud computing

US Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo stated that she and the Biden administration would not be portrayed as bad on China in response to Republican senators’ pressure to censure Chinese cloud computing business:

She told the Senate Appropriations Committee,” I’ve put more than 200 Chinese businesses on the institution list during my tenure, and we’re constantly looking into new threats. If and when we decide that companies should be added to the list, I won’t bother.”

Eight Republican senators, including Senator Bill Hagerty( R-TN ), a ranking member of the Senate Banking Subcommittee on National Security and International Trade and Finance, wrote to Raimondo, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, and Secretary of State Antony Blinken on April 25 requesting that they take decisive action against Chinese cloud service providers like Baidu and Tencent, as well as Alibaba Cloud and Huawei Cloud.

According to” Open-source information ,” Huawei Cloud and PRC-based cloud computing services are directly undermining the interests of the US and our allies and partners in terms of national security and economic security. They are also increasingly interacting with foreign entities, some of which are sanctioned. & nbsp, We implore you to take decisive action against these companies through sanctions, export restrictions, investment bans, and further research into PRC cloud computing service companies.

The following payment is listed on Senator Hagerty’s site:

” The example we give in the text demonstrate the viability of China’s military-civil integration strategy.” It does make sense to refuse US exports of these nations given China’s laws, which require every Chinese citizen and company to participate in regional security or intelligence work, according to Hagerty. & nbsp,” Yet businesses like Alibaba Cloud that are not on the Entity List now have access to US technology, imports, and even activities here in the United States.”

Do you recognize that the PRC cloud service providers operating in the United States pose a danger to our national and our financial security, given the scope of China’s military legal fusion strategy and regional security-related laws? Hagerty questioned.

According to Secretary Raimondo,” I’m in wide agreement with you.”

Gina Raimondo, secretary of commerce. Asia Times images

The email continues by citing specific but well-known instances of the companies’ play with China’s military, security, and intelligence services, such as satellite imagery and regional monitoring. They do, however, mainly serve financial markets, much like US military legal fusion company Boeing.

For instance,” military civil fusion” is not a sinister Chinese plot; rather, it is based on common practice. Boeing declared in February that it had been” selected by the US Air Force as the prime contractor for the country’s intercontinental ballistic missile ( ICBM ) guidance subsystems support.” Over the course of 16 years, the contract could be worth up to$ 1.6 billion.

Alibaba Cloud is the biggest cloud service provider in China and the fourth-largest in the world. It offers services to the banking, e-commerce, logistics, and many industries around the world in the areas of repository, storage, data analytics, networking, application, security, etc.

The employment website indeed.com currently lists 30 positions at Alibaba in Sunnyvale, California, including software engineer, photonics expert, research scientist, and business manager, with annual pay ranging from$ 110,000 to$ 240,000.

According to Crunchbase, US technology providers have eliminated more than 135, 000 projects so far this year. Senator Hagerty and his associates likely want to do away with internships at Alibaba as well as the modern know-how they stand for.

The level of knowledge is very deep. For instance, a Ph.D. is required for applicants for the placement of optics professional. have in the construction, development, and production of golden optics chips for visual interconnects, as well as a d. degree in electrical engineering, applied science, or another related field.

Although Huawei Cloud is basically roughly half as big as Alibaba Cloud, it has been developing quickly. Huawei Cloud, as reported on its website, has received a number of qualifications and awards since being added to the Entity List in August 2020, including:

The initial cloud service provider in Asia-Pacific to receive PCI 3DS accreditation for regional transactions account information security as of August 2020.

The second cloud service provider to achieve information security management Standard 27799 certification in September 2020.

The British Standards Institution has awarded both the CSA STAR 2021 Gold Certification and the ISO / IEC 27034 application security standard certification.

Forrester Research has named him a president in predictive analytics and machine learning as of November 2020.

For its GaussDB registry products, which assist businesses in migrating data to the sky, Gartner has included it in its Magic Quadrant for Cloud Database Management Systems for December 2020.

One of the best four and the fastest-growing cloud service provider in Latin America, Canalys named it in March 2021.

May 2021- No. Ranked 1 in the IDC market for commercial cloud infrastructure in China.

Ranked No. December 2021 IDC ranks machine learning at number one in China’s public cloud system market.

More than 1,000 public staff, clientele, and business experts attended the Huawei Cloud Summit Middle East and Africa in Dubai in March 2022.

The meeting looked at how cloud computing can help with public services, financing, carriers, media, e-commerce, and gaming.

The second Huawei Cloud Indonesia Summit was held in Jakarta in September 2022 to discuss the electronic economy with local business leaders and scholars, business partners, and the internet.

With more than 60 products to be launched in areas like e-commerce, shorter video platforms, online gambling security, and finance, Indonesia became a new area for Huawei Cloud in November.

In order to create good town ideas, Huawei Cloud and BCB Blockchain of Singapore joined forces in November 2020.

The Huawei Cloud Accelerator, a system intended to support the growth of start-ups with the aid of venture entrepreneurs, was unveiled in September 2022 at the summit held by the Huang Cloud Global Startup Founders Summit. This program aims to empower businesses in Shenzhen.

According to the company, Huawei Cloud is now used by more than 800 public clouds in China. The bank’s” One City, One Cloud” approach has been put into practice in over 150 settlements, and it also powers over 300 financial institutions, including six major institutions.

E-commerce, financing, power, manufacturing, medicine, and gaming are a few other user industries. Huawei Cloud is present outside of China in the Asia-Pacific, Middle East, Africa, Latin America, and Europe. Being on the Entity List does not appear to be a serious issue, aside from not being able to work in the US.

May US politicians be able to punish some Chinese cloud service providers for their actions? Maybe. Even as they forced Oracle to cut its ties with Huawei, they may compel US businesses like Salesforce, IBM, VMware, and Fortinet to do the same with Alibaba Cloud.

Huawei created its own ERP application as a result, which it unveiled in April. If Alibaba Cloud were added to the Entity List, which is overseen by the Bureau of Industry and Security ( BIS ) of the Commerce Department, something similar would likely occur.

Being placed on the list can be a significant issue, but it also motivates the targeted business to exert more effort. It may be referred to as the BIS Certificate of Quality in the Global South and some regions of the world where US sanctions are truly recognized.

@ ScottFo83517667 is the author’s Twitter account.

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Wage hike pledges slammed

Labour groups call sums unrealistic

Workers are seen at the PASAYA home-decor textile manufacturing factory in Ratchaburi's Bang Phae district, which has pledged to ensure good working conditions for employees. The government, led by the Ministry of Labour, is hosting an event today to mark International Labour Day at Lan Khon Muang in front of the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration. Labour Minister Suchart Chomklin is expected to preside over the event. Varuth Hirunyatheb
Workers are seen at the PASAYA home-decor textile manufacturing factory in Ratchaburi’s Bang Phae district, which has pledged to ensure good working conditions for employees. The government, led by the Ministry of Labour, is hosting an event today to mark International Labour Day at Lan Khon Muang in front of the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration. Labour Minister Suchart Chomklin is expected to preside over the event. Varuth Hirunyatheb

As the country marks Labour Day today, activists have expressed concerns over campaign promises made by parties to abruptly raise the minimum daily wages to levels they believe are unrealistic.

The Pheu Thai Party, for instance, has pledged to lift the sum to a single rate of 600 baht, while Move Forward Party (MFP) has promised to raise the minimum wage rate to 450 baht per day in every province.

Currently, the minimum daily wage in Bangkok is 353 baht, while workers in Chon Buri receive 354 baht a day. Their counterparts in other provinces receive a lower rate.

In the last general election campaign, similar promises were made by several parties. The ruling Palang Pracharath Party pledged to raise the daily wage to between 400 and 425 baht, a promise which has yet to be fulfilled. Meanwhile, Pheu Thai back then promised voters it would increase the amount to 400 baht per day.

”None of these parties has ever seriously supported movements by labour groups calling for a realistic bump in wages, yet they are now promising workers a ridiculous minimum rate,” said Sanguan Khunsong, leader of a group of workers from factories in Om Noi in Samut Sakhon and Om Yai in Nakhon Pathom.

”These promises are being conveyed only to win the election,” she said.

Worse still, none of the parties has mentioned how they will deal with the inevitable hike in consumer product prices that will follow any across-the-board rise in incomes, she said.

Wichai Naraphaibun, manager of Thai Labour Museum, said although he supports proposals to raise the rate, he has yet to be convinced that the country’s industrial infrastructure will improve any time soon.

He bases this assertion on what he has seen from the parties to date as they campaign for the May 14 election.

“Even the Yingluck Shinawatra administration, that promised to raise the daily wage to 300 baht and actually implemented the policy when they won, didn’t contribute to the country’s industrial infrastructure.

“Technology and research and innovation play a key role in development, as we have seen in countries such as South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan where wages are high,” he said.

In his opinion, Pheu Thai will never implement a 600-baht minimum wage and will blame that failure on a lack of support from its partners in a coalition government.

Since the policy was announced, the prices of certain consumer products have already gone up, according to Chanthip Loet-hathakan, an activist working with a network of workers in the informal economy.

However, Ekaporn Rakkwamsuk, a Pheu Thai list candidate, insisted the pledge is realistic, saying the party also has other policies that will help transform Thailand into a so-called digital country by 2027, and see gross domestic product (GDP) grow at least 5% per year.

”By then every worker will earn at least 600 baht a day and while the whole family will be guaranteed to earn at least 20,000 baht a month,” he said.

Suthep Ou-oun, an MFP list candidate, meanwhile, said that aside from raising the daily wage once to 450 baht, the MFP also aims to raise the sum every year after that.

In the long term, the party intends to stop using daily wages in favour of using monthly incomes as part of its overall plan to create a welfare state, he said.

Manit Promkarikul, of the United Thai Nation Party (UTN) said the party intends to push for a national chain of “labour banks” which will allow workers under the social security system to use contributions they have paid into the retirement fund in as a form of collateral when making loan applications.

Manas Kosol, a president of the Confederation of Thai Labour and leader of the Nation Building Labour Party (NLP), stressed the need for fair employment laws to ensure secure the welfare for workers.

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BOJ chief Ueda won’t shock markets yet

TOKYO – Judging by the dearth of volatility in yen trading, investors aren’t expecting fireworks from the Bank of Japan tomorrow (April 28).

Surprises do happen at BOJ headquarters, of course. But this being Kazuo Ueda’s first policy meeting as governor, the odds are low that Tokyo is about to shock global markets with an about-face in its 20-plus-year experiment with quantitative easing.

That would be wise considering the worrisome mix of troubles bubbling up under the surface of the world’s third-biggest economy. Those include worries about a Silicon Valley Bank-like blowup among Japan’s 100-plus regional lenders.

Another: the high likelihood of political blowback in Tokyo if Ueda made radical monetary policy moves right out of the gate.

This latter point is often underappreciated in analyses of the BOJ’s latitude to take risky steps. Though “independent,” the BOJ in reality is on a shorter leash than many observers like to admit. Case in point: Haruhiko Kuroda leaving the BOJ governorship earlier this month with zero effort to wind down QE.

Granted, the BOJ had already been deep in the QE matrix for 13 years by the time Kuroda arrived in 2013. But he turned Japan’s QE era up to 11 and then some. And with limited success, clearly, as wages flatlined amid record corporate profits compliments of a plunging yen.

Still, the big gains in Nikkei stocks and relative macroeconomic stability earned Kuroda considerable political capital at home. Capital he could’ve spent on his way out the door plotting ways to reduce the BOJ’s US$5 trillion balance sheet.

Kuroda didn’t, leaving Ueda with what’s arguably the worst job in global economics. As Ueda presides over his first policy deliberation as governor, memories of December 20, 2022 loom large.

Outgoing Bank of Japan Governor Haruhiko Kuroda. Photo: AFP / Jiji Press

On that day, all hell broke loose in markets after Team Kuroda announced the slightest of tweaks to its “yield curve control” policy. The move to let 10-year bond yields rise as high as 0.5% was meant to limit the gap between US and Japanese interest rates. That, Kuroda figured, would reduce pressure on the BOJ to intervene in markets day after day.

The Kuroda BOJ spent the next two weeks cleaning up the move’s mess by making countless unscheduled asset purchases to reassure global investors that QE is here to stay.

Then came the Silicon Valley Bank crisis in the US. Next, UBS having to save Credit Suisse, which served to spike global paranoia levels to the next level.

Now, comes news this week that San Francisco-based First Republic Bank’s troubles are far from over. And, it follows, concerns about new US bank failures are intensifying by the day.

This is the limited option environment into which Ueda steps. Reports from Bloomberg that US regulators may downgrade First Republic’s prospects are making headlines just as Ueda sits down to mull BOJ policy. It’s worth noting, too, that Japan’s economic performance thus far in 2023 has not been stellar.

“Although the recent decline in government bond yields might seem to open the door for tweaks to yield-curve control, such a step could backfire,” says economist Stefan Angrick at Moody’s Analytics. “Economic data of late haven’t been good. Disappointing GDP growth means the economy is still smaller than before the pandemic. Employment conditions are showing signs of softening, and wage growth is trailing inflation.”

Complicating matters, recent “shunto” wage negotiations yielded the biggest wage gains since 1993 – an average 3.8%. Trouble is, coming amidst the highest inflation in 40 years, the timing of the pay bump could fan overheating risks. Here, China’s rebound adds to the risk of global inflation getting a second wind.

As Angrick notes, “notwithstanding a strong shunto spring wage round, it is unclear that this year’s gains will be repeated next year. Recent financial market disruptions abroad have only added risk. Given the BoJ’s history of premature policy tightening, the bungled yield curve control tweak in December, and the cold water poured on the idea of a change at the first press conference with the BOJ’s new leadership, it is unlikely the BOJ will move soon.”

The reference here to wage uncertainties for next year deepens the plot for Ueda. On the one hand, the new governor doesn’t want to let inflation become even hotter. On the other, Tokyo’s political establishment would pounce if BOJ “tapering” spooked CEOs into closing their wallets anew.

As Naoko Tochibayashi, a World Economic Forum analyst in Tokyo, notes, even now “it remains to be seen if similar wage rises can be seen in small and medium-size enterprises, which make up 70% of employers and are key to Japan’s economic revival.”

Japanese workers are negotiating for higher wages. Photo: AFP / Charly Triballeau

This dramatizes the precarious balancing act Ueda faces. So does the fragile state of Japan’s regional bank network. Many of these lenders service rapidly aging communities in already sparsely populated areas of the country. That squeezed profits well before the banking shocks of the last 15 years, including fallout from the 2008 “Lehman shock.”

That episode, graying customer bases and an accelerating exodus of companies to Tokyo had regional banks hoarding government and corporate bonds instead of lending BOJ liquidity. It was a similar practice that blew up SVB and New York-based Signature Bank.

As of the end of December, SMBC Nikko Securities estimated that regional lenders were sitting on about $10.5 billion of unrealized losses on foreign bonds and other securities. Such figures raise a difficult question Ueda now has to answer: how big might losses get on domestic debt if Japanese government bond yields rose above, say, 1% or more?

The good news is that many Japanese banks tend to prioritize bonds that can be sold rather than holding to maturity SVB-style. As such, SMBC Nikko analyst Masahiko Sato reckons the threat to capital ratios, on average, is only about 2%. Therefore, Sato does “not think potential losses are on a scale with systemic implications.”

BOJ tapering or even a rate hike or two could change this calculus, and fast. If regional banks face profit pressures with rates at zero – and the BOJ is still in 24/7 ATM mode – just imagine the valuation losses if Ueda were to hit the monetary brakes.

Yet Ueda’s pedigree suggests he could be more of an out-of-the-box thinker than currency strategists grasp.

During his time as a BOJ board member in 2000, Ueda dissented on a move to end the zero-rate strategy. His background as a Massachusetts Institute of Technology-trained economist, meanwhile, could be its own wildcard.

At MIT, Ueda was a pupil of Stanley Fischer, a former senior official at the Fed, the Bank of Israel and the International Monetary Fund. Fisher also taught former Fed chief Ben Bernanke, former European Central Bank head Mario Draghi and former Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers.

Other members of the MIT monetary club: Reserve Bank of Australia Governor Philip Lowe and former Bank of England governor Mervyn King.

In February, Summers called Ueda “Japan’s Ben Bernanke.” Ueda and Bernanke, it’s worth noting, made their economic reputations exploring the lessons from the Great Depression, including Japan’s late-1920s to mid-1930s policies.

For Ueda, that entailed a keen focus on the 1930s policies of Korekiyo Takahashi, who’s often called the John Maynard Keynes of Japan.

Kazuo Ueda has arguably the most difficult job in finance as the Bank of Japan’s next governor. Image: Facebook / Asahi / Screengrab

Takahashi served as finance minister, BOJ governor and even prime minister in the 1920s and 1930s. His super-aggressive monetary easing, fiscal expansion and “debt monetization” efforts were as pioneering as economic policy gets.

There’s also reason to think Ueda could be a rather conventional central banker. He’s said so far, for example, that there’s no urgency to alter the BOJ-government framework that mandates the central bank target 2% inflation.

“If needed, Ueda likely will request the government to revise the joint statement so that the BOJ can respond flexibly, without sticking with the continuation of monetary easing,” says JPMorgan Chase & Co economist Benjamin Shatil. “We continue to see an exit from yield-curve control in coming months.”

Yet odds are decidedly low that Ueda would choose tomorrow (April 27) to toss financial explosives into jittery markets. And that seems wise for now.

Follow William Pesek on Twitter at @WilliamPesek

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Bhutan wants a border deal with China: Will India accept?

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (R) shakes hands with Bhutan's Prime Minister Lotay Tshering prior to a meeting in New Delhi on December 28, 2018. (Getty Images

The Himalayan nation of Bhutan is nestled between two Asian giants, China and India. But that unique geographical position also comes with a price.

Bhutan is one of the two countries with which China is yet to resolve its land border dispute. The other country is India, which has a long-running disagreement over its Himalayan frontier with China.

China’s global rise is putting pressure on Bhutan to reach a deal with Beijing, but any possible breakthrough will need the approval of its ally India.

Thimphu and Delhi share a close relationship and India has been offering hundreds of millions of dollars of economic and military aid to Thimphu.

Bhutan and China have disputes over territory in the north and in the west in the Himalayas.

Among all the contentious places, the key issue is a strategic plateau called Doklam – situated close to the tri-junction between India, Bhutan and China. Bhutan and China claim the region and India supports Thimphu’s position.

India has its own reasons to back Thimphu. Experts say the Doklam plateau is of great security importance to India as any dominance of the region by the Chinese could pose a threat to Siliguri Corridor, known as the Chicken’s Neck, a 22km (14-mile) stretch that connects the Indian mainland with its north-eastern states.

A recent interview given by the Bhutanese Prime Minister Lotay Tshering to a Belgian newspaper La Libre has only reminded the country about its limitations.

“It is not up to Bhutan alone to solve the problem. We are three. There is no big or small country, there are three equal countries, each counting for a third. We are ready. As soon as the other two parties are also ready, we can discuss,” Mr Tshering was quoted as saying.

He also expressed hope that Bhutan and China will be able to demarcate some of its boundaries in a meeting or two. The two countries have been holding border negotiations since 1984. Mr Tshering also said that there was no Chinese intrusion of its territory.

The comments by Mr Tshering have triggered alarm bells in India, particularly in the media, with many commentators expressing concern over the possibility of any swap agreement with Bhutan and China involving the tri-junction. Some of them say Thimphu is not pressing hard enough over its claims on Doklam.

Bhutan-China border deal

Getty Images

“India is concerned that China is pressuring Bhutan to settle the boundary to harass New Delhi,” said P Stobdan, a former senior Indian diplomat and an expert on Himalayan affairs.

“Clearly, the Bhutanese are intending to speed up the process of resolving their differences and there have been some changes in the Bhutanese stance lately with regards to China’s role in settling the dispute,” Mr Stobdan said.

Following the furore in the Indian media, Mr Tshering earlier this month clarified his comments.

“I have said nothing new and there is no change in [Bhutan’s] position,” the prime minister told The Bhutanese weekly.

While many Bhutanese were surprised by the reaction to Mr Tshering’s comments in the Indian media, the view from China is that Thimphu will struggle to reach a deal without Delhi’s backing.

“India is the hurdle here. If China and Bhutan also resolve the border issue, only India will be left. I don’t think India will let this happen,” Liu Zongyi, a senior fellow at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies, told the BBC.

China and Bhutan were close to reaching a final agreement around 1996, but failed due to India’s intervention, he said.

The Bhutan-China border issues are also linked to the decades-old India-China tensions over the border.

Map: Disputed border areas

The two countries share a frontier that isn’t fully demarcated, and have overlapping territorial claims. India says it is 3,488km long; China puts it at around 2,000km.

The de-facto border starts from India’s northern Ladakh region and runs all the way to the state of Arunachal Pradesh (which the Chinese call Southern Tibet) in the east.

China’s growing economic and military might is also being keenly watched by many Bhutanese who feel that settling for a deal with Beijing soon will be better for the country.

“China is a reality. Does Bhutan have that option of not to have diplomatic relations with China? I don’t think that it is a desirable arrangement,” said a Bhutanese expert who didn’t want to be identified.

India and Bhutan signed a special treaty in 1949 that takes Delhi’s security concerns into account. A revised treaty in 2007, gave Thimphu more freedom in areas of foreign policy and military purchases.

Hundreds of Indian soldiers have been stationed inside Bhutan and officials say they offer training to Bhutanese troops. Its military headquarters is in the western town of Haa, about 20km from Doklam.

Bhutanese commentators like Wangcha Sangey feel that Bhutan can achieve a border settlement with China, if it were not for Delhi’s reported insistence that Bhutan retain Doklam.

“How we make claims on Doklam? What we have now as part of Doklam is still with us. What we don’t have, we cannot take it from China,” he said.

Analysts like Mr Sangey argue that as Bhutan currently banks on imports from India for most of its needs, particularly for oil, Thimphu should diversify its supplies by opening another route with its northern neighbour China.

The Bhutanese PM’s comments have elicited a cautious response from India’s foreign ministry.

“India and Bhutan remain in close touch, close co-ordination relating to our shared national interests including security interest,” Vinay Mohan Kwatra, permanent secretary to the Indian External Affairs Ministry, told journalists in early April.

“I would reiterate our earlier statements which explicitly and clearly bring out our position on the determination of the tri-junction [Doklam] boundary points,” Mr Kwatra said.

India doesn’t want any major realignment around Doklam because of its great strategic importance. On the other hand, for a country like Bhutan it may be difficult to put pressure on Beijing to give up its claim.

Bhutan may be in a great position sharing a border with two of the world’s emerging economies at a time when people are talking about an Asian century. But with tensions between Delhi and Beijing persisting, Thimphu finds itself increasingly in a vulnerable situation.

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Missing the point on explosive dollar risks

TOKYO – Few professions are better at making straw-horse arguments than the economics trade. The reason: it’s always easier to refute an unserious argument than tackle the biggest questions of the day.

The arguments US leading economists Lawrence Summers and Paul Krugman are making these days about the rivalry between the Chinese yuan and US dollar are Exhibit A.

Take Summers, the former US Treasury secretary, who made headlines this week detailing why the yuan isn’t a threat to the dollar’s dominance as reserve currency anytime soon. Trouble is, virtually everyone already knows a currency that isn’t fully convertible or backed by deep capital markets can’t acquire significant reserve status.

The reason top economic minds do this, of course, is to avoid the proverbial elephant in the room. In this case, that’s the US national debt racing toward US$32 trillion.

Dysfunctional politics putting Washington on a path to possible default doesn’t help. Nor does a US Federal Reserve team losing global confidence with distressing speed.

The yuan isn’t the issue. It’s a fragile dollar problem that isn’t being treated, nurtured or reenergized at an epochal moment.

That hasn’t stopped the financial world from obsessing over questions with little relevance in 2023. Here, Summers is a case in point as he explains what everyone already knows about the challenges facing China’s currency.

“Is [China] really going to be a place where people are going to decide they want to hold reserves on a massive scale?” he rhetorically asked Bloomberg.

Summers adds that “there has never been a country where there was a strong desire to move as much capital out of the country as we’re seeing in China right now, albeit blocked by controls.”

Lawrence Summers in Beijing, China, October 31, 2016. Photo: Twitter

Nobel laureate Krugman, meanwhile, makes a force-of-habit argument. The dollar’s dominance — and the power of incumbency — makes it somewhat untouchable as a linchpin of global finance and trade. To him, it would require “exceptional circumstances” for the dollar to be eclipsed in global circles.

Yet isn’t what’s afoot in Washington exactly that, as Congress threatens to renege on US government debt?

The last time Republicans in the House of Representatives played chicken with the debt ceiling didn’t end well. That was back in 2011, when Congress members hinted at letting the US default to buttress their fiscal hawk bona fides. Standard & Poor’s abruptly yanked away Washington’s AAA credit rating.

A dozen years on, this game is a far more precarious one. The trajectory of US debt is one problem. So is how the Fed’s campaign to tame the worst inflation in 40 years is causing collateral damage from Latin America to Africa to Asia.

Political chaos in Washington also raises the stakes. In the post-Donald Trump era, legislative polarization has hit a fever pitch — as evidenced by the default debate spooking world markets.

To be fair, Summers and his ilk aren’t oblivious to these toxic dynamics. Summers notes that “if the dollar loses its status, it will be because the United States is no longer respected and strong in the world. It will be because we’ve accumulated a set of untenable debts.”

Yet this seems far less of an “if” than most top US economists let on. Just ask officials here in Japan, which holds the world’s largest stockpile of US Treasury securities at about $1.1 trillion. Beijing holds just under $1 trillion of US debt.

Cumulatively, Asia’s top central banks are stuck with nearly $3.5 trillion of US debt at a moment when the US government isn’t operating effectively. From time to time, fears that America’s top bankers will start reducing their exposure to the dollar fuels mini-panics in currency markets.

It’s a long-standing source of paranoia, of course. Back in 1997, for example, then-Japanese prime minister Ryutaro Hashimoto dropped a bombshell on an audience in New York. “Several times in the past, we have been tempted to sell large lots of US Treasuries,” Hashimoto said, a comment that sent bond prices sharply lower.

At the time, the late Japanese leader cited contentious US-Japan auto trade talks as one such moment when Tokyo mulled dumping US Treasuries. Fourteen years later, in 2011, China’s state-run People’s Daily ran an editorial saying: “Now is the time for China to use its ‘financial weapon’ to teach the US a lesson” regarding its support for Taiwan.

Back in 2011, economists like Brad Setser, a former US Treasury staffer, began stressing that big stockpiles of US debt held by China and other geopolitical rivals represent a growing national security threat.

China holds over US$1 trillion worth of US debt. Image: iStock

But then, officials in China also have raised concerns that Beijing is essentially trapped with its mountains of dollars. In 2009, for example, then-premier Wen Jiabao implored Washington to protect its AAA status.

“We have made a huge amount of loans to the United States,” Wen said. “Of course, we are concerned about the safety of our assets. To be honest, I am a little bit worried.”

Washington, Wen stressed, must “honor its words, stay a credible nation and ensure the safety of Chinese assets.”

Nearly a decade later, in 2018, Cui Tiankai, then China’s ambassador to the US, hinted that Beijing might reduce its Treasuries holdings due to concerns about losses. “We are looking at all options,” he said.

Also in 2018, Fan Gang, a top adviser to China’s central bank, talked publicly about diversifying away from the dollar.

“We are a low-income country, but we are a high-wealth country,” Fan said. “We should make better use of capital. Rather than investing in US government debt, it’s better to invest in some real assets.”

It’s tantalizing to think, too, of how America’s bonds held abroad are often the tail wagging the economic dog. In 2009, for example, then-US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton asked former Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd: “How do you deal toughly with your banker?”

In February of that year, in her first trip to China as a top US cabinet official, Clinton downplayed discussions over human rights and played up Washington’s hopes of prodding China to buy more government debt.

The Trump era did serious damage to global confidence in the dollar. Along with a record $1.8 trillion tax cut, Trump’s disastrous handling of Covid-19 necessitated $7.4 trillion of fresh government spending. Equally worrisome were Trump’s flirtations with defaulting on US debt to hurt China.

President Joe Biden has since drawn accusations of wielding the dollar as a tool in efforts to sanction Russia over its Ukraine invasion.

As strategist John Mauldin at Millennium Wave Advisors notes, “the Biden administration made an error in weaponizing the US dollar and the global payment system. That will force non-US investors and nations to diversify their holdings outside of the traditional safe haven of the US.”

But the coming fight over the debt ceiling could trump all. “A reason to think this time may be different,” says economist Will Denyer at Gavekal Research, “is the make-up of the Republican Party in the House of Representatives. The fractious caucus only elected Kevin McCarthy as speaker in January with a tiny majority after an epic 15 rounds of voting.”

Speaker Kevin McCarathy is leading House Republicans in yet another messy credit ceiling fight. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

It’s possible, Denyer says, “that Tea Party-type Congressional Republicans use their leverage over the party leadership to veto a compromise deal and impose a hostile negotiating stance. Hard-line ‘small government’ Republicans may argue on principle that destroying the government’s bond market credibility will make it harder for it to borrow and so help starve the beast.”

Strategist Brian Gardner at Stifel Nicolaus & Co adds that this “dysfunction is a clear signal.” Markets, he adds, “should be on guard as the summer approaches” because “brinkmanship over the debt ceiling could lead to market volatility.”

Yet this standoff between Republicans and the White House could trigger what Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen calls an “economic and financial catastrophe”, whereby US institutions shoot the reserve currency in the foot, irrespective of the status of the Chinese yuan.

Follow William Pesek on Twitter at @WilliamPesek 

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Singapore economy faces uncertain near-term outlook, inflation to slow in second half of 2023: MAS

Growth is also set to be subdued in the financial sector amid a dimming external outlook, persistent inflation and restrictive financial conditions. In addition, the recent banking turmoil in the United States and Europe has fanned fears of a broader contagion in the sector, raising downside risks to growth.

MAS said that while regulators intervened decisively to limit the fallout, the outlook remains uncertain as “latent vulnerabilities” could emerge among under-capitalised banks globally in the coming quarters.

It added that the local banking system “appears to be well-insulated from the shock” at this juncture, citing diversified, large corporate-heavy and Asia-centric loan books and minimal exposure to the tech start-up ecosystem.

While Singapore banks could face losses on their bond holdings amid the sharp rise in interest rates, less than 20 per cent of their total assets are in bonds, said MAS.

This is compared to the 55 per cent for Silicon Valley Bank, the US bank which collapsed abruptly last month and marked America’s biggest banking failure since the 2008 global financial crisis.

With the bulk of their assets in floating rate loans, the Singapore banks have also been able to pass on the higher funding costs to their customers, the central bank said.

MAS also reiterated that the takeover of Credit Suisse by UBS is not expected to impact the stability of Singapore’s banking system.

That said, the high interest-rate environment will continue to exert “a broad-based drag on the financial sector” in the coming quarters, according to the report.

For example, credit demand is likely to weaken, while the stock of loans could also shrink further as corporates look to reduce interest expenses by repaying early.

Elsewhere in the economy, the pace of expansion in the domestic-oriented sectors will likely moderate as higher consumer prices and interest rates restrain spending.

“The near-term outlook remains uncertain and fragile, with risks to growth skewed to the downside,” said MAS, as it maintained its full-year forecast for growth in 2023 at between 0.5 to 2.5 per cent.

“Should other latent vulnerabilities in the global financial system manifest in the coming months, consumer and investor confidence will take a further hit, with wider adverse implications for the economy beyond the current manufacturing-led downturn.”

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China to stiffen spy law amid Western espionage fears

China, claiming to have been targeted by various espionage activities from the West, is stepping up its anti-spy efforts.

According to a pending legal amendment expected to be approved on April 26, the coverage of spying charges will be expanded from theft of “state secrets” to “all data and items related to national security.” Cyber attacks will also be covered.

Some commentators say the strengthening of the anti-spy law raises fears of a crackdown on foreign companies and individuals in China.

The law change comes after Dong Yuyu, deputy head of the editorial department at Guangming Daily, faced spying charges for interacting with diplomatic and academic contacts from Japan and the United States.

Meanwhile, a senior employee of Japanese pharmaceutical firm Astellas Pharma was arrested last month on suspicion of engaging in espionage activities. And in a separate case, five Chinese staff of the Mintz Group, a United States due diligence firm, were also arrested in Beijing last month. 

On Monday, Chinese state media reported that “espionage activities” will be defined as following:

  1. To carry out or instigate or finance others to carry out activities that endanger the national security of the People’s Republic of China;
  2. To join, accept tasks from or take refuge in an espionage organization or its agents;
  3. To steal, spy on, buy and illegally provide state secrets and intelligence, as well as other documents, data, materials and items related to national security and interests or to instigate, lure, coerce, or bribe state staff to mutiny;
  4. To attack, intrude, interfere, control and damage the cyber facilities of state institutions, secret-related units or key information infrastructure;
  5. To indicate the target for the enemy to attack;
  6. To carry out other espionage activities.

New wordings include the parts about cyber-attack and “other documents, data, materials and items related to national security and interests.”

According to the government’s propaganda published last October, major espionage organizations include MI6, CIA, Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB), Israel’s Institute for Intelligence and Special Operations (MOSSAD), Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) and Japan’s Defense Intelligence Headquarters (DIH).

People who are singled out for being easily instigated by espionage organizations include those who enjoy luxurious lifestyles; those who fantasize about the West and its thinking and derogate China’s systems; self-centric people who seek public attention; and people who have low morality.

Professional spying tools include traditional hidden cameras, clandestine listening devices and phone interceptors, as well as “umbrella guns” and spying glasses and headphones.

“Espionage activities are very close to us,” the government says in an anti-spy banner. “Retired officers, overseas students, high-school teachers, military fans and staff of military-industrial complex companies, national defense research institutions and government departments are major targets of espionage organizations.”

It says some young netizens may be used by foreign agents during online chats without knowing it. It says all people must stay alert and help build an iron wall to safeguard national security.

Making an example

Dong Yuyu, deputy head of the editorial department at Guangming Daily, faces charges. Photo: Jiefang Daily

The Wall Street Journal reported on Monday that Dong Yuyu was arrested when eating lunch with a Japanese “diplomat” at a restaurant in a hotel in February last year.

Citing a statement from Dong’s family, the report said the diplomat was released after several hours but Dong has remained in detention. It said the family was told that Dong will be tried but the date is unclear.

Dong graduated from Peking University and received a doctorate degree in law. He was awarded a Nieman fellowship at Harvard University in 2006-07 and became a visiting fellow at Keio University in Japan in 2010. He also served as a visiting professor at Hokkaido University in Japan.

“Dong Yuyu is an accomplished journalist whose work as a newspaper reporter and author demonstrate a long record of pro-reform writing,” Nieman Foundation curator Ann Marie Lipinski says in a statement. “His Nieman classmates knew him as objective in life and in work, and any speculation that his journalism fellowship offers evidence of espionage is ill-founded.” 

More than 60 foreign academics and journalists signed an open letter supporting Dong.  Japanese Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi declined to comment due to the sensitivity of the issue. 

From the commentariat

A Liaoning-based military columnist, called Shanshi, alleges in an article published on April 25 that Dong has had close relationships with foreign intelligence agencies and says the arrested man has been paid to go abroad many times using academic scholarships.

Shanshi says the arrest of Dong, a high-profile media worker, shows the seriousness of China’s anti-spy fight. He says Dong and some previously convicted people have certain things in common.

“They are enjoying the fruits of our country’s development but cannot see the clear fact that our country is constantly developing and progressing in all aspects,” he says. “They hold a completely negative attitude toward all aspects of our society and fully accept the bad ideas of the West.”

“Under the cover of their glamorous titles and prominent social status, these people are doing criminal activities to harm the country,” he adds. “They make the public very angry!”

Based on the 1993 National Security Law, China launched an anti-spy law in 2014.

Since the implementation of the counterespionage law in China in 2014, at least 17 Japanese nationals have been detained in China for alleged involvement in espionage activities, according to the Japanese Foreign Ministry. Five of them are still being held in China.

In August and December 2022, the NPC Standing Committee held the first and second readings of the amendment bill.

“The current situation of anti-espionage struggle is extremely severe,” Zang Tiewei, spokesman of the legal affairs commission, NPC Standing Committee, said in a media briefing on April 21. “Traditional security threats and non-traditional ones are intertwined.”

“Espionage and intelligence activities are getting increasingly complex, with wider fields, more diverse targets and more covert methods,” he said.

A paramilitary policeman gestures under a pole with security cameras, US and China’s flags near the Forbidden City ahead of the visit by US President Donald Trump to Beijing, China November 8, 2017. Photo: Agencies

He said the amendment of the anti-espionage law will resolve problems such as the narrow definition of “espionage,” the incomplete security and prevention systems and the insufficient empowerment of law enforcement.

Zang said the NPC received 201 suggestions from 112 people during the public consultation period. Citing public opinion, he said cyber-spying should be curbed while the national security department should lead the country’s anti-espionage education.

The bill was submitted to the standing committee of the National People’s Congress (NPC) on Monday and is expected to be passed on April 26.

Read: HK banks sweat fast execution of anti-sanctions law

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at @jeffpao3

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US sovereign risk soars as debt ceiling battle rages

Insuring US Treasury notes against default now costs more than insuring Mexican debt, as House Republicans threaten to push the US into technical default rather than give the Biden administration more room for deficit spending.

If April tax receipts turn out to have been weaker than expected, default could hit as early as mid-June. US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has warned of “catastrophe.”

The cost of five-year credit default swaps (insurance against US default) now exceeds the cost of similar protection against Mexican foreign debt – something that hasn’t happened previously in financial history.

Barring an actual default six to eight weeks from now, the jump in US credit default swap spreads is a technical bad in a small and illiquid market. Gold remains stuck in a trading range around $2,000 an ounce. If the world really thought America’s credit had turned bad, gold would break out to higher levels.

The wrangle over Treasury default, though, adds to uncertainty about the US economy and financial markets. Those markets took a body blow in mid-March when depositors fled regional banks, forcing the Fed and Treasury to provide emergency liquidity and guarantee bank deposits.

Tightening financial conditions are pushing the US into recession.

UPS stock plunged by nearly 10% on April 25 after the delivery company reported much lower-than-expected volume for the first quarter. Revenue fell to US$22.9 billion compared with $24.4 billion in the first quarter of 2022. The company blamed lower retail sales and falling consumer demand.

The Conference Board meanwhile reported on April 25 that consumer expectations fell to the lowest level in more than a year.

US commercial banks tightened lending standards and reduced new lending after the March run on regional banks. First Republic Bank, one of the banks that suffered March deposit runs, lost another 10% on April 25 after its first-quarter results revealed a bigger deposit loss than anticipated.

Survey data from regional Federal Reserve banks meanwhile showed that the US is on the edge of recession. The Philadelphia Fed’s index of nonmanufacturing business activity (shown in green on the chart below) fell to its lowest level since the 2020 Covid lockdowns.

The Philly Fed index is widely considered one of the best leading indicators of general business activity.

$6 trillion of consumer stimulus in response to Covid kept the US economy growing for the past two years, but retail sales have been falling for two years after deducting inflation.

Follow David P Goldman on Twitter at @davidpgoldman

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British American Tobacco to pay 5m for North Korea sanctions breaches

KJU smoking in 2017Getty Images

British American Tobacco is to pay $635m (£512m) plus interest to US authorities after a subsidiary admitted selling cigarettes to North Korea in violation of sanctions.

The US authorities said the settlement related to BAT activity in North Korea between 2007 and 2017.

BAT’s head Jack Bowles said “we deeply regret the misconduct”.

The US has imposed severe sanctions on North Korea over its nuclear and ballistic missile activities.

Tuesday’s settlement was between BAT and America’s Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control.

BAT is one of the world’s largest tobacco multinationals and one of the UK’s 10 biggest companies. It owns major cigarette brands including Lucky Strike, Dunhill and Pall Mall.

In a statement, BAT said it had entered into a “deferred prosecution agreement with DOJ and a civil settlement agreement with OFAC, and an indirect BAT subsidiary in Singapore has entered into a plea agreement with DOJ”.

The DOJ said BAT had also conspired to defraud financial institutions in order to get them to process transactions on behalf of North Korean entities.

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un is known to be a heavy smoker. Last year the US attempted to get the UN Security Council to ban tobacco exports to North Korea, but this was vetoed by Russia and China.

The justice department also revealed criminal charges against North Korean banker Sim Hyon-Sop, 39, and Chinese facilitators Qin Guoming, 60, and Han Linlin, 41, for facilitating sales of tobacco to North Korea.

They were accused of buying leaf tobacco for North Korean state owned cigarette makers and falsifying documents to trick US banks into processing transactions worth $74m. North Korean manufacturers including one owned by the military made about $700m thanks to these deals.

The DOJ announced rewards of $1m for information leading to the capture of Mr Sim and $500,000 each for Mr Qin and Mr Han, who all remain at large.

Pyongyang has for years faced multiple rounds of tough sanctions in response to its ballistic missile launches and nuclear tests.

However that has not deterred Mr Kim from continuing to develop the country’s weapons programme.

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