Ukraine’s decentralized warfare: the battle of the common person – Asia Times

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine offers an unprecedented case study on the democratization of warfare, particularly in three critical domains: drones, cyberattacks and influence operations.

The accessibility of technology has empowered ordinary citizens to participate directly in modern warfare, reshaping how wars of the future will be fought.

Ukrainian civilians have demonstrated methods that could be followed by citizens in other countries facing similar threats. Military analysts and scholars must understand these trends to prepare for future conflicts, which are likely to incorporate similar decentralized strategies.

For example, if the United States were to engage in a conflict with China over Taiwan, civilians most likely would play active roles both in defending online and in supporting operations on the physical battlefield.

Cyber warfare: the IT Army’s pioneering role

On June 20, 2024, the IT Army of Ukraine – a decentralized group of volunteer hackers – claimed to have launched against Russia’s banking system a distributed denial-of-service attack that it described as the “largest DDoS in history.”

That attack temporarily crippled several Russian banks, causing significant financial disruptions and showcasing the effectiveness of decentralized cyber tactics.

In a hybrid warfare landscape the IT Army has become a key player, operating across both physical and cyber battlefields and redefining modern warfare.

The IT Army was initially formed in early 2022 following a call to arms by Ukraine’s Minister of Digital Transformation Mykhailo Fedorov, who saw the potential of mobilizing civilian hackers to bolster Ukraine’s defenses.

The IT Army’s primary tactic – DDoS attacks, which flood networks with excessive traffic – is accessible and effective, democratizing cyber warfare by enabling individuals worldwide to participate without extensive technical knowledge.

The impact of the IT Army has drawn attention from Russian officials. In March 2024, Dmitry Gribkov, an aide to the Russian Security Council, warned Western nations that supporting the IT Army was akin to “opening Pandora’s box.”

Gribkov alleged that hacking experts were being trained in Ukraine and the Baltic states for cyber operations targeting Russian infrastructure, reflecting the Kremlin’s growing concerns about Ukraine’s ability to inflict pain on Russia.

The IT Army’s cyber offensive has inflicted significant and lasting damage, with economic losses estimated to exceed $1 billion. In early 2024, DDoS attacks on Russian companies doubled overall compared with the year-earlier figures.

The Russian energy sector in particular suffered a tenfold increase in such attacks, which weakened critical infrastructure supporting Russia’s war effort.

The IT Army has also collaborated with Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) to conduct synchronized DDoS attacks and drone strikes, helping knock out Russian telecom networks and CCTV systems. That reduces the visibility of Ukrainian drone operations and thereby increases their success rate.

Encouraging global participation, the IT Army utilizes social media to share tools, instructions, and targets, allowing ordinary people to contribute to cyberattacks. This open-call structure taps into a global volunteer base, including participants from Europe, the US and other regions.

These actions showcase a new type of warfare, one that merges military and civilian resistance and bridges the gap between traditional soldiers and online combatants.

Countering Russian disinformation: NAFO and civilian influence operations

The Ukrainian defense effort has also been characterized by resilience and adaptability in information warfare. The North Atlantic Fella Organization (NAFO), formed in response to Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion, has become a formidable force against Russian disinformation.

Using humor and memes to counter propaganda, NAFO – a leaderless, decentralized group – engages online audiences to keep the global spotlight on Ukraine and challenge Russian narratives. The group’s humorous approach, exemplified by Shiba Inu dog avatars, has proven remarkably resilient, making it difficult for Russian trolls to undermine its efforts.

A NAFO dog avatar. Image: Emerging Europe

Supporting Ukraine’s information frontlines, NAFO has been instrumental in fighting Russian trolls and countering disinformation campaigns. NAFO gained popularity by using Shiba Inu memes to mock Russian propaganda, making Russia’s accusations against them seem absurd. One ongoing joke within NAFO is that members are “real Shiba dogs employed by the CIA,” which deflects accusations while adding levity to their messaging.

Early in the invasion, NAFO’s success was clear when it forced Russia’s top diplomat in Vienna, Mikhail Ulyanov, off X (formerly Twitter) following a heated exchange with a cartoon dog. This flexible and decentralized approach has allowed NAFO to respond quickly to changing narratives in the fast-paced realm of information warfare.

The Kremlin’s discomfort with NAFO’s influence is evident, with RT labeling NAFO as a “vast pro-Ukrainian bot army.” Even Russia’s foreign ministry spokeswoman criticized the group in July 2023. The Economist described NAFO’s approach as “a remarkably successful form of information warfare,” while Jamie Cohen, a media studies professor, characterized NAFO as “an actual tactical event against a nation-state.”

NAFO has further demonstrated its influence by helping suspend the screening of “Russians at War,” a pro-Russian documentary by ex-RT employee Anastasia Trofimova, in Canada. The group’s efforts highlighted the broader dangers of Russian influence operations and underscored NAFO’s capacity to effectively counter these narratives. In the digital age, anyone with an internet connection can join NAFO, making it an accessible and powerful counterbalance to Russian troll farms, which have been influencing global opinion since the 2016 U.S. presidential election.

Volunteer-driven military tech supply chains

On the physical battlefield, Ukrainian civilians have also taken on a critical role in providing drones, which are essential to Ukraine’s defense strategy. Lieutenant Colonel Pavlo Kurylenko emphasized this reliance, stating, “We’re only holding back the Russians with crowdfunded drones.” He noted that FPV (first-person view) drones, many of which are supplied by volunteers, are a crucial element preventing Russian breakthroughs on all fronts.

Demand for drones far exceeds supply, and Ukraine has depended heavily on volunteers to manage drone supply chains since the start of the invasion. Dzyga’s Paw, a fund that has supported over 100 military units, has played a key role in delivering essential tech supplies.

Former tech professionals from the fund have coordinated drone operations for Ukrainian forces, building robust tech supply chains for the military. Volunteers have also devised innovative solutions, such as using Google Meet to livestream drone footage, providing commanders with real-time battlefield intelligence.

Despite the efforts of volunteers, Ukraine still faces challenges due to limited access to Chinese-made drones. Kostyantyn Mynailenko, a commander in the Liut Brigade’s aerial reconnaissance unit, said, “The Russians have many more drones than us. They have a stable supply chain sourced directly from China, whereas we must order our Chinese drones indirectly through Europe.” This procurement gap has made Ukraine heavily reliant on volunteers to source Chinese drones for nearly two years.

The future of decentralized warfare

The Russo-Ukrainian War has vividly demonstrated the power of decentralized, civilian-driven warfare, establishing a model that will likely shape future conflicts. Through the democratization of drones, cyberattacks, and influence operations, Ukraine has mobilized ordinary citizens and volunteers, showing that advanced military capabilities can be built from the grassroots level. With crowdfunded drones, volunteer hackers, and online influence campaigns, Ukraine has effectively empowered civilians to play an active role in defense.

This new approach, blending traditional military tactics with the contributions of individual citizens and decentralized networks, has proven highly resilient and adaptable. As military analysts and strategists examine the implications, it’s clear that the integration of citizen-driven support will become an increasingly crucial component in modern warfare.

Carl von Clausewitz’s concept of “small wars” has evolved – from irregular units gathering intelligence and disrupting enemy operations, to “armed” citizens engaging in digital battles through drones, memes, and cyberattacks.

Ukraine’s experience has provided an invaluable case study for countries worldwide, showing that in a digitized world, anyone with an internet connection can contribute to the national defense. The democratization of warfare is not new, but technology has reshaped and expanded its possibilities, redefining how wars will be fought in the future.

This piece is an excerpt from a report presented by the author at the UK Parliament on October 9, on behalf of the Henry Jackson Society, titled “Military Lessons for NATO from the Russia-Ukraine War: Preparing for the Wars of Tomorrow.” The original report includes extensive footnoting to show the sourcing of facts and quotations.

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How China can revive its bruised and dwindling billionaire class – Asia Times

Is the “smart” money still fleeing China? Whether it’s wise to leave Asia’s biggest economy is debatable. What’s not is that the mainland billionaire emigration trend continues and that their ranks have thinned by more than a third in just the last three years.

The latter dynamic, tracked by research group Hurun, spotlights how the fallout from the last few years of government crackdowns, slowing economic growth, volatile equities and property collapse is catching up with Xi Jinping’s policymakers and complicating their efforts to counter Wall Street worries that China has become “uninvestable.”

To be sure, the “avoid-China” vibe isn’t what it was, say, six months ago. As Nicholas Colas, co-founder of research firm DataTrek, notes, the recent “surprise announcement of aggressive fiscal and monetary policy action is spurring a reappraisal of the view” that Chinese equities are uninvestable.

“China’s leadership has finally acknowledged that the country’s economy needs much more monetary and fiscal stimulus if it is to achieve its growth potential over time,” Colas says.

Billionaire David Tepper has been making his own headlines by declaring it time to buy “everything” in China. And after “running around the world” in recent weeks, Kinger Lau, chief China equity strategist at Goldman Sachs, says that “for some investors who haven’t really looked at China over the past one to two years, certainly, the interest level has picked up a lot”

As Lau tells the South China Morning Post, “I’m not saying everyone is buying. But the level of interest has picked up a lot, very much consistent with the flows and positioning.” He’s among many who now see “upside” for Chinese equities.

Where this leaves China’s remaining billionaires in US dollar terms – Hurun says there are now 753 versus a peak of 1,185 in 2021 – is debatable. What’s clear, though, is that the stakes surrounding next week’s gathering of the standing committee of National People’s Congress are rising.

Rarely has there been a better opportunity for Xi’s inner circle to reassure the billionaire set at home and global funds abroad.

“The announcement of the NPC Standing Committee meeting for November 4-8 reflects Beijing’s strategic approach to the major economic policy U-turn underway,” says economist Diana Choyleva at Enodo Economics.

Choyleva noted that “by scheduling the meeting immediately after the US presidential election on November 5, the Chinese leadership has positioned itself to announce fiscal measures with full knowledge of the electoral outcome, enhancing its ability to manage market expectations and responses effectively.”

Next week’s confab will “allow Chinese policymakers to fine-tune their announcements and potentially adjust the scale or presentation of stimulus measures based on the new geopolitical context,” she says.

Choyleva notes that “a better-coordinated approach to policy announcements could actually enhance market stability. Investors should view the timing as a sign of careful planning rather than delay, particularly given the potential for more comprehensive and strategically calibrated announcements.”

Billionaires and global funds alike are craving a “well-thought-out approach” that “sets the stage for more impactful and sustainable market responses,” Choyleva says. “For investors, this timing and a more coordinated policymaking reduces uncertainty by ensuring that China’s fiscal response will be announced with full knowledge of the US political landscape, potentially leading to more stable and sustained market reactions rather than volatile short-term responses.”

The potential wildcard of a Donald Trump 2.0 presidency would be a game-changer for Asia, starting with a 60% tax on all Chinese goods that would upend Asian growth and supply chains.

Derek Holt, Bank of Nova Scotia’s head of capital markets economics, speaks for many when he warns that “Trump’s plans risk being highly destabilizing to world markets in a much more fractured world.”

Investors everywhere are bracing for a supersized US trade war in the event of a second Trump White House, including Europe. Germany’s recession is already casting a pall over European markets.

“In a worst-case scenario of a full-blown tariff war with retaliation, we estimate potential for a mid to high single-digit drag on European earnings-per-share growth,” says Barclays Plc strategist Emmanuel Cau. A “big chunk” of analysts’ worry more than 10% growth in earnings next year could disappear as trade tensions spike, he notes.

One worry is Trump’s desire to add fiscal stimulus via giant tax cuts into an economy that doesn’t need it. “The US economy doesn’t need pump-priming, it’s in excess demand and will remain there next year,” Holt notes. And while “the US needs to assert control over its borders, Trump’s extreme immigration policies would severely damage the US economy.”

Trump’s desire to weaken the US dollar also would increase inflation risks, complicating hopes the Federal Reserve might cut interest rates. Not that Vice President Kamala Harris has a great track record in global market circles, Holt notes. As a US senator in 2020, Harris was one of only a few lawmakers who voted against a revised US-Mexico-Canada trade agreement.

In Holt’s view, “it’s a matter of picking the one you think will be less damaging. As a professional economist, I have no doubt that this means voting against Donald Trump and the weak self-serving men behind him.”

Yet risks abound as the US national debt tops the US$35 trillion mark. “America’s fiscal position is living on borrowed time and the more damage that’s done now, the higher taxes will go in the future in a potentially more divided and more dangerous world,” Holt explains.

Reassuring China’s billionaires and overseas funds requires bold and transparent action by Xi’s inner circle. 

Earlier this month, Beijing cut borrowing costs, slashed banks’ reserve requirement ratios, reduced mortgage rates and unveiled market-support tools to put a floor under share prices. Beijing is telegraphing bolder fiscal stimulus steps.

Team Xi also raised the loan quota for unfinished housing projects to 4 trillion yuan (US$562 billion), nearly double the previous amount. The bump was less than markets wanted, but pledges of more come has limited big negative market reactions.

The bigger issue, though, is repairing the balance sheets of giant property developers. Success in devising a mechanism to dispose of toxic assets could go a long way toward reassuring investors.

Xi’s inner circle has surely demonstrated it knows what’s needed to turn things around and reassure its capitalist class: a clear strategy to strengthen the finances of good-quality developers; incentivizing mergers and acquisitions; improving capital markets so that consumers stop seeing property as their only investment option; creating social safety nets so that households spend more and save less.

Beijing also must allay concerns that the tech crackdowns that began in late 2020 are over and done with.

Xi has left it to Premier Li Qiang to make the case for a more dynamic, competitive and predictable China. In January, Li said that “choosing investment in the Chinese market is not a risk, but an opportunity.”

He stressed that “investing in China will bring huge returns and a better future” and described CEOs on hand as “participants, witnesses, and beneficiaries of China’s reform and opening up.”

China, Li added, “stands ready to seriously look into and solve the difficulties and problems encountered by foreign enterprises” operating in the country. “We will take active steps to address reasonable concerns of the global business community,” Li said.

The bottom line, says Fred Hu, CEO of Primavera Capital Group, is that if China “really commits to rule of law and market reforms, I do think the confidence will slowly but surely come back, then the animal spirit will be rekindled.”

One reason the clock is ticking in Xi’s reform plans is that the 10-year mark of his “Made in China 2025” scheme is fast approaching.

When he took the reins of power in 2012, Xi promised to let market forces play a “decisive” role in Beijing’s decision-making. In May 2015, Xi unveiled his ambitious plan to morph China into a high-tech Mecca for semiconductors, renewable energy, electric vehicles, biotechnology, aerospace, artificial intelligence, robotics and green infrastructure.

A decade on, progress has been more sporadic than hoped. Team Xi has often proved better at treating the symptoms of China’s economic funk, not the underlying ailment. 

It’s a lesson Japan taught the world: throwing money at an economy traumatized by plunging property values and deflationary pressures won’t work without supply-side moves to repair cracks in the economy.

Late last year, Xi introduced the buzz-phrase “new quality productive forces.” Though somewhat cryptic, Xi’s inner circle has been selling it as the answer to China’s economic future.

China wants to get its consumers to spend more and save less to keep growth near 5% year after year. That means continuing to raise incomes and building more robust social safety nets to encourage spending. It means creating deeper, trusted capital markets so the average Chinese can invest in stocks and bonds — not just real estate.

Beijing’s extreme focus on boosting consumption over the years has proved counterproductive, economists say. It leaves China susceptible to boom-and-bust cycles that require urgent attention at the expense of moving the economy upmarket. China’s heavy reliance on exports leaves the economy vulnerable to Trump-like antics.

There’s no better alternative to accelerating and broadening China’s evolution into a high-tech powerhouse, development experts say. And indications are, this is precisely the pivot Xi and Li are making as 2025 approaches.

At the NPC in March, Xi’s Communist Party said “it’s imperative to boost the endeavors to modernize the industrial system, and accelerate the development of new productive forces.” Billionaires skittish about China’s prospects couldn’t agree more. The days and weeks ahead offer Xi a ready opportunity to do just that.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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Commentary: A possible Trump win muddies an already-chaotic economic debate in China

WILL BEIJING’S PRIORITIES CHANGE?

Until recently, Xi’s stimulus was entirely a domestic affair.

Ministry-level officials have promised the largest one-time debt swap in recent years to improve municipal finances. The state will also buy unsold housing to stabilise property prices, as well as boost banks’ capital buffer to increase their willingness to lend in a weak economy.

All these are sensible blueprints to lift China out of deflation. 

But a Trump win can change Beijing’s priorities again. His hawkish rhetoric on Chinese imports, as well as the wide latitude that the US president enjoys in setting and imposing tariffs, directly threatens Xi’s ultimate passion of transforming China into a high-end manufacturing powerhouse.

China has certainly reacted to Trump’s moves before. After Huawei was placed on the US trade blacklist in 2019, state resources were poured into industrial upgrades. Huawei alone received over US$1 billion in government grants last year, more than quadruple the amount in 2019, in part a reflection that President Joe Biden has furthered Trump’s tough trade policies. 

Bank lending to industrial firms has also soared in that time; meanwhile, real estate developers are struggling to refinance. In July, the government said it would spend 300 billion yuan (US$42 billion) to expand an existing trade-in and equipment upgrade programme as a way to boost consumption but also to absorb industrial production.

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Smuggler reveals how he has helped more than 1,000 people cross Channel

Reuters An aerial view of an inflatable dinghy overcrowded with migrants, motoring through the sea.Reuters

A prolific Vietnamese people smuggler, who entered the UK illegally this year in a small boat, has told the BBC he forges visa documents for other Vietnamese who plan to make the same crossing.

The man, whom we are calling Thanh, is now claiming UK asylum and told us he has spent almost 20 years – his entire adult life – in the smuggling industry.

He has been in prison, led a gang working on the northern coast of France, and claims to have helped more than 1,000 people to risk their lives to cross the Channel.

The self-confessed criminal met the BBC at a secret location to share detailed information about the mechanics of the international smuggling industry.

‘A very lucrative business’

Thanh walks into the room cautiously, dark eyes moving fast as if searching for possible exit routes. A small, neat, quietly authoritative figure in a black polo neck.

There are handshakes and he says “hello” in a soft, strongly accented voice. Beyond that, we speak almost exclusively through a Vietnamese translator.

After months of phone calls and one brief meeting, the interview takes place on a grey day in a small hotel room, in a northern English town that we are choosing not to name here.

We decided there was a strong public interest in hearing about Thanh’s life in the smuggling trade, which could only be secured in return for agreeing to keep his identity confidential. He fears being recognised not only by the British authorities but by Vietnamese criminals in the UK.

Vietnam emerged in the first months of this year – suddenly and unexpectedly – as the largest single source of migrants seeking to cross the Channel to the UK illegally in small boats.

Many Vietnamese migrants have cited failing businesses and debts at home for their decision to seek work in the UK. Their first step, experts have suggested, is often to access Europe by taking advantage of a legal work visa system in Hungary and other parts of Eastern Europe.

This is where Thanh’s forgery operation comes in, he says. He helps create the fake paperwork needed to get the legitimate work visas.

“I can’t justify breaking the law. But it’s a very lucrative business,” Thanh said calmly, insisting he doesn’t provide forgeries for people seeking UK visas.

We know from our interviews with Vietnamese smugglers and their clients that people pay between $15,000 (£11,570) and $20,000 (£15,470) to travel from Vietnam to mainland Europe and then to cross the Channel.

It is a dangerous business. More than 50 people have been killed crossing the Channel in small boats already this year, making 2024 the deadliest on record. For the first time, the figures include one Vietnamese.

When our team first made contact with Thanh in mainland Europe earlier this year, we knew he was going to attempt to get to the UK with other Vietnamese. He later let us know he had crossed the Channel from northern France, in a small boat.

Thanh told us he had first flown from Vietnam to Hungary on a legitimate visa – although he had acquired it using forged documents.

He had then flown on to Paris and stayed for a few days in a “safe house”, organised by a Vietnamese smuggling gang on the city’s outskirts. Soon after then, he was taken in a group by minibus to the coast and, finally, put in the hands of one of the Kurdish gangs that control the small boat crossings.

“Once you’re on the boat, you get treated like everyone else,” he said. “It’s overcrowded.”

But the Vietnamese passengers pay three or four times more money to the gangs handling the crossing routes, he told us, “so we get the advantage of being given a place more quickly”.

In fact, our sources suggest the Vietnamese pay roughly twice the usual rate.

The journey Thanh described is now an established route from Vietnam to the UK – a path heavily promoted by smugglers on Facebook, who charge clients for forged documents, flights, buses, and a place on a flimsy rubber boat. Payment for a successful Channel crossing is only made after arrival in the UK.

And Thanh had been lucky, he told us, evading French police patrolling the beaches near Calais, and crossing in an inflatable boat on his first attempt.

Or perhaps he tried several times. Over the months that we were in contact with him, he changed elements of the story he told us – perhaps to cover his tracks and to avoid giving potential clues about his identity to the UK authorities.

‘Yes. A lie. I was not trafficked’

Thanh asked for asylum when he was interviewed by a British immigration official – explaining he had left Vietnam because he had got into debt to gangsters when his business failed. His life, he said, was in danger.

He told the official he had been trafficked to the UK in order to work for a gang to pay off his debt.

We had heard similar stories from the Vietnamese we encountered in northern France.

When we first established contact with Thanh, he portrayed himself as a desperate migrant, first stuck in France, and then trapped in the UK’s asylum system, living in a crowded hotel, unable to work, and waiting to learn his fate.

But over time, we began to learn the truth. Or rather, Thanh began to reveal the extent to which his extraordinary life story has been built on a series of elaborate, even outrageous, lies.

Sitting opposite me on a sofa, Thanh admitted that he had not been trafficked to the UK. He had made up that story as part of his asylum claim. And he went much further, claiming that all the Vietnamese migrants he knew of had been told to offer a version of the same lie.

“Yes. A lie. I was not trafficked,” he said.

Migration experts and NGOs have a range of views about the scale of trafficking from Vietnam.

One French prosecutor told us that many Vietnamese were in debt to the smugglers and ended up working in UK cannabis farms. But he played down the idea of an organised supply chain, insisting the smuggling system was more like a haphazard series of stepping stones, with each stage controlled by separate gangs. Finding work in the UK was, he said, about luck and opportunism.

Other experts insist that many, if not most, Vietnamese migrants are victims of trafficking, and that those being taken across the Channel are in fact a cheap and easy source of labour for criminal gangs in the UK. A government registry of people suspected of being victims of modern slavery has consistently shown a high number of Vietnamese.

“It is often not possible, or helpful, to differentiate when a person has been trafficked or smuggled, especially as exploitation can happen at any time,” said Jamie Fookes, UK and Europe advocacy manager at Anti-Slavery International.

“Those crossing will often have to pay either through extortion, or from being exploited in some form of forced labour or criminality on the other side.”

Safe migration routes, he added, would be the only way to prevent traffickers taking advantage of people’s desperation.

A screengrab of a Facebook post, written in Vietnamese, advertising smuggling services. The English translation is beneath and reads: Journey to 44 [the international country code for the UK], at a surprisingly cheap price. Fast, safe and meals and accommodation are included. Payment after a successful arrival.

But Thanh maintains that most Vietnamese migrants aren’t trafficked, and that it is just a line used to claim asylum.

“That’s the way it’s done. [People lie about being trafficked] in order to continue the asylum process safely,” he said.

Thanh clearly has a motive to lie about this. If he were to be caught forging documents for people who went on to be trafficked, the penalties would be far more serious than for smuggling.

In our reporting we have sought to corroborate the details of Thanh’s story – and in many instances have done so successfully. But a cloud of doubt hangs, inevitably, over elements of it.

‘I claimed I was still a child’

Thanh says he first left Vietnam in 2007. He was in his late teens or early twenties. He had already dropped out of school to work in a textile factory in the south of the country. But his family wanted him to head abroad, to Europe, in search of higher wages.

“I borrowed $6,000 (£4,624) from relatives and neighbours [to pay for the trip]. A lot of people had already made the same journey. We Vietnamese have always travelled like this – to wherever it is easier to make money,” he told me.

That journey first took him to a farm outside Prague, in the Czech Republic. He spent more than a year picking spring onions and other vegetables before deciding he could do better in Germany. Crossing the border illegally in a minibus, Thanh says he threw away his passport and other documents, and chose a new name.

And he went a step further.

When he arrived in Berlin, he told the authorities he was 14 years old.

The smugglers who had charged him $1,000 (£771) to get him into Germany had advised him it would be easier if he claimed he was under 16.

“I looked young in those days. Nobody challenged me on that.”

And so, the German authorities promptly sent a man they took to be a boy to a children’s home 45 minutes’ drive from the German capital, where Thanh quickly got to work, selling black-market cigarettes in the local town.

Thanh says he stayed in Germany for about two years. He left the children’s home, found a girlfriend, and soon became a father. But a police crackdown started to affect his income from selling cigarettes. And so, in 2010, he decided to try to reach the UK.

Crossing into France without his new family, he tells us, he threw away his German documents and invented yet another false identity.

By then, thousands of migrants were trying to cross the Channel to the UK by hiding in lorries and shipping containers. Thanh says he made several attempts but was unsuccessful.

“I had bad luck. The patrols were very strict. They used dogs to detect us hiding in a container.” He claims to have reached Dover at one point, only for the truck to be returned with him and a group of other migrants still inside.

Stuck in France, camping in a forest near Dunkirk, Thanh was offered work by Vietnamese people smugglers. It was a job at which, he says, he soon excelled.

“I had to provide food and supplies and arrange to send people to the lorries at particular times. I did not recruit people, but I was paid €300 (£250) for each successful crossing,” said Thanh, insisting that none of his passengers were being trafficked or exploited.

“We just provided a service. No-one was forced. It was illegal, but it was very, very profitable.”

A few years later, the same gang – no longer linked to Thanh, he says – would be involved in the deaths of 39 Vietnamese migrants who were discovered, suffocated, inside a lorry trailer in Essex.

We need to gloss over some details of what Thanh says happened to him over the next few years in order to continue to hide his identity. He rose within a gang to become one of its senior members. But eventually, after being arrested, tried, and imprisoned for several years in Europe, he returned to Vietnam.

At which point, he might have left the smuggling world behind him. But, as he puts it now, his own reputation pulled him back in.

“People in Europe contacted me asking for help,” he told us.

“I’d already helped about 1,000 people to get to the UK successfully, so I was well known for that success.”

In 2017, he says he re-entered the smuggling trade – only this time, Thanh wasn’t smuggling people, he was forging documents for them.

Bank statements, payslips, tax invoices, anything that European embassies required to prove that people applying for student, or work, or business visas had the necessary funds to ensure they planned to return to Vietnam.

“I had a lot of clients. Depending on which embassy it was, we would provide forged bank statements or other documents.

“First, we would submit these online. If certain embassies needed to check with banks, then we’d put real cash into a bank account. We had arrangements with staff at certain banks,” Thanh explained.

“The clients couldn’t access the money themselves, but the bank staff would show the [falsified] details to embassy staff. We worked with lots of different types of Vietnamese banks.”

An expert in Vietnam told us that banking fraud is “quite common”, and there were instances of bank staff colluding with criminals to forge documents.

A black silhouette of man - head and shoulders. Behind him is a white curtain.

Thanh tells us he is not proud of his work as a forger – that he had known it was illegal and that he had done it simply to support his family. But at times he sounds boastful, observing that “people trust me, I have never failed”, and insisting his work was “not a serious crime in Vietnam”.

By now, Thanh had a new family in Vietnam. But earlier this year, he decided to leave.

It is not entirely clear why. At one point, he tells us his business had been struggling. He also mentions problems with the Vietnamese police – but he plays them down. Perhaps it is caution. But it strikes us that a lifetime of deception might have affected his ability, or his desire, to distinguish truth from fiction.

So why talk to us? Why risk blowing his cover in the UK? And why continue with his forgery business here, even now?

Thanh portrays himself as a repentant figure who now regrets his life of crime and wants to speak out to prevent other Vietnamese people from making the same mistakes. Above all, he wants to warn them against coming to the UK illegally, saying it is simply not worth it.

“I just want people in Vietnam to understand that it’s not worth borrowing lots of money to travel here. It’s not so easy for illegal arrivals to find work or make money.

“And when they do make money it’s less than in the past. It’s no better than in Germany or other European countries. I’ve been trying to find work in the grey economy, but I’ve not been successful,” he told us.

“If you want to work on a cannabis farm, there are opportunities, but I don’t want to get involved in more illegal activities now. I don’t want to land up in prison.”

Thanh urges the UK and European governments to make a bigger effort to publicise the fact there are no jobs here for illegal migrants. He also blames smuggling gangs for lying to their clients about the realities and opportunities.

But he says people back in Vietnam are hard to dissuade, suspecting those trying to warn against travelling to Europe are “being selfish and trying to keep the job opportunities for themselves”.

When we confront Thanh, repeatedly, about his hypocrisy and his own continued involvement in the elements of smuggling industry, he shrugs. It is just business.

“We don’t force anyone to do what they do. They ask us for help, as they would from any business. There’s no trafficking involved. If you have a good reputation, the clients come to you, without threats or violence.”

But what about the dangers involved – the surging number of deaths in the Channel?

“My role is just a small one in a much bigger process.”

Thanh acknowledges that his life, and that of his family back in Vietnam, would be in danger if the smuggling gangs found out he had been talking to us. When pushed, he admits to some regrets.

“If I could start again, I would not leave Vietnam. I think my life would be much better if I had stayed at home. I’ve faced so many struggles. I don’t have a bright future.”

Was he telling the truth?

At the end of our interview, he stands up, ready to leave, and for the first time, a flicker of concern, or perhaps irritation, seems to flit across his face.

Perhaps he had said too much.

Additional reporting by Kathy Long

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BRICS isn’t de-dollarizing anytime soon – Asia Times

BRICS Summit host Russian President Vladimir Putin disappointed both anti-colonial enthusiasts and Western alarmists last week by conceding that the bloc’s members “have not built and are not” building a payment system to challenge the US dollar-based global banking system.

The leaders of the two economic giants present at the summit, China’s Xi Jinping and India’s Narendra Modi, did not mention alternative payment arrangements in their respective remarks.

The technical requirements for alternative payment systems aren’t the problem. The SWIFT system that controls interbank payments in dollars and other major Western currencies merely transmits secure messages.

The challenge, rather, is economic: US demand for imports fuels an outsized portion of economic growth in the Global South. China’s exports to the US amount to just 2.3% of its GDP, but about half of its surge in exports to the Global South since 2020 depends on re-exports to the United States.

While China’s exports to the Global South more than doubled from about US$60 billion a month to $140 billion a month, US imports from the Global South rose from about $60 billion a month to $100 billion a month during the past four years.

Graphic: Asia Times

Dependence on the US market varies widely across the universe of developing countries. Vietnam and Mexico, the two favorite venues for so-called “friend-shoring,” that is, transferring production away from China to putatively friendlier countries, registered big increases in exports to the US as a share of GDP.

Vietnam’s exports to the US in 2023 amounted to about 27% of the country’s GDP, compared to just 10% in 2020, while Mexico’s US exports rose to 27% of GDP in 2023 from 20% in 2010.

Graphic: Asia Times

Singapore and Malaysia, by contrast, showed little increase in US exports as a share of GDP. Indonesia and Brazil export comparatively little to the United States.

Some Asian countries, notably Malaysia and Thailand, export more than 60% of their GDP, mainly to other Asian countries. Brazil, Indonesia and China are far less export-dependent.

Today, China exports just 19% of its GDP compared to 27% in 2010, which means that an increasing share of GDP growth depends on domestic consumption and investment.

Graphic: Asia Times

What makes the United States such an important factor in the economies of the Global South is its enormous current account deficit. The table below ranks the current account surpluses and deficits of the 20 largest economies from the largest deficit to the largest surplus.

With a current account deficit of $80 billion a month, or $1 trillion a year, the US appetite for an excess of imports over exports dwarfs the rest of the world.

Graphic: Asia Times

China is the largest or second-largest economy in the world, depending on whether we count GDP in US dollars or adjust for purchasing power parity, but China’s imports from the Global South have been stagnant for three years.

Graphic: Asia Times

China won’t replace much of American import demand for the time being, given Beijing’s focus on high-tech investment rather than consumer demand. At the margin, that leaves the Global South all the more dependent on the US.

Projecting current trends into the future suggests a steady rise in consumer spending in the Global South, especially in East Asia, and the emergence of robust domestic markets and less dependence on exports.

Below is a chart published by the Brookings Institution think tank last year, projecting that the total consumer market in East Asia will overtake the US consumer market by 2028.

Graphic: Asia Times

Developing countries, though, don’t pay their bills on projections. Arranging payments for goods in international trade is a trivial issue. More challenging is financing long-term deficits.

India, for example, used to run an annual trade deficit with Russia of less than $3 billion. Discounted Russian oil sales to India after the start of the Ukraine war boosted this to more than $60 billion.

What will Russia do with the Indian rupee equivalent of $60 billion? It would far prefer to have another currency, for example, the UAE dirham, that can be used to buy goods in third markets.

The Global South doesn’t yet have the capital markets or the currency stability to convince a surplus trading country to simply hold assets of the deficit country in exchange for goods.

That is what the United States does so well: Its $18 trillion negative net foreign asset position corresponds to the last 30 years’ cumulative current account deficits.

America sells assets to foreigners in return for their goods. The Global South doesn’t have the assets to sell, or at least not in the form that the rest of the world would like to own.

That helps explain why the BRICS Summit’s final declaration relegated the issue of payment systems to feasibility studies:

We reiterate our commitment to enhancing financial cooperation within BRICS. We recognize the widespread benefits of faster, low-cost, more efficient, transparent, safe and inclusive cross-border payment instruments built upon the principle of minimizing trade barriers and non-discriminatory access.

We welcome the use of local currencies in financial transactions between BRICS countries and their trading partners. We encourage strengthening of correspondent banking networks within BRICS and enabling settlements in local currencies in line with BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative (BCBPI), which is voluntary and nonbinding, and look forward to further discussions in this area, including in the BRICS Payment Task Force.

BRICS central banks don’t hold each other’s currencies as reserve assets, with limited exceptions. Just 2.3% of world central bank reserves are held in China’s RMB, up from 1.1% in 2016 but down from a peak of 2.8% in 2022. Most of them are buying gold. If the legend on US currency states, “In God We Trust,” gold says, “Trust nobody.”

Sweeping changes across the Global South would be required to make their currencies attractive reserve instruments—transparency and risk management of capital markets, the development of a local middle class, infrastructure, and education.

A great deal of this is happening in stages in many developing countries but progress is gradual and uneven. We now can foresee circumstances under which the Global South might declare independence from the dollar system. But we aren’t there yet and won’t be for years under any foreseeable circumstances.

Follow David P Goldman on X at @davidpgoldman

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Japan’s LDP rocked and roiled in an election earthquake – Asia Times

As political miscalculations go, it’s hard to top Shigeru Ishiba’s decision to hold a snap election Sunday, just 30 days after his own shock rise to Japan’s premiership.

Ishiba’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lost its majority for only the third time since 1955. But this latest indignity for a party that long took for granted the priorities of Japan’s 125 million people could be the most impactful yet.

Ishiba’s blunder, and the political upheaval it’s causing, come amid a bewildering array of headwinds zooming the nation’s way.

They include slowing growth at home, China’s downshift, North Korea’s provocations and the increasing odds Americans will return Donald Trump and his trade wars to the White House.

It comes as Japanese inflation outpaces wages at a moment when the Bank of Japan mulls whether to continue hiking interest rates. It comes as investors assess whether the Nikkei 225 Stock Average’s surge to record highs is sustainable as policy instability reigns in Tokyo.

At the very least, Ishiba seems more destined than ever for short-timer status as Japanese leader following Sunday’s disastrous election showing for his LDP.

“Japan now enters a period of political uncertainty about whether a new coalition government can be formed,” says David Boling, analyst at Eurasia Group. Economist Takeshi Yamaguchi at Morgan Stanley MUFG adds that “political uncertainty will remain high in the near term.”

Granted, one silver lining for the LDP is that opposition parties didn’t join forces to win a majority or cobble together a governing coalition. Yet the best-case scenario for the LDP and its coalition partner Komeito is to find additional seats via a third party.

Still the damage has been done, particularly to Ishiba and his ability to retain the premiership or claim he has a mandate to lead.

Though predecessor Fumio Kishida stuck around for three years and mentor Shinzo Abe lasted nearly eight, most Japanese prime ministers get 12 months to make their mark – and most don’t.

Chalk it up to leaders spending so much time keeping their jobs there’s no time to do their jobs. The cycle, especially prevalent since the mid-1990s, seems certain to come for Ishiba. Even before Sunday’s repudiation from voters, Ishiba had suffered one of the most precipitous drops in public approval political observers had ever seen.

In late September, when Ishiba shocked the political establishment by navigating past the two front runners for the premiership, Ishiba enjoyed support rates north of 50%. But after four weeks of policy U-turns and managerial chaos, his numbers fell into the 20s.

That’s far from what Kishida had expected when he stepped aside last month. With his own approval in the low 20s amid scandals and soft economic conditions, Kishida opted to let his party head into Sunday’s contest with a fresh face.

It surprised many that this meant swapping one 67-year-old conservative with another. Ishiba’s man-of-the-people persona led LDP bigwigs to hope he might revive the party’s image.

Instead, reality caught up with Ishiba – and fast. For years, Boling notes, Ishiba polled very favorably with the public.

He benefited from being seen as an outsider within the LDP because he was willing to criticize the party. That made him unpopular with many LDP lawmakers but popular with the public.

But “since becoming prime minister, he has made some missteps that have opened him to attack,” Boling notes. That Sunday’s results mean Ishiba is “weakened” and that the “odds would be against him rebounding.”

If Ishiba does stay in, he’ll be busy struggling to save his premiership. Odds are he’ll be too preoccupied to address the economic headwinds racing Japan’s way.

Chief among them is an economy fast losing altitude. This might come as quite a surprise to LDP elders who encouraged Kishida to stand down.

Back in mid-September, when these machinations were in motion, the party figured the economy was on sound footing.

At the time, the Nikkei index was testing all-time highs amid stable economic growth, 10 years of corporate governance reforms were gaining traction and hopes were high that wages gains would accelerate.

Earlier this year, labor unions scored the biggest wage bump in 33 years. That fueled optimism that the “virtuous cycle” Tokyo had craved for decades had arrived.

All this encouraged the BOJ to begin exiting 25 years of zero interest rates and quantitative easing. On July 31, BOJ Governor Kazuo Ueda’s team hiked short-term rates to 0.25%, the highest since 2008. That sent the yen skyrocketing.

Since then, a clear deceleration in retail sales, exports, industrial production, machine tool orders and other sectors has Team Ueda hitting the pause button on additional tightening moves.

It also had Ishida’s government pivoting to the kinds of short-term stimulus maneuvers he claimed his government would avoid. A long-time fiscal hawk, Ishiba also was a proponent of higher rates and a stronger yen. Not anymore.

Ishiba’s reversal on these and other policies has sent the yen tumbling past the 150-to-the-dollar mark. It’s also generating increased volatility in Japanese government bond yields.

For one thing, Ishiba’s government having to rely on opposition parties to retain power makes it harder to champion fiscal consolidation and monetary liquidity normalization. For another, the clock is now ticking faster and faster for Japanese leaders to act on implementing economic reforms.

The LDP’s stumble could not be worse timed for Asia’s second-biggest economy. The export boost on which Tokyo was betting is in growing doubt as Chinese growth slows. China is slow-walking moves to address a property crisis that many compare to Japan’s 1990s bad-loan debacle.

Stephen Innes, managing partner at SPI Asset Management, notes that Beijing is “trying to talk the talk, with more noise about stabilizing the property market.” Generally speaking, though, Innes says, “China’s property mess isn’t something that can be patched up with a few speeches and half-baked measures.”

Macquarie Bank economist Larry Hu adds that measures taken so far “may not be enough to turn the housing market around.”

Meanwhile, Germany’s recession weighs on Europe’s prospects. The US is showing signs of wear. The geopolitical environment is hardly ideal as Middle East tensions flare and Russia’s Ukraine invasion drags on.

The rising odds that Trump might be re-elected on November 5 to supersize trade wars is a major source of global uncertainty.

Amid such uncertainty, investors have valid reasons to question Tokyo’s ability to get the reform process back on track. In the 12 years since the LDP returned to power, few big-picture upgrades have been implemented.

In 2012, the Prime Minister Abe pledged to modernize labor markets, reduce bureaucracy, increase innovation and productivity, empower women and strengthen corporate governance. Abe succeeded with this last endeavor.

The Nikkei’s surge to record highs is partly a result of steps to increase returns on equity, give shareholders a louder voice and diversify boardrooms. It’s also the result of ultra-low interest rates.

Yet surging stocks have meant little to the average Japanese household. Wages have generally lagged the rate of inflation. Japan ranks 30th among the 38 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) members in productivity.

What so-called Abenomics did, ultimately, was prove that “trickle-down economics” still doesn’t work. And that sporadic stimulus packages don’t alter economic trajectories nearly as much as structural changes. Now, the clock is already ticking as Japan’s latest government inherits a uniquely lopsided economic trajectory.

On the one hand, the inflation Tokyo had been craving for 25 years is here. And the BOJ is finally trying to normalize a super-aggressive interest-rate regime. On the other, that very rising-price dynamic is wrecking household and business confidence. It makes Japan the economic equivalent of the dog that caught the car. Consumers find themselves missing deflation, which many viewed as a stealth tax cut.

This balancing act proved too much for Kishida, who took power in early October 2021. Ostensibly, Kishida’s dismal approval ratings reflected political funding scandals within his LDP. In reality, it was mostly an underperforming economy that ended his tenure.

Like his mentor Abe, Kishida did himself no favors by prioritizing foreign policy over reforms. Ishiba, a former defense minister, irked voters by appearing to do the same. An old-school China hawk who favors creating an “Asian NATO,” Ishiba seemed more interested in creating a bulwark against Beijing than tackling kitchen-table issues.

Now, with political winds shifting, Tokyo seems even more captive to events in Beijing and Washington.

Recently, Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s government conceded that the globe’s No 2 economy is in trouble.

Earlier this month, Beijing unveiled aggressive stimulus measures to support an economy grappling with a deepening property crisis. The People’s Bank of China announced its first simultaneous cut in key short-term rates and banks’ reserve requirements since at least 2015.

Mainland stocks have tried to rally on the news. And PBOC Governor Pan Gongsheng is hinting at further cuts in the amount of cash banks must hold as reserves.

The faster Beijing puts a floor under the economy, the more Japan’s prospects will improve. China is by far Japan’s biggest trading partner. Having the top customer for your goods battling deflation is rarely a plus for economic confidence.

On top of that, the specter of Trump trade 2.0 is keeping many Tokyo officials up at night. Preparing for a Trump or Kamala Harris administration will be a major preoccupation for LDP officials. Yet not as great as figuring out whether the nation’s dominant party can find a way forward. With, or without, Ishiba in the mix.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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China backs Thai success in Brics role

Ambassador pledges economic support

Zhiqiang: To look at trade compliance
Zhiqiang: To look at trade compliance

China’s Ambassador to Thailand has insisted China will support Thailand’s economy, including Thailand’s hope to join membership of Brics, a league of countries that includes Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.

The ambassador, Han Zhiqiang, delivered remarks on “China’s Economy from a New Perspective”, an event held recently in Bangkok by the Thai Journalists Association and the Chinese Embassy.

Mr Han said China has a unique socialist system which differs from Western welfare socialism or the former Soviet model.

China’s system integrates traditional Chinese culture with a market-driven economy, creating a governance style that is both similar to and different from that of other nations.

In recent years, China has faced economic challenges like many other countries.

To support economic growth, its government has implemented key measures, including central bank policies to lower interest rates and reduce banks’ reserve requirement ratio (RRR).

Mr Han also said additional measures have been taken to ease local government burdens, each aligning with economic stimulus goals.

Despite Western media having predicted China’s economic collapse within four decades, Mr Han said China remained optimistic about its economic outlook due to its status as the world’s largest manufacturing country and its vast consumer market.

The current set of economic goals extends until 2050, he said.

Regarding Thailand-China relations, Mr Han described Thailand as a close partner and hoped that China’s economic growth would benefit Thailand’s economy.

The Chinese merchandise that might affect small Thai businesses as competitors accounts for only a tiny portion of total market value, he said. Conversely, China’s industrial goods have created many jobs and a strong supply chain in Thailand.

The Chinese ambassador also expressed his concern about the illegal activities of certain Chinese in Thailand, reiterated that China would beef up its surveillance, and said the actions of a few groups of people should not be generalised to affect bilateral relations.

In 2025, Thailand and China will celebrate the 50th anniversary of their diplomatic ties, a significant milestone that the ambassador hopes will lead to even greater collaboration between the nations.

He said China is delighted to work on trade compliance issues, especially those related to Chinese goods saturating Thai markets.

He also said China will lend its support as Thailand looks to complete its membership journey.

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Royal Barge Procession graces Bangkok’s Chao Phraya River

Their Majesties the King and Queen travel on the Royal Barge Procession in the Chao Phraya River to present Kathin robes at the Temple of Dawn in Bangkok on Sunday afternoon. (Photo: Pattarapong Chatpattarasill)
Their Majesties the King and Queen travel on the Royal Barge Procession in the Chao Phraya River to present Kathin robes at the Temple of Dawn in Bangkok on Sunday afternoon. (Photo: Pattarapong Chatpattarasill)

A majestic royal barge procession graced Chao Phraya in Bangkok as Their Majesties the King and Queen travelled along the country’s main river to present traditional royal Kathin robes to Buddhist monks at the Temple of Dawn on Sunday afternoon.

The procession, the only one of its kind in the world, featured 52 barges and required 2,200 oarsmen. It was arranged in five rows and three columns, extending 1,200 metres in length and 90m in width. The fleet proceeded in the river to the sound of beautiful boat songs written especially for this occasion and sung live.

Their Majesties the King and Queen travelled on the Royal Barge Procession from the Wakusri Pier (Wat Rachathiwat Pier) to Wat Arun (Temple of Dawn). The total distance was 4.2 kilometres.

At the important Buddhist temple, Their Majesties the King and Queen presented royal Kathin robes to monks.

On the occasion, the Majesties the King and Queen were accompanied by Her Royal Highness Princess Sirivannavari Nariratana Rajakanya and His Royal Highness Prince Dipangkorn Rasmijoti.

Buddhists traditionally present Kathin robes to monks within a month after the end of the Buddhist Lent period. The Thai word Kathin means robes presented to Buddhist monks during the period.

The Royal Barge Procession and the royal Kathin presentation ceremony were organised to celebrate His Majesty the King’s 72nd birthday, which was on July 28.

Spectators from the provinces started to arrive at 14 arranged viewpoints on both banks of the Chao Phraya River from Sunday morning.

Some of them said they had been there since 4am to find the best locations to glimpse their beloved King and Queen. They said that they had viewed royal processions on television and had a strong determination to view such a special ceremony with their naked eyes once in their lifetimes.

The government did not halt traffic on five bridges over the section of the Chao Phraya River designated for the ceremony.

Yellow-clad people receive the Royal Barge Procession on the bank of the Chao Phraya River in Bangkok on Sunday afternoon. (Photo: Pattarapong Chatpattarasill)

Yellow-clad people cheer the Royal Barge Procession on the bank of the Chao Phraya River in Bangkok on Sunday afternoon. (Photo: Pattarapong Chatpattarasill)

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 ,000 Gold? – Asia Times

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BRICS and their limitations

David Goldman writes that while BRICS nations have discussed alternative currency-based settlement systems, financing long-term trade deficits outside the US dollar system, which has historically dominated international credit and trade financing, remains a critical issue.

Gold hedges against US dependency on foreign financing

David Goldman explains that gold is increasingly seen as a hedge against US dependency on foreign financing, especially after the US froze $300 billion in Russian reserves, which prompted central banks and private entities to diversify away from dollar reserves.

Germany’s geopolitical path being quietly redrawn

Diego Faßnacht reports that coalition negotiations in East Germany are reshaping Germany’s political landscape, challenging its steadfast NATO alignment and support for Ukraine and raising questions about the country’s future foreign policy direction.

Putin hosts Global South at Kazan BRICS Summit

James Davis highlights the recent BRICS summit in Kazan as a pivotal global event, with leaders from over 40 Global South countries and UN Secretary-General António Guterres in attendance, illustrating the failure of G-7 countries to isolate Russia’s President Vladimir Putin.

Unimagined consequences on the Korean Peninsula

Scott Foster explores the heightened tension on the Korean peninsula as a new political alignment emerges with North Korea intensifying its stance against the South and openly supporting Russia’s war effort with soldiers and weaponry in exchange for essentials like food and oil.

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Karthik Shenoy joins Bank of Singapore in transformation push | FinanceAsia

Karthik Shenoy joined Bank of Singapore as head of platforms and transformation, chief operating office, last month.

Shenoy (pictured) reports to Bank of Singapore’s global chief operating officer Jacky Ang, and has been tasked with driving the implementation of the bank’s three year strategic plan to enhance its internal infrastructure and platforms.

Shenoy has over two decades of experience in the financial services industry, and has held senior positions in both business and technology domains. Prior to joining Bank of Singapore, Shenoy worked at Credit Suisse (now part of UBS) where he was most recently its global head of financing technology and head of Asia Pacific (Apac) wealth technology. Before that, he was head of Apac banking & lending platform and head of Apac markets platform.

He has experience across markets including Singapore, Tokyo, and Hong Kong, and has been involved in conceptualising, designing and delivering complex applications and platforms involving pricing, trade lifecycle, risk, and portfolio management domains, according to a media release.  

Ang commented: “Karthik’s exceptional combination of business acumen and technology expertise positions him well to drive the implementation of our three-year strategic plan in enhancing our infrastructure and platforms. His ability to collaborate well will also be instrumental in developing intricate client and front-office applications, which are critical deliverables of our three-year strategic plan.”

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