As assaults by the dictatorship leave the most vulnerable at risk of confusion, movement, and death, the human rights situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate quickly. As life becomes more challenging, fear has engulfed nearby communities across the country.
The international community has made a number of controversial decisions that go against the people’s can and run the risk of putting them in greater danger as the world comes to terms with the harsh realities of the ongoing civil war in Myanmar, which includes constant underwater and floor bombardments throughout the nation. Engaging with the coup on a global and regional level is extremely concerning.
The UN International Organization for Migration ( IOM ), United Nations Children’s Fund ( UNICEF ), Food and Agriculture Organization ( FAO ), and UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs ( OCHA) have all signed new agreements with the junta and given them credentials.
Martin Griffiths, the mind of OCHA, most recently met with the junta to request assistance exposure to areas impacted by Cyclone Mocha in August. Documents that were leaked last month showed that UNICEF had signed a$ 3 million USD agreement with the regime.
What proof is there that the coup will use this money wisely? These are some obvious questions that this raises. We ask,” Why is the global community giving millions of dollars to the perpetrators of the large atrocities?” and receive a zero response. What historical proof do we have that the junta will immediately use these funds to make amends for the crimes they committed? & nbsp,
The obvious response to these questions from civil society organizations is a quiet and resounding” No.” The willingness to play politics with one of the most aggressive regimes in the world actually outrages and astounds local teams.
Junta was held accountable.
More than 400 civil society organizations urged UN General Assembly members to act swiftly to keep the military coup responsible for the crimes in Myanmar on October 17.
Contrary to popular belief, after presenting their credentials and signing memoranda of understanding( MoUs ), many international relief organizations continue to work through the junta on issues pertaining to humanitarian aid. Unfortunately, UN agencies are frequently denied access to resources or have their options significantly constrained.
Additionally, OCHA continues to” vastly underestimate the total number of IDPs ] internally displaced persons ] in southeast Burma ,” as stated in a recent report by the Karen Peace Support Network( KPSN ).
OCHA claims there are fewer than 400, 000 IDPs in Karen position since the coup, despite the KPSN, the largest Karen civil society system, which includes more than 30 companies in Myanmar and Thailand. While local organizations like the KPSN have a much more dependable approach, these discrepancies are caused by the UN’s restricted access.
This is further emphasized in the most recent report from the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar’s & nbsp,” How the UN is Failing Myanmar ,” which states that” the UN does not provide development assistance to the network of actors that carry out government functions within the vast territory held and run by the resistance.”
privately displaced individuals
Millions of people have lost their fundamental freedoms and rights to life as a result of common movement since the February 2021 revolt. A terrible regime that seeks legitimacy and energy at the expense of human lives has targeted villages that were once tranquil, turning them into battlefields as clinics, schools, places of worship, and also displacement sites.
Opposition makes don’t budge from their position. However, more than heeding the military junta’s calling for transparency and humanitarian aid, civilians frequently feel abandoned by international actors who have recently become more involved with them.
The majority of affected civilians and IDPs in Karen state, within Karen National Union( KNU) administrative areas, continue to receive assistance through cross-border humanitarian aid provided by neighborhood organizations, according to the KPSN.
In actuality, cross-border support is the most dependable and safe way to offer life-saving assistance to local communities. Since there are no deals to be made with the coup, migrants and IDPs, including the most vulnerable ones, are aware that they can rely on local actors to provide humanitarian aid and that assets will arrive quickly, effectively, and— perhaps most importantly— with respect.
It’s crucial to take note of the skills and ability of regional groups. More than three decades of experience delivering aid in crisis situations have been accumulated by cultural, directly run organizations operating along the Thai-Myanmar border.
effective distribution of assistance
The question of whether they can effectively provide help shouldn’t even be a problem, as it is frequently posed by administrators and ambassadors. They have repeatedly demonstrated that they are more than ready, but they still require the money to maintain consistent support.
Yangon was listed as the region in Myanmar with the most people in need of support, at 2.7 million, according to the Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan, which was released in January. This is in contrast to conflict-affected places like Karen, Chin, and Rakhine state, where an intended approach of fewer than 1 million was noted.
However, the document also states that Yangon does not have any Citizens. This brings up the issue of how these numbers are calculated and where data are gathered once more. These kinds of reports lack trust and clarity. Support sent through the junta, especially Yangon, where there is no need to disperse it, runs the risk of legitimizing the army itself, which is the cause of this humanitarian crisis.
Cross-border assist must also be considered seriously as a practical means of providing humanitarian assistance to those in need. The international community should sanction state-owned businesses, joint venture Myanmar military companies like Mytel, and Myanmar crony businesses with military business relationships, as stated in a recent Karen Women’s Organization ( KWO ) statement.
Failure to enact these sanctions results in increased profits, which is used to cover the cost of the bombs dropped on human villages. & nbsp,
The Myanmar Army attacks any given area, and regional players on the ground are constantly attending to the needs of those impacted by war, despite troubling assumptions that suggest regional organizations lack potential.
Community-based companies, like the KWO, even follow up with displaced populations to determine what they most desperately need.
Given how many trauma and loss affect IDPs on a daily basis, local groups go beyond financial and material responses. Civil society makes sure that those who have lost anything feel heard in addition to providing physician, mental, health, and meals relief for the horrors they have experienced.
Through dependable relationships with networks along the boundary and inside conflict-affected communities, such as cultural revolution organizations, racial health organizations. The Border Emergency Response Team and the Karen Emergency Relief Team, which uses mutual funds to respond quickly, cross-border aid systems that are already in place ensure that emergency responses are fast and secure.
Financial and product assistance are used to provide cross-border assistance. Once more, these procedures are finished without any compromise with the terrorist group or at the expense of Myanmar’s faltering sector, which has suffered since the coup. The coup receives at least one-third of every penny spent in Myanmar. & nbsp,
Let’s assume that the UN and the rest of the world are committed to addressing the numerous problems that are developing in Myanmar. If this is the case, they may collaborate with civil society groups to make sure support reaches those who are most in need.
Usually, fresh moral dilemmas arise: How can a group or organization treat war criminals with good faith while also condemning them for their atrocities? In the past, we’ve seen that the coup simply acts with impunity when relationship with them is normalized. & nbsp,
Beyond condemning the regime’s horrors, those engaged in conflict-prone rural areas are more than capable of responding quickly to emergencies. Additionally, unlike the contracts made with the coup, regional groups are exempt from having to deal with oppressive red tape or shake hands with a despot.
The most vulnerable people will undoubtedly receive assistance that passes through local players, as it has for years. And it’s past time for the global society to accept this reality. In addition to & nbsp,