Hun Sen vs Facebook amid another fixed election

Hun Sen, the prime minister of Cambodia, will no longer be able to threaten resistance followers on his Facebook page, but he can also stifle their votes as the nation gets ready for a general election.

Hun Sen, who has ruled the nation as the head of the Cambodian People’s Party for almost 40 years, appeared to possess deleted his Facebook page on June 30, 2023. Whether Hun Sen had taken down the page or Meta had removed it wasn’t quickly obvious.

Hun Sen’s Facebook page and Instagram account should be suspended immediately for six months, according to a proposal made by the oversight committee of the parent company of Facebook. In the movie, he urges political opponents who claim vote-rigging to choose between the” legal program” and” a bat.” Hun Sen furthermore threatens to” collect CPP people to resist and conquer( opposition) up” in the Facebook video that was posted on January 9.

Hun Sen, who had often posted on Facebook to his 14 million followers, receives a slap in the face from the selection. But as a political analyst in Cambodia, I am aware that it won’t significantly influence the outcome of the general election, which is set for July 23, 2023. Hun Sen served as Cambodia’s prime minister for 38 times. And new developments have merely strengthened Hun Sen’s hold on power.

Numerous functions, no criticism

As in the six national parliamentary elections held since officially democratic elections were reinstated in 1993, voters going to the polls will once more be given little real choice.

It’s not that voters didn’t have a choice of several functions on July 23. In actuality, the Cambodian People’s Party, which currently holds power, will be one of many events on the poll. Other than the CPP, there were 19 different events in the 2018 national poll.

The primary opposition group, the Cambodia National Rescue Party, is not on the list of events permitted to run, which presents a problem for democracy observers. The Thai Supreme Court, which is presided over by a permanent council part of Hun Sen’s CPP, ordered the convenient dissolution of the CNRP on November 16, 2017.

In preparation for the June 5 social votes in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, on Saturday, May 21, 2022, Candlelight Party followers wave before marching. Image: Twitter

Additionally, for administrative motives, the Candlelight Party— the last vestige of legitimate, trustworthy resistance in Cambodia— was denied registration for the upcoming election. CLP supporters think that a police raid on the criticism headquarters years earlier resulted in the theft of the missing documents that prevented registration.

These actions continue decades of Hun Sen and his ruling CPP’s removal of true choice from Vietnamese ballots. And it has been successful for Hun Sen and the CPP: In the most recent election, which was held in 2018, they received 77 % of the vote and won all 123 seats in the National Assembly.

Commander of the Khmer Rouge to authoritarian president

After being appointed deputy prime minister and foreign minister by the Vietnamese forces that liberated Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge in 1979— a murderous regime in which Hun Sen served as a commander — and then occupied the nation for ten years— Hun Send rose to power.

In 1985, Hun Sen took office as prime minister after Chan Sy passed away while his nation was still under Asian rule. Since then, he has continued to hold onto energy through tenure and a significant amount of brute force.

In a deal negotiated by Ranariddh’s father, King Norodom Sihanouk, Hun Sen was able to wriggle his way into the prime ministership – sharing position as” second prime Minister” with equal power to the” first chief minister ,” Prince Nirrodh. This was true even after the CPP lost the popular vote in 1993.

Hun Sen orchestrated a revolution in 1997 and succeeded Norodom Ranariddh after having an affair with his co-prime minister. Hun Sen resumed his position as the only prime minister in an election the next year and launched a campaign of repression, making arrangements for political rivals to be detained, imprisoned, and occasionally exiled.

By allowing opposition figures Kem Sokha and Sam Rainsy to shape the opposition CNRP in 2012, he let his shield down. In the 2013 vote, the CNRP narrowly defeated the CPP; some might even claim that it did, but who was in charge of counting the votes?

Since then, efforts to install opposition to the CPP have been further thwarted by the amazing changes in Cambodia’s society and economy, which have given Hun Sen credit for sound economic management.

Cambodia’s monthly gross domestic product growth averaged close to 8 % from 1998 to 2019 prior to the Covid-19 crisis. Since 1995, total national income, which is based on the purchasing power of the average person, has also increased tenfold, from US$ 760 to$ 5, 080.

But it has come at a price. Growth in the economy and infrastructure has been attributed to a land grab that has harmed remote producers. One farmer I heard of said that economic growth meant” they build a path and steal my land.”

Two men in hard hats shake hands
Wang Wentian, the Chinese envoy to Cambodia, shakes hands with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen. Tang Chhin Sothy, AFP via Getty Images, and The Conversation

And generally, that road was constructed by the Chinese using loans that the Thai people and their descendants will be required to pay back.

From oligarchy to a system of nepotism?

Hun Sen, however, is hesitant to make his report public for the benefit of citizens or a free press.

The state has imposed restrictions on independent media in advance of the July 23 vote. Hun Sen shut down the Voice of Democracy, one of the last absolutely independent sources.

Is it violence? to release a report claiming that the primary minister’s son and apparent heir signed an established government contribution to Turkey following the earthquake on behalf of his father. Hun Sen claimed that the report had damaged the president’s standing and that only the prime minister is permitted to sign off on international aid items.

A senior government official had been the supply. Voice of Democracy was yet held accountable and instructed to regret, which it did but was later silenced.

Hun Sen has been effective in stifling Cambodian criticism and media scrutiny, but he is powerless to stop sanctions and global attention.

The European Union, the White House, and the UN have all denounced Cambodia’s violations of human rights and anti-democratic law.

The US had some Thai commanders on the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability record, which was used to okay” culprits of serious human rights misuse and problem around the world ,” even before the most recent crackdown on opposition parties and independent media.

The EU, for its part, reduced the number of Cambodian goods eligible for zero duty imports due to concerns about human rights by 20 %, which will result in an estimated 1 billion euros($ 1.1 billion ) in annual revenue for Cambodia.

However, neither Facebook’s decision to deny him access to a social media account nor these actions have significantly pushed Cambodia toward political procedures.

Sophal Ear, Associate Professor at Arizona State University’s Thunderbird School of Global Management

Beyond his intellectual appointment, Sophal Ear has not disclosed any important affiliations. He also does not work for, demand, own shares in, or get funding from any businesses or organizations that might profit from this article.

Under a Creative Commons license, this post has been republished from The Conversation. read the article in its entirety.

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Japan shuns the market with chip firm nationalization

The government-controlled Japan Investment Corporation ( JIC ) will acquire TOKYO – JSR, one of the top two photoresist manufacturers in the semiconductor industry, and delist it from the Tokyo Stock Exchange.

As Japan tightens its ties with US export restrictions on high-end chips and chip-making technology to China, the proper state purchase, valued at 909.3 billion yen( US$ 6.4 billion ), was announced on June 26.

Crucial elements in chip-making supply chains are photoresists, the light-sensitive materials used to type circuit patterns on silicon and other types of chips during the photo-lithographic approach.

A 20-day sweet give period should start by late December after receiving regulatory authorization, with JIC acquiring 100 % possession of JSR in first 2024. Mizuho Bank and the Development Bank of Japan may provide financing for the transaction.

Due to the bargain, investors’ preferences, information disclosure required to analyze market trends, and completely market economics are most likely to suffer.

At the same time, from Tokyo’s perspective, the possibility of a foreign invasion and” environmentalist” owners interfering in Chinese management decisions will be eliminated.

Semiconductors have been identified as a crucial strategic industry by the government as part of Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s” fresh capitalism” initiative, an ambiguous strategy to promote economic growth, raise wages, and more fairly spread wealth.

In a statement to reporters last month, Kishida stated that” securing an industrial center of transistor technology in Japan is essential from both the standpoints of renewables and economic security.”

Fumio Kishida, the prime minister of Japan, views the production of chips as a” smart” sector. Kyodo image

The sweet offer, according to JIC,” is designed to help JSR to smoothly and quickly market its bold, moderate – to long-term strategic investments without being constrained by the short – term impact on business efficiency ,” or without financial market discipline.

Additionally, the buy-out will allow JSR to” flexibly pursue structural reforms and restructuring” and” provide an opportunity for industry reorganization and private fund acquisition to strengthen the international competitiveness of[ Japan’s ] semiconductor materials industry ,” according to a company statement. & nbsp,

The transaction, in the opinion of JSR management,” reinforces our solid business foundation and accelerates green growth, and it’s the best strategic option at this point” for allJSR stakeholders.

What then is the real motivation behind the offer? Nearly 90 % of the global market for semiconductor photoresists is controlled by JSR, its main rival Tokyo Ohka Kogyo( TOK ), and three other Japanese companies, Shin – Etsu Chemical, Fujifilm, and Sumitomo Chemical.

The market share of JSR is already predicted to be between 30 and 35 %, while TOK’s share is probably only a few percentage points lower. This industry does not clearly need government support given its prominent position on the global market.

Additionally, JSR doesn’t seem to require any additional funding that JIC might be able to offer. The business has a strong balance sheet, and internal resources are used to cover cash expenditures. In the financial year that ends on March 2024, control hopes to achieve a 9.5 % operating margin.

However, a deep-pocked and like-minded state owner would be of great assistance if” strong strategic investments” entails doubling capital spending.

Mitsunobu Koshiba, chairman emeritus of JSR and an outside chairman of Rapidus, the business founded in 2022 to offer superior logic chip factory solutions in Japan, seems to be one website between federal policy and the buy-out. By 2027, Rapidus, which collaborates with IBM, hopes to achieve mass production at two nanometers( 2nm ).

Rapidus is Japan’s best chance to return to the forefront of chip manufacturing. Twitter picture

The” Post 5G Information and Communication Systems Infrastructure Enhancement R & amp, D Project,” run by Japan’s state New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization ( NEDO ), also includes Rapidus. Additionally, it collaborates with IMEC, a global nanoelectronics R & amp, D center with its headquarters in Belgium.

JSR is the owner of Inpria, an Oregon-based business that specializes in metal-oxide photoresists( the majority are made of plastics ). By the end of the decade, Inpria‘s resists, which were created especially for EUV printing, are anticipated to pave the way for chip generation at 1nm and smaller.

The advanced cards will be essential to proper industries like quantum computing, automatic vehicles, neuro-morphic devices, and 6G telecommunications. JSR and Inpria collaborate attentively with leading device manufacturers like Intel, TSMC, Samsung Electronics, and SK Hynix.

JSR is more than just a producer of silicon materials. Additionally, compared to 29 % for semiconductor materials, its life sciences division is anticipated to produce 32 % of sales this fiscal year. Electronic components like display, integrated circuit packaging, and plastics are expected to make 11 % of the contribution, followed by other materials of 4 %.

The life sciences industry, which is centered on biopharmaceuticals, needs to invest in potential development, product development, advertising, and operational effectiveness. For a portion of JSR’s capital expenditure and management attention, it competes with electrical materials.

JSR control anticipates that JIC will help” a thorough expansion strategy and action plan” for the life sciences. It could be argued that dividing JSR into two companies, which would be easier to do without open shareholder disputes, would provide the most beneficial support.

An impartial electronic materials company could focus on overcoming obstacles from smaller Chinese, South Korean, American, German, and fresh Chinese competitors who are all vying for a larger market share while also staying ahead of TOK in photoresists.

The tender offer will be made for 4, 350 yen($ 30 ), a 34.5 % premium over the asking price just before the buy-out was revealed, and only 4 % below the all-time high set in December 2021.

JSR closed at 4, 110 hankering on June 30, a 27 % increase over the news of the deal. Over the same five days, TOK’s share price increased by 9 %.

For TOK or other material manufacturers, an intense rival with preferential financing would not be great news, but investors may soon have few options.

On the other hand, owners are currently profitable. As one trader stated in a private conversation, he was happy to accept the profit even though his account did not purchase JSR in anticipation of repurchase.

Policy-driven investments was, of course, refuse, as it did in the cases of Japan Display, which stood no prospect against the South Koreans and Chinese, and Elpida, a DRAM manufacturer that Micron bought for incredibly low prices after Chinese banks failed.

Or, coverage success may result in the acquisition and delisting of additional Chinese tech companies, which could be advantageous to current shareholders.

Eric Johnson, Director of JSR, referred to JIC as a” natural source of capital” while speaking on camera for investors and the media. However, the Development Bank of Japan and 24 major private sector companies make up the remaining 96.5 % of JIC, which is owned by the Chinese state.

The capital of JSR CEO Eric Johnson is” balanced.” JSR site image

According to a company speech, JIC defines its function as follows:” We, Japan Investment Corporation, provide risk investment to fields in which most secret owners are reluctant to invest.” While enhancing global fight, we want to encourage business and industry move.

Reluctance to spend, however, does not appear to be an issue in this instance. According to the bank’s website, JSR is followed by experts from 19 stocks companies. 54 % of its shares are owned by foreign buyers.

Additionally, JSR anticipates a transitional buy-out, stating in its” Highlights of the Transaction” statement that the” plan” will” relist” once continuous growth and expansion in corporate value is realized.

This suggests that JSR and JIC anticipate a dangerous and energetic time when the stock market’s short-termism will make it more difficult for the company to keep up with developments in the device market.

That’s in line with the viewpoint of JIC CEO Keisuke Yokoo.

Today, development is moving quickly across the globe, catalyzing contests and business restructuring that cross standard industrial and organizational boundaries, according to Yokoo. We are therefore dealing with a powerful change in the dynamic environment and the structure of business, he said.

However, only time will tell if JSR’s buy-out and withdrawal is the best course of action to safeguard both the future of the business and the objectives of Japan as a whole.

Follow this author on Twitter at @ ScottFo83517667.

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Benodebehari Mukherjee: Blind Indian painter’s forgotten scroll found after 100 years

Scroll detailSantiniketan images

In Kolkata, the city where he was born, a 44-foot-long Japanese-style handscroll that was painted almost 100 years ago by an illustrious Indian blind artist has resurfaced and is now on display to the public.

Born in 1904, Benodebehari Mukherjee had severe myopia in one gaze and blindness in the other. At age 53, he completely lost his perspective. Muckerjee, who passed away in 1980, produced ground-breaking works as a landscape and fresco artists. He came to define modern arts in 20th-century India and was also a sculptor and painter.

In July, the scroll – which is just six inches wide – will travel to Santiniketan, the university town founded in West Bengal a century ago by Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore, where Mukherjee was a student and later a teacher. The scroll, the longest that the artist created, is titled Santiniketan images.

Before arriving in Kolkata, where it is currently on display, the roll changed hands twice.

It appears that Mukherjee either gave or sold the roll to Sudhir Khastagir, a Santiniketan arts school graduate, as early as 1929. Khastagir after relocated to Dehra Dun to work as an art instructor for a prestigious institution. He gave the roll to another designer, who later sold it for an undisclosed sum to Rakesh Saini, an historian and the owner of an art gallery in Kolkata, six years ago.

Mukherjee had created this fascinating scroll at the age of 20 using ink and watercolors on properly layered sheets of paper. The number in the first frame is seated beneath a branch; this could be the artist himself, leading the viewer through Santiniketan. In Chinese and Japanese scrolls, carefully placed figures direct our viewing, and this motive is frequently used.

A journey through time and space begins as the spectator moves from right to left, leading her into a jungle of sal trees painted in black ink before gradually changing to shades of green that reflect the changing seasons.

Ray with Benod Bihari

Ghosh Nemai

A gentleman pulling a bull vehicle passes by. The audience pauses at a village where date palm sap is being boiled to create toddy, an indigenous beverage. The wheat fields take on a light, light green hue as the grain ripens, and the once-bloomy tree leaves change to an autumnal colored. Winter arrives, bringing with it a kind of loneliness that is depicted in the final image of the khoai, an area of schist soil that resembles canyons close to Santiniketan.

22 people, 22 animal, 3 chicken, 1 dog, and 1 bird are depicted on the scroll. Mukherjee uses exercises of loneliness to represent the land and sky.

According to eminent art historian Siva Kumar, the roll is permeated with the author’s” solitude, a sense of loneliness gently expressed and presented… a condition of his life, without self-pity or bitterness.” He claims that the roll” bears all indications of the author’s genius that blossomed in the years to come.”

The khoai, which is just over 10 foot long and was painted in the middle of the 1930s, was Mukherjee’s longest piece until it was published.

One of India’s greatest designers, Nandalal Bose, who oversaw Kala Bhavan, the arts school, taught Mukherjee at Santiniketan. According to Siva Kumar, Bose had expressed worry to Tagore about a visually impaired arts pupil. Tagore retorted,” Is he honest? He seems serious. So leave him alone.

scroll detail

Santiniketan images

scroll detail

Santiniketan images

scroll

Santiniketan images

Individuals of Mukherjee at Kala Bhavan were almost as well-known as his mentors. Artists like KG Subramanyan, Somnath Hore, and Oscar-winning director Satyajit Ray were among them. Ray produced a film about Mukherjee in 1972 called The Inner Eye. The poignant ode thrust the lonely actor and his creations onto the international stage.

Tagore and Bose’s handcroll photographs that they had brought up from their trip to Japan may have served as inspiration for Mukherjee. According to Siva Kumar,” Mukherjee was particularly interested in the scroll’s format because it offers some possibilities that other forms do not, such as[ showing ] the passage of time.”

” Rather than just standing there and gazing at it, you can restore the experience of walking through a landscape.” In typical landscapes, character is fragmented. However, you can demonstrate persistence and change in a handscroll.

SCROLL ON DISPLAY

MONIDEEPA bANERJIE

Presentational white space

So where did the Scenes vanish for almost a decade?

The roll was purchased from a collection in 2017 by Rakesh Sahni, the owner of Gallery Rasa in Kolkata. Mr. Sahni remarks,” I may have displayed it earlier, but I lost three times to the crisis.”

Reproductions of Mukherjee’s other artifacts, such as Scenes in Jungle, Village Scene, and The Khoai, are also on exhibit at the Kolkata present. The Victoria & amp, Albert Museum in London is the owner of the final painting, which is depicted on a semi-circular fruit tree stem.

mural

Ray with Benod Bihari

Ghosh Nemai

The frescoes on the walls and ceilings of houses in and around Kala Bhavan are among Mukherjee’s different well-known creations in Santiniketan. The Lives of Medieval Saints on the surfaces of Cheena Bhavan, a Sino-Indian ethnic studies center, is arguably the most well-known. It is nearly eight feet tall and sprawled across an impressive 80 feet. Before the actor lost his perspective, the frescoes and manuscripts were finished.

After having his practical naive eye amputated during surgery, Mukherjee continued to produce murals, collage pieces, and sculptures using the same artistry as when he was also able to see.

Mukherjee made a rare remark about Ray’s vision impairment in his film.

Deafness is a novel sensation, experience, and state of being.

Perhaps that is Mukherjee’s best obituary.

Karen Allen on one last hurrah as Marion Ravenwood in Indiana Jones: Dial Of Destiny

Indiana Jones. Karen Allen always knew he’d come walking back through her door.

Since 1981’s Raiders Of The Lost Ark, Allen has been only a sporadic presence in the subsequent sequels. But the glow of the freckled, big-eyed actor who so memorably played Marion Ravenwood has only grown stronger over time.

Indiana Jones may be one of the movies’ most iconic characters, but he’s always needed a good foil. It was Kate Capshaw and Ke Huy Quan in Temple Of Doom and Sean Connery in The Last Crusade.

Yet, none could top, or out-drink, Allen’s Marion, a wisecracking, naturalistic beauty and swashbuckling heir to screwball legends like Katharine Hepburn and Irene Dunne.

Allen’s place in the latest and last Indiana Jones, the just-released Dial Of Destiny, has long been a mystery. Now that the movie is in theatres  spoiler alert  we can finally let the cat out of the bag. Allen returns. And while her role isn’t large  tragedy has driven Marion and Indiana apart  it’s extremely poignant in how she figures into Harrison Ford’s swan song as Indiana Jones.

“Secrets,” Allen chuckled in a recent interview, “are not my specialty.”

Allen, 71, was a magnetic presence in some memorable 1970s and 1980s films, including 1978’s Animal House (the performance that caught Steven Spielberg’s eye), 1984’s Starman and 1988’s Scrooged.

But while she’s steadily worked ever since, the era’s male-dominated Hollywood often seemed to squander her talent. Allen has lived for decades in the Berkshires, where she opened a textiles and clothing boutique and has frequently performed at Tanglewood.

Allen also returned to Marion in 2008’s Indiana Jones And The Kingdom Of The Crystal Skull. But as much as Dial Of Destiny signifies the end of Ford’s run as Indy, it’s also Allen’s goodbye to her most beloved character. This time, Indiana’s sidekick went to Phoebe Waller-Bridge, the Fleabag creator and star. Allen, praising Waller-Bridge as a strong woman, approves.

“If it wasn’t going to be me,” said Allen, “I’m glad it was her.” More about her role below:

Did Steven Spielberg or Dial Of Destiny director James Mangold reach out to you about returning as Marion?

There was a period of time when Steven was going to direct the film. It was my understanding although I never read any of those scripts  that it was being developed very much as a still-ongoing Marion-and-Indy story.

When Steven decided to step down and James took over and brought in new writers, I knew it was going into a different direction. Having not even known what it was before, it was even more mysterious after they took it over. So I really didn’t know anything for a long period of time until they had a script.

And I have to confess, I was a bit disappointed that she wasn’t more woven throughout the story and didn’t have more of an ongoing trajectory. However, the way in which she does come back into the story was very satisfying. I just thought, “okay, I’m just going to embrace this”. I certainly would have been wildly disappointed had Marion just sort of vanished into the ether.

Did you always think Marion and Indiana were destined for each other? You don’t exactly get a sense of permanence between them in Raiders.

It’s funny. When I first started working on it, I just decided that Indy was the love of her life. I just decided to make a deep commitment to that and to play through Raiders Of The Lost Ark with the feeling they’re soulmates. When we end up married in Crystal Skull, I wept when I read that script.

Indiana Jones could be a boys world but you were such a spirited force of nature.

Well, Steven and George had this experience as young boys with these Saturday afternoon matinee serial films. They were just a little bit older than I am, so I kind of missed that. I don’t have a reference point for that. So I don’t think that I necessarily understood the genre of film we were making. I thought we were making Casablanca. I really, truly did.

So, I sort of defined my character in that sort of genre  which I think weirdly enough works quite well for the film. I never imagined Marion as a damsel in distress in any sort of way. I was always pushing back against that, and in the end, Steven was supportive of that.

Do you ever wish you had gotten the chance to star in more Hollywood films?

I make movies all the time, although I have tended in the last 10 or 15 years to focus more on indie films. In truth, the kinds of roles I’m really hungry to play, particularly for someone my age, they’re written more in the indie world.

People kind of think, “where have you been?”. There were times I was raising my son but I often do at least two films a year. They’re very satisfying, probably more satisfying than the sort of roles I would be offered. A lot of times I turned down things. There’s a lot of thankless roles for women in bigger budget films.

What has Marion meant to you?

She’s sort of at the core of my growth as an actor and certainly my relationship to the world. As I move through the world, I’ve become very identified with that character. There was maybe a brief period of time where I found it annoying.

But that passed and now it’s just this character that I love. I can’t imagine anything more satisfying to have had the chance in life to create a character that has some meaning for people.

What was it like to shoot your scenes with Harrison Ford in Dial Of Destiny?

It was fantastic. We shot it all in one day or maybe two days. To just imagine these two people that have been wrenched apart through grief and loss and then she’s coming back with this hope that they can move forward. When we played the scene, that was very, very affecting. We were both very affected by it and a little teary. And the crew was a little teary.

How has it been keeping your role in the film secret?

It’s been excruciating. (Laughs) I never have to do anything like this again. People have come up to me and they’ve been so upset because they didn’t see my name on IMDb. People would be so mad I’d have to stand there and just be like, “what do I say?”.

Do I say, “yeah, isn’t that a drag?” or “You never never know  wink, wink”. I’ve had to say I just can’t answer any questions about Indiana Jones  which I feel like is sort of saying that I’m in the film. It’s a lose-lose situation. (Laughs)

Does playing Marion one last time cap anything for you?

More so for Harrison than for me. He’s such a fully developed character and has done all five of these. With Marion, I’ve kind of come and gone. But she will always be a character that moves through life with me.

I don’t know if I really have a sense of it being over. There always was a sense that one more would be done, even if it took 20 years. Now, they’ve been very clear that this is the last one. So it is a letting-go.

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China ‘Foreign Relations Law’ to punish decoupling

A year after the US-China chips war started in earnest and less than two months after G7 countries’ May 7 decision to de-risk from China, new legislation from Beijing authorizes authorities to punish any organization or individual for committing “acts that are detrimental to China’s national interests.”

Effective from Saturday, the Foreign Relations Law is aimed at issuing a warning to Western countries that promote “decoupling” from China and disrupt international order, according to Chinese officials and legal experts.

Some commentators say the vagueness of the law’s language defining the crime may fuel China-based foreign firms’ concerns about deteriorating Sino-United States relations. They note that relocating to Singapore or Dubai can be a way to minimize geopolitical risks.

“The law improves the relevant systems of our country’s foreign relations, and shows the world the image of our nation as a responsible major country that promotes peace, development, cooperation and mutual success through the rule of law,” an unnamed official of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC)’s Legal Affairs Commission, said Thursday in an official announcement.

The official stressed that the passage of this law is not aimed at setting up long-arm jurisdiction; China has already implemented the Unreliable Entity List in 2020 and the Anti-Foreign Sanctions Law and the Rules on Counteracting Unjustified Extra-territorial Application of Foreign Legislation and Other Measures in 2021.

The newly-passed Foreign Relations Law is considered an enhanced version of the Anti-Foreign-Sanctions Law, which was passed by the NPCSC on June 10, 2021.

On April 26 this year, Beijing also amended its Anti-Espionage Law by expanding the coverage of spying charges from stealing “state secrets” to the theft of “all data and items related to national security.” That amended law also is set to take effect on Saturday.

The US Chamber of Commerce said in a statement on April 28 that the amendment of China’s anti-spy law is “a matter of serious concern for the investor community and likely is as well for their local business partners in China.”

‘Attitude on the table’

Putting attitude on the table. Photo: Ranker

The NPCSC passed the Foreign Relations Law on Wednesday. The Global Times, a Chinese Communist Party’s mouthpiece, says in an editorial published Friday that the new law is aiming at “putting China’s attitude on the table.” 

“As China increasingly moves closer to the center stage of the world, it has become more necessary to establish comprehensive legislation in the field of foreign relations,” it says. “China advocates for the peaceful resolution of international disputes, opposes the use or threat of force in international relations and rejects hegemonism and power politics.”

“Some hegemonic countries in the West pursue unilateralism and zero-sum game thinking, and frequently use their domestic laws as a basis to impose unilateral sanctions and long-arm jurisdiction to the outside world,” Huo Zhengxin, a professor at the Faculty of International Law, the China University of Political Science and Law said on Chinese Central Television.

“They used some so-called legal means to exert extreme pressure, build walls and barriers and promote decoupling, seriously endangering the sovereignty and interests of other countries and threatening the international order and global development,” Huo said.

Top Chinese diplomat Wang Yi writes in an article published by the People’s Daily that by formulating the Foreign Relations Law, China highlighted its opposition against all hegemonism and power politics, as well as unilateralism, protectionism and bullying behavior. He says the law clearly defines China’s counteract and restrictive measures to establish deterrence.

Vague definition

According to Article 8 of the Foreign Relations Law, “any organization or individual who commits acts that are detrimental to China’s national interests” will be penalized.

Article 32 says that the State shall take law enforcement, judicial or other measures in accordance with the law to safeguard its sovereignty, national security and development interests and protect the lawful rights and interests of Chinese citizens and organizations.

Article 33 says China has the right to take counteractive or restrictive measures against acts that endanger its sovereignty, national security and development interests in violation of international law or fundamental norms governing international relations.

Some experts say the law negatively impacts foreign investors’ sentiment because its broad language lacks clear definitions of offenses and prescriptions of penalties.

“The new law does not seem to be a legal provision but more like a political statement to the world,” Dennis Weng, an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at Sam Houston State University, said in an interview with Taiwan’s TVBS. “Some people may feel that it’s a written expression of China’s ‘wolf-warrior’ diplomacy.”

Weng said the law may squeeze Taiwan’s diplomatic space as some countries may have to think twice about whether they want to form stronger ties with Taiwan and risk facing Beijing’s sanctions.
 
Chris Devonshire-Ellis, chairman of Dezan Shira & Associates and an advisor to foreign investors in China, says in a research note that the new law does not contain any aspects that are detrimental to foreign firms and foreigners in China.

However, he adds that businesses investing from the West (a reference to G7 countries) should assess the political risk inherent within their own governments’ attitudes towards China. He says some companies may try to maintain their presence in the Chinese markets by relocating to Singapore or Dubai, which are highly unlikely to impose sanctions on China.

On June 15, Siemens AG said it will build a new factory in Singapore for €200 million (US$218 million). Media reports said Siemens Chief Executive Roland Busch had originally favored China as a location for the new factory but he faced resistance from Siemens’s supervisory board, which had concerns over the growing geopolitical tensions.

Siemens China headquarters in Beijing. While branching out in Singapore, the company is careful to leave a substantial number of eggs in its China basket., Photo: Siemens

Official explanation

The unnamed NPCSC official quoted in the announcement said the new law, by clearly stating China’s diplomatic policy direction, allows the world to better understand and trust China and encourages international cooperation – and said it implemented Party General Secretary Xi Jinping’s “Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.”

The official said that China as of the end of June has on its books 297 sets of laws, 52 of which specifically target foreign issues and 150 of which contain foreign-related clauses.

“Our foreign-related legal system still has some shortcomings, especially in the areas of safeguarding sovereignty, national security and development interests,” the official said, adding that the NPCSC had spent less than one year drafting and passing the Foreign Relations Law.

That timelline indicates that the law was in preparation months before the G7 offended Beijing with its May proclamation. A year ago, the US Commerce Department started sanctioning Chinese chipmakers and persuading allies such as Japan and the Netherlands to restrict their exports of chip making equipment to China.

Read: Tech giants ‘de-risk’ from China, but selectively

Read: US envoy worries about China anti-spy law overreach

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Are markets dead wrong about China?

Many investors couldn’t help but suspect Premier Li Qiang had lost the plot when he declared that China will easily reach his government’s 5% economic growth target for 2023.

“From what we see this year, China’s economy shows a clear momentum of rebound and improvement,” Li told the audience on June 27 at the World Economic Forum’s annual meeting in the coastal Chinese city of Tianjin.

That’s news to economists at Bank of America, Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan, UBS and other investment banks scrambling to downgrade their earlier more optimistic forecasts for China’s 2023. 

Yet Li’s confidence raises a tantalizing question: what if global markets are completely wrong about where China is headed economically over the next six months?

Count former International Monetary Fund bigwig Zhu Min in the camp that believes that negativity about China’s prospects is overdone.

“There are a lot of expectations on the Chinese government to have more stimulus policies,” Zhu, who until recently was the IMF’s deputy managing director, told the Tianjin forum. “I don’t think this is real.”

Sure, China may face some fiscal constraints, Zhu admits. Beijing, he points out, “has very high debt already,” as evidenced by a record debt-to-GDP ratio. Local governments, meantime, are scrambling to repay debt to ensure the overhaul doesn’t imperil China’s US$55 trillion banking system.

And a $2 trillion section of China’s local bond market is under strain as issuers struggle to refinance maturing debt. In the fourth quarter of 2022, net financing for China’s local government financing vehicles, or LGFVs, turned negative for the first time since 2018.

Analyst Laura Li at S&P Global Ratings speaks for many when she warns “there may be more debt repayment crises or even public bond defaults” if Beijing isn’t careful.

Yet, as Zhu explains, it’s also the case that Asia’s biggest economy doesn’t need additional stimulus jolts to confound the skeptics. As such, Zhu expects a choosier, more deliberate and reform-minded approach that boosts consumption while also accelerating China’s transition toward high-tech sectors and more green growth.

The most likely policy approach, Zhu said, is ensuring that household incomes grow faster than GDP this year while building better social safety nets via improved health care and pension systems for the longer run.

“I understand there is a lot of fear,” Zhu, the former IMF official, said. “We need, really, to take the fear away, rebuild the confidence. This is the most important thing.”

If Li and Zhu are right, it’s clear Beijing is doing a poor job on communications. Yet their efforts to convince global investors and mainland households alike should be more about showing than telling. 

A Chinese investor looks at stock index and prices of shares at a stock brokerage house in Hangzhou city, east China’s Zhejiang province. Photo: Shan he / Imaginechina / Imaginechina via AFP

China, in other words, “is in need of a credible economic recovery plan to boost confidence” that it can “revive animal spirits before labor market conditions deteriorate further,” said strategist Fiona Lim at Maybank.

In a report to clients this week, Citibank analysts said it’s high time Beijing addressed the “weak confidence prevalent across households, corporates and investors in China.”

Here, Kelvin Wong, analyst at OANDA, noted that Li this week “stopped short of revealing any details on the highly anticipated new fiscal stimulus measures” that the State Council discussed two weeks ago.

But, Wong said, Li’s “confidence boosting” speech “triggered a broad-based rally in key China’s proxies benchmark stock indices that snapped five consecutive days of losses.”

It makes investors wonder, too. This could be overconfidence or mere spin by a newish premier under pressure to regain the macroeconomic narrative. It also could be a sign that worries about China’s second half will prove unwarranted.

As such, it remains unclear whether this week’s market gains can be sustained. “Without any clear indication of the scope and implementation timing of the new fiscal stimulus measures,” Wong said, uncertainty may “dampen the short-term bullish mood and trigger another bout of downside pressure in China and Asian ex-Japan equities in general.”

Li, though, claims the Communist Party is on top of all things economic.

“We will launch more practical and effective measures in expanding the potential of domestic demand, activating market vitality, promoting coordinated development, accelerating green transition, and promoting high-level opening to the outside world,” Li said.

At the same time, Li urged world powers to lower the temperature. Since Li’s recent visit to France and Germany, sharp rhetoric toward China from European governments has only heightened tensions.

“Everyone knows some people in the West are hyping up this so-called ‘de-risking,’ and I think, to some extent, it’s a false proposition,” Li said. He added that the “invisible barriers put up by some people in recent years are becoming widespread and pushing the world into fragmentation and even confrontation.”

The bottom line, Li said, is that “we firmly oppose the artificial politicization of economic and trade issues.”

Yet Li’s relative optimism — and Beijing’s lack of haste so far to crank up major stimulus—has economists wondering what his team knows that markets don’t. Does the conventional wisdom about massive new stimulus moves require revision?

“Economic growth in China is likely to reach 5% this year, which is in line with government targets and consensus forecasts,” says analyst Aaron Costello at Cambridge Analytics

“Following a stronger-than-expected first quarter, recent economic data has softened, disappointing investor expectations of a sharper recovery after last year’s Covid-19 lockdown, but the Chinese economy is not on the verge of relapsing into recession.”

That’s not to say Chinese officials are sleeping on the job. Economist Wei He at Gavekal Research noted that “officials have whirred into action to bolster the slowing economic recovery, cutting rates and pledging more support to come.”

Yet, he added, “constraints will lead them to target support to favored industries and probably dial up infrastructure investment. Those measures are likely to underwhelm. Investors should buy the rumor, sell the fact.”

China’s yuan is gaining ground as an international currency. Photo: Facebook

Last week, President Xi Jinping’s Cabinet pledged to “take more effective measures to enhance the momentum of development, optimize the economic structure, and promote the sustained recovery of the economy” — and to do so “in a timely manner,” Wei noted.

In the meantime, odds are that the People’s Bank of China will continue to play the leading stimulus role. “Weak investments data suggest that authorities are unlikely to stop at the monetary easing we saw” last week, said economist Louise Loo at Oxford Economics.

Zhiwei Zhang, economist at Pinpoint Asset Management, added that “credit growth is weak, which is not surprising as other economic indicators such as purchasing managers’ indexes and exports also sent consistent signals. This explains why the PBOC cut the reverse repo rate … It is a small step in the right direction. I expect more policy actions to follow in coming weeks.”

Earlier this month, PBOC Governor Yi Gang said the central bank will enhance “counter-cyclical” policy adjustments to hasten growth in the real economy via policy tools that lower funding costs.”

In a note to clients, economists at Nomura wrote that “we believe these comments suggest that Beijing has now become seriously concerned over the potential for a double dip, and the PBOC may respond by stepping up stimulus measures in the near term.”

But, as Li’s team suggests, any government stimulus also will involve upgrades to China’s microeconomic structure. That includes moves to stabilize the fragile property market and alter incentives to reduce the risks of boom-bust cycles.

Lauren Gloudeman, analyst at Eurasia Group, observed that the National Development and Reform Commission, China’s economic planning body, indicated that “more effort will be spent on boosting auto sales, constructing charging facilities and renovating the grid for new energy vehicles.”

And “the supply side,” she added, “China’s financial regulators have pledged to provide more tax rebates and reduce transaction costs. In the property sector, Beijing is likely to take a differentiated approach across cities, including by significantly lifting administrative restrictions on home purchases and reducing associated costs such as down payment requirements to stimulate sales in cities with sluggish market conditions while maintaining restrictions elsewhere.”

A worker at the construction site of Raffles City Chongqing in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality. Photo: AFP / Wang Zhao

In the upcoming weeks, Gloudeman said, these ministries are expected to develop specific policies that outline how to implement these ideas. 

Again, though, Beijing’s communication game needs work. It’s clear that Li’s team favors “more targeted support directed at weak spots, including real estate,” said economist Arjen van Dijkhuizen at ABN Amro.

What’s less clear, though, is that global investors trust that this more surgical approach to stimulus will get China to 5% GDP growth, as Li insists is in the offing. Perhaps Li is right. But it’s high time Beijing worked harder to convince international investor skeptics.

Follow William Pesek on Twitter at @WilliamPesek

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China tightens Xi Jinping’s powers against the West with new law

Chinese President Xi JinpingReuters

China is adding to Xi Jinping’s vast powers with a new law that will assert Beijing’s interests on the world stage.

The law threatens to punish entities that act in ways “detrimental” to China’s interests but does not specify which lines should not be crossed.

Experts say the law underscores China’s aggressive diplomacy, but how actively it will be enforced when it takes effect on 1 July remains to be seen.

After all, China has been keen to court foreign investments post Covid.

Jacques deLisle, a law and political science professor from the University of Pennsylvania, said much of the law is “relatively empty rhetoric and largely familiar” but it spells a more assertive foreign policy and stronger pushback against the US.

State media outlet The Global Times called the law a “key step to enrich the legal toolbox against Western hegemony”.

Dr Chong Ja-Ian, a non-resident scholar at Carnegie China, said it was a “signal” of Beijing’s intention to “actively pursue their interests in ways that include more coercion and pressure, even as they hold out the attraction of cooperation and economic gains”.

China’s leaders tread an “inherent tension” between their pursuit of economic development and protection of national security and interests, said Manoj Kewalramani, who leads the China Studies Programme at Indian think tank the Takshashila Institution.

“This push and pull is likely to continue,” he said.

Relations between Beijing and Washington in particular have been strained in recent years, with the two superpowers exchanging a series of tit-for-tat trade sanctions.

Chinese authorities have taken a series of actions against Western firms, including raiding and shuttering the local offices of several US-headquartered consulting firms this year.

These are widely perceived as retaliatory moves to growing trade and technology restrictions from the US.

Dr Chong said the new foreign relations law could result in more international compliance with China’s interests, but could also lead to pushback from other governments.

“Foreign businesses may wish to reconsider their exposure to the Chinese market or public positions they take, including political ones, if they haven’t already.

“The legislation provides more legal basis for the raids and investigations of foreign firms that have already been happening,” he said.

Still, the law does not guarantee that China will take these stronger actions.

Top business executives from the US, including Elon Musk and JPMorgan’s Jamie Dimon have visited China in recent weeks emphasising China’s importance to the US economy.

Experts say that how the law define China’s foreign relations in the context of ideology, is particularly striking.

“The People’s Republic of China conducts foreign relations to uphold its system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, safeguard its sovereignty, unification and territorial integrity, and promote its economic and social development,” the law states.

It adds that China conducts foreign relations “under the guidance of” the political ideologies of Xi Jinping, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Marxism-Leninism, among others.

The law puts in writing for the first time that it is the ruling Communist Party, instead of the state, that directs foreign policy – It also represents Mr Xi’s tightening grip on power.

“[The law] is strikingly explicit on party leadership over foreign relations, underscoring the Xi era trends of migration of power – from the state to the party, and within the party, to Xi,” said Dr deLisle.

China’s top diplomat Wang Yi called it “an important measure to strengthen the Communist Party Central Committee’s centralized and unified leadership over foreign affairs,” according to an editorial published on Thursday in state-run newspaper People’s Daily.

Mr Kewalramani said the new law could also stifle discussion and disagreements on foreign policy issues.

But its overall implications can only be understood in time, depending on the courts’ interpretation of the legislation and the punitive costs that are imposed, he said.

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Cashing in on Syria’s crony capitalism

A recent move by the Syrian government to seize the assets of 35 accused smugglers has raised questions about President Bashar al-Assad’s intentions and regional strategy. Beyond the unusually high number of people targeted simultaneously, the profiles and affiliations of those under scrutiny are turning heads in Damascus and beyond.

The seizure made headlines when a leaked list of suspects surfaced this month. In addition to Mudallal Omar al-Aziz, a member of parliament, the dragnet included several militia commanders with extensive connections to the Assad regime and its ally Iran.

Among them are Firas al-Jaham, also known as Firas al-Iraqi, commander of the National Defense militia, and Hassan al-Ghadban, a notable leader in the Fourth Armored Division, which is led by Maher al-Assad, the brother of the Syrian president.

On the surface, the seizures appear to be a resolute stance against illicit financial activities.

The leaked document states that the individuals were targeted because of their involvement in smuggling goods worth a staggering 16.6 billion Syrian pounds (about US$2 million). The potential fines could top 100 billion pounds, underscoring the severity.

But scratch the surface and an ulterior motive for the seizures emerges. In addition to securing regional political gains, President Assad’s move seems to be part of a larger strategy aimed at extracting money from cronies who have neglected their financial obligations.

The timing of the asset seizures strongly suggests a desire by the regime to bolster its political position in the region, specifically with Iraq. All 35 of those targeted are from Deir Ezzor, a governorate on the Syria-Iraq border that is known as a prominent hub for trafficking activities, particularly in narcotics.

Coming shortly before a visit to Iraq by Syrian Foreign Minister Faisal Mekdad, the moves were part of the government’s proactive measures to address border security and drug trafficking.

Taking a strong stance on these issues is important for Assad’s relationship with Iraq, but also in meeting the regional requirements to reintegrate Syria into the Arab community. 

After a meeting of Arab foreign ministers in Amman in May, Syria agreed to collaborate with Iraq in combating the drug trade.

Extortion campaign

But achieving geopolitical gains isn’t Assad’s only motivation. Since 2019, his regime has been extorting loyalist businessmen and war profiteers to pay its bills.

While Assad’s main supporters, Iran and Russia, were instrumental in helping the government prevail in the war, neither country has stepped in with enough financial support to help Syria emerge from its current economic crisis. As a result, the government has resorted to unconventional short-term tactics to keep its economy afloat.

Many of Syria’s business elites, particularly those who continued to operate during the conflict, have accumulated their wealth, directly or indirectly, through their connections to the government. With the war in essence won, Assad feels emboldened to call on them to help fund Syria’s recovery. Those who comply can continue their business activities as normal.

Those who refuse or fail to comply, however, face repercussions. They are either subjected to verbal threats or face punitive measures such as asset freezes on charges of tax evasion or corruption.

Prominent figures who have experienced shakedowns include Rami Makhlouf, Assad’s cousin, and Mohammad Hamsho and Wassim al-Qattan. But these extortion tactics have extended beyond high-profile individuals to include business owners and war profiteers at all levels.

In cases of alleged criminal activity, the government’s lack of interest in enforcing the rule of law is evidenced by its approach: Instead of facing the threat of imprisonment, those accused are merely required to pay fines. After targeted individuals fall in line, they typically return to operating as usual.

The most recent case is no exception. Most of the 35 people named in the leaked document have smuggled goods, oil and drugs between Syria and Iraq for years, and will likely continue doing so now.

The government doesn’t even seem worried about cutting off defendants’ access to wealth. Despite the widespread practice of using family members’ names to shield assets, none of those accused have been targeted in this way, suggesting that the seizures were more of a message than a genuine effort to end their illicit activities.

The evolving dynamics in Syria and its re-emergence from the cold will test regional allies in new and complex ways. Policymakers engaging with Assad must guard against seemingly innocuous policies and probe beneath the surface to understand the true motives behind his government’s actions.

This article was provided by Syndication Bureau, which holds copyright.

Follow Haid Haid on Twitter @HaidHaid22.

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AI chip bans cloud US-China trade talks

Top Chinese and United States economic officials may meet in Beijing in early July but the potential meeting is now clouded by chip ban threats from both sides.

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said in a TV interview on Wednesday that she hopes to visit China and re-establish contact with new leaders despite differences between Beijing and Washington. As of Thursday night, Beijing had not yet confirmed Yellen’s trip.

China’s May sanctions against Micron have not helped smooth the fraught relationship.

Meanwhile, the US is mulling strengthening of its export bans to prevent China from using its AI chips to make weapons or abuse human rights, media reported.

Nvidia, a graphic processing chip (GPU) maker, will not be able to ship its A800 and H800 artificial intelligence (AI) chips to China if the US tightens its export controls, the reports said. The company tailor-made the two products for the Chinese markets after it was banned by the US government from exporting its A100 and H100 chips to China last August.

The decision will probably be announced after Yellen’s visit to Beijing, according to the Wall Street Journal.

Chinese commentators said it’s ridiculous that the US is strengthening its sanctions against China while seeking to hold talks in Beijing. They said China should consider further penalizing US memory chipmaker Micron Technology.

“China and the US are in touch about dialogue and exchange at various levels,” Mao Ning, a spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, said in a regular media briefing on Thursday when being asked about Yellen’s China trip.

At the same time, Mao criticised US Secretary of State Antony Blinken – who visited Beijing on June 18-19 – for smearing China in a recent speech.

“We are dissatisfied with Blinken’s remarks. Out of a wrong perception of China, the US pursues a wrong policy toward China by containing and suppressing it, discrediting it for no reason and wantonly interfering in its internal affairs,” Mao said. “The words and actions of the US side violate the basic norms governing international relations. Of course, China firmly opposes them.”

She said the US should stop making irresponsible remarks and take concrete actions to honor the promises it made.

In a review of his recent trip to Beijing, Blinken told CBS on Wednesday that both the US and China have obligations to manage their bilateral relationship responsibly and make sure that their profound differences don’t veer into conflict.

“One of the things that I said to my Chinese counterparts during this trip was that we are going to continue to do things, and say things that you don’t like, just as you’re no doubt going to continue to do and say things that we don’t like,” he said.

Investment curbs

Since US media reported in April that US President Joe Biden was set to sign an executive order that would restrict US funds from investing in China’s high technology sector, Beijing has shown more willingness to communicate with Washington.

Biden originally planned to announce the investment curbs before Japan hosted the G7 Summit on May 19-21. However, he did not do so. Nikkei reported on June 10 that the White House is still trying to get key allies on board and navigate domestic pushback in Congress and on Wall Street.

On Monday, Bloomberg reported that Yellen is planning to visit Beijing in early July and seeking to meet Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng, who assumed his position in March. It said the Biden administration’s investment curbs are nearing completion and will be ready as soon as late July.

In early July, the US Commerce Department will announce its decision to halt chip exports “by Nvidia and other chipmakers to customers in China and other countries of concern without first obtaining a license,” according to the Wall Street Journal.

Gao Lingyun, a researcher at the Institute of world economics and politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times that the potential expansion of chip export bans will hurt the interests of US chipmakers, which have been selling about 30% of their products to the Chinese markets.

Gao said Yellen, who has a fair understanding of Sino-US economic and trade relations, is supposed to persuade China to buy more US national debt during her trip but it’s regretful that she has been caught by broadsides from anti-China hawks in Washington.

Colette Kress, chief financial officer of Nvidia, said Wednesday that the company is aware that it may be restricted from shipping A800 and H800 chips to China.
 
“Over the long term, restrictions prohibiting the sale of our data center GPUs to China, if implemented, would result in a permanent loss of opportunities for the US industry to compete and lead in one of the world’s largest markets and impact on our future business and financial results,” she said.
 
Nvidia’s shares closed down 1.8% at US$411.17. The shares have gained 187% so far this year as the company decided to invest in AI technology. Last month, Nvidia said it will build one of the world’s fastest AI cloud supercomputers in Israel and also an AI research center in Taiwan to accelerate its Omniverse project, a computing platform that supports 3D applications.

Good cop, bad cop

A meeting between Chinese President Xi Jinping and Blinken on June 19 has eased the political tensions between China and the US but failed to stop Washington from unveiling more curbs.
 
Blinken said in a media briefing after the meeting that the US government will continue to prevent its technologies from being used against the American people – for example, in making hypersonic weapons, or in human rights abuses in China. He said more US officials would visit China in the following weeks.

A Shanxi-based columnist on Wednesday published an article with the title, “Yellen wants to visit China but Biden is busily preparing sanctions. Can the US show some sincerity?” 

“Undeniably, the US government’s moves are ridiculous,” the writer says. “The US threatens to impose more curbs in an attempt to force China to compromise in talks. This is an old trick, the same as what it did before Blinken’s China trip.”

“The US Treasury Department is playing good cop while the Commerce Department is playing bad cop. No matter what, they are pushing forward the so-called America First strategy,” he says.

He says Beijing must stay vigilant towards the coming actions of the US, which has so far remained hostile against China.

“Last month China forbade its key infrastructure operators to purchase products from Micron. If the Biden administration imposes new chip export bans on China, will the China side launch countermeasures?” Ren Chiming, a host of Phoenix TV, says in a video on Wednesday. “It’s likely that the chip war between China and the US will continue to intensify.”

Shortly after the G7 Summit ended on May 21, the Cybersecurity Review Office, a unit of the Cyberspace Administration of China, sanctioned Micron for posing network security risk. Chinese media criticized Micron for having downsized its production in China in recent years.

On June 16, Micron said it would invest 4.3 billion yuan (US$603 million) in its chip packaging facility in Xian over the coming few years. The investment is to include buying equipment from a unit of Taiwan’s Powertech Technology. 

Read: China, US resume talks but ‘de-risking’ lingers

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at @jeffpao3

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