Revived Russia-N Korea alliance heralds new Cold War

Isolated from the international community and in urgent need of weapons and ammunition to continue its fight in Ukraine, Russia has chosen to double down on its alliance with North Korea.

Although Moscow and Pyongyang have been allies for decades, recent developments point to deepening military cooperation, which may prolong the war in Ukraine and increase provocations on the Korean peninsula.

Russia reaffirmed its intentions on October 26, when the Kremlin pledged to “continue to develop close relations in all areas” with Pyongyang. Similarly, North Korean Foreign Minister Choe Son Hui warned on October 28 that North Korea’s relations with Russia will act as a “powerful strategic” element if security in the region is endangered as a result of US-led trilateral military alliance with South Korea and Japan.

The deepening of the North Korea–Russia alliance took off in July of this year when North Korean leader Kim Jong Un welcomed a Russian delegation to Pyongyang, headed by Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu, to mark celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the Korean War Armistice Agreement.

The visit marked the first time North Korea had welcomed a foreign delegation since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic. Shoigu reportedly proposed trilateral naval exercises involving China and North Korea – a move that highlights just how far Moscow is willing to go to deepen cooperation with Pyongyang.

Although North Korea has yet to commit to such joint drills, Kim Jong Un expressed his interest in deepening ties with Moscow in a highly public manner by making a personal visit to Russia on September 12. The timing of the trip was bold, given recent moves by the United States to strengthen trilateral deterrence efforts against the North with South Korea and Japan.

The United States also has been accusing North Korea of supplying arms to Russia for its war in Ukraine and threatened serious consequences if Kim strikes an arms deal with Russian President Vladimir Putin. But the North Korean and Russian leaders seem undeterred.

Putin expressed his intention to help North Korea build satellites and develop its space program. He also aims to discuss further cooperation on a broad range of topics with Kim Jong Un. Although no official agreement was made public, the two leaders likely concluded a win-win deal.

The fruits of the summit seem to be materializing already. An October report indicated “a dramatic and unprecedented level of freight railcar traffic” at North Korea’s Tumangang Rail Facility on the North Korea-Russia border. According to the report, “the dramatic increase in rail traffic likely indicates North Korea’s supply of arms and munitions to Russia.”

Claimed Noth Korean solid-fuel missile launch. Photo: Yonhap

In exchange for the weapons, Russia may offer advanced military technology to help North Korea develop and expand its military capabilities.

For example, technology for the refinement of solid-fuel missiles and nuclear-powered submarines could be included in a list of North Korean requests. Ordinary North Koreans are also hoping to receive food aid from Russia.

Besides the material goods Kim may receive from Putin, the North Korean leader’s visit to Russia also served to show the world that the hermit kingdom is not as isolated as many may think. North Korea is part of its own trilateral bloc including Russia and China in opposition to the US–South Korea–Japan trilateral alliance.

The deepening ties with Moscow also serve Pyongyang’s interests in reducing its overwhelming dependence on China for aid and trade.

China is in a tricky position as it seeks to maintain North Korea as a buffer state to counter the United States while also wanting to maintain stability on the Korean peninsula and prevent the escalation of tensions. To this end, North Korea’s denuclearization would also be in Beijing’s interests as, arguably, it would call into question the need for US troops to remain in South Korea.

China faces a challenging balancing act. Russia providing North Korea with advanced military technologies would result in a more dangerous weapons program. This would likely lead to greater tensions close to China’s border. But North Korean support for Russia in Ukraine could prevent Moscow from suffering utter defeat, which would serve China’s interests by containing US power.

Given China’s strong influence, North Korea and Russia are unlikely to engage in actions that would directly hurt Chinese interests. Both North Korea and Russia will likely maintain close communication with China over the course of their deepening bilateral ties. Days after Kim left Russia, Putin hosted China’s top diplomat Wang Yi.

Putin also visited China on October 17. The news coincides with the Kremlin’s call for closer policy coordination between Moscow and Beijing to counter Western aims at the”‘double containment of Russia and China.”

With Russia, China and North Korea united against a US-led world order, Cold War-era blocs are becoming increasingly solidified. The revival of these blocs is raising tensions across continents from Europe to Asia.

Gabriela Bernal is a PhD candidate at the University of North Korean Studies, Seoul.

This article was originally published by East Asia Forum. It is republished under a Creative Commons license.

Continue Reading

US-Philippine defense treaty is losing credibility

Following its predecessors, the Biden administration threatened to go to war with China after a Chinese coast guard vessel scraped a Philippines ship on a resupply mission near a shoal in the South China Sea.

Shortly thereafter, a Chinese fighter flew within 10 feet of a US bomber above the disputed tract of reefs and islets.

While US-China relations appear to be emphasizing diplomacy, with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to Washington and US representation at China’s Xiangshan Forum, its premier defense conference, a possible conflict over sandbars is likely top of mind.

However, the US pledge to go to war with a nuclear-armed China over largely uninhabited rocks and reefs – stemming from post-colonial disputes – is not credible, harms US interests and creates unnecessary regional tensions.

The United States going to war with China to defend the Philippines’ claims to rocks and reefs in the South China Sea is not credible. These islets are largely uninhabited – save for a grounded ship Manilla uses to press its claims – and strategically irrelevant.

The Sierra Madre, the grounded ship used by the Phillippines as a guard station on the Second Thomas Shoal. Photo: US Naval Institute

Although trillions of dollars in global trade traverse these waters annually, an overwhelming majority goes to China. Additionally, ships are moving objects, they can change their course. Though more expensive, merchant ships can often go around the South China Sea to reach destinations in Southeast and Northeast Asia, as well as the United States.

Strategically, controlling the small bits of territory makes little difference. While they can serve as military outposts and bases, these locations are highly vulnerable to missile bombardments. Resupplying these military installations would be difficult, as supply vessels would have to worry about missile and submarine attacks.

Their size also makes them poor staging grounds for wider invasions. If China were to invade the Philippines, it would unlikely be able to muster enough troops on the rocks for a successful landing.

More importantly, the risks to US survival are too high and opportunity for tangible gains too little for Washington to be serious about its threat to defend disputed rocks and reefs.

America is highly unlikely to risk nuclear war or an equally deadly conventional war over a single Filipino ship or plane – let alone a small group.

The United States did not declare war on North Korea when it sank a South Korean ship and bombarded an island, nor did Washington mobilize when a Chinese boat – likely linked to China’s government – collided with two Japanese coast guard vessels in 2010.

Such moves would set negative precedents for US allies, signaling that Washington is willing to back their territorial claims – even potentially irredentist and imperialist ones – and disproportionality at the expense of US interests.

Just like the Philippines, China cares far more about its South China Sea claims than the United States for nationalist and territorial integrity reasons. The islets are also an essential pillar of China’s Century of Humiliation narrative and factor into the Chinese Communist Party’s legitimacy.

As such, the disputed territory is part of Beijing’s “core interests” – national interests in which China will use force to defend. Moreover, China’s geographic proximity – despite the US military presence in the Philippines – gives it the edge.

Instead of focusing on defending rocks and reefs in the Western Pacific, Washington should reorient its alliance with Manilla to be purely defensive and aimed at protecting the Philippines’ home islands. The new policy could enhance military training, defensive planning and coordination, and defensive arms sales centered on the Filipino homeland.

At the same time, Washington should publicly and privately signal that America would only come to the Philippines’ aid if one of its main islands is attacked unprovoked. This would likely restrain the Philippines from risking activities that could embroil it in a conflict with China and, therefore, reduce regional tensions.

Further underscoring the purely defensive nature of the alliance, Washington should also rule out using its bases in the Philippines as a staging ground to defend Taiwan. Manilla would not only agree with this, but it would be in the Philippines’ interest. It could help protect them from becoming collateral damage from a Chinese invasion of Taiwan.

The Philippine Coast Guard vessel BRP Cabra encounters two Chinese Coast Guard ships blocking its path on August 22, 2023, while sailing to the Second Thomas Shoal in the disputed South China Sea. Photo: Twitter Screengrab / Jakarta Post

This would also help reduce tensions in the South China Sea – as closer US-Philippines defense ties are likely contributing to increased Chinese assertiveness. Southeast Asian nations would also appreciate reduced regional tensions to focus on improving their people’s livelihoods, which would also improve America’s standing in the economically important region.

Washington’s commitment to go to war over some rocks and reefs in the South China Sea lacks credibility. The area is simply not economically or strategically important enough to risk US survival.

Transforming the Philippines alliance into a purely defensive one would better secure American interests, improve its credibility, and reduce regional tensions. America should act now before it’s too late. 

Quinn Marschik is a contributing fellow at Defense Priorities.

Continue Reading

MSCI makes new client coverage leadership appointments in Asia | FinanceAsia

New York-headquartered financial services provider, MSCI, announced yesterday (October 30) via media note two leadership appointments across the firm’s Asian client coverage teams.

Ryoya (Tera) Terasawa has been appointed as head of Japanese client coverage, based in Tokyo. Meanwhile, Chitra Hepburn has taken on the role of head of South and Southeast Asia client coverage, from Singapore.

Terasawa’s new role takes immediate effect and sees him report to Kazuya Nagasawa, head of Asia Pacific (Apac) client coverage. He will lead the team’s commercial activities in the Japanese market, managing key client relationships.

“Tera will lead MSCI’s go-to-market strategies, drive revenue growth across new business and renewal targets, and represent MSCI in Japan. Teras will also partner closely with key stakeholders and product management globally to deliver a cohesive, solutions-driven strategy for our clients in Japan,” a spokesperson for MSCI told FinanceAsia.

Prior to his new role, Terasawa spent over 23 years with JP Morgan, most recent serving as head of Japan sales and marketing, dealing with institutional clients. His past expertise spans areas including fixed-income derivatives sales, and equity derivatives trading and structuring.

“We will continue to strengthen commercial success in the Japan market and capitalise on accelerating growth across all client segments in Japan,” the spokesperson noted.

In Singapore, Hepburn started her new South and Southeast Asian role on October 16, also reporting to Nagasawa. The new post is an expansion of her current remit as Asia-based leader of environment, social and corporate governance (ESG) and climate client coverage.

“We are confident that under Chitra’s strategic leadership, the South and Southeast Asia region will continue to scale and achieve newer heights,” the contact said. She confirmed that Hepburn will remain responsible for MSCI’s ESG and climate business across Apac.

Hepburn joined MSCI in Singapore in 2019 to lead the firm’s regional ESG and climate business, after over two years serving as managing director with software provider, ESG Global, according to her LinkedIn profile. She has 15 years of project finance experience in investment banking, and over six years of extensive experience in China, focussing on corporate development and cleantech investments.

“I am confident that we will continue to build on our capabilities to support the huge demand from our clients in the region, as institutional investors are increasingly integrating climate transition into their mainstream investment strategies,” she told FA.

MSCI is expected to release its 2023 third quarter (Q3) earnings later today, US-time. 

As of June 2023, the firm’s ESG and climate operating revenues in Q2 stood at $71.2 million globally, up 29.2% from a year ago. The growth was attributed to strong growth from recurring subscriptions related to ratings, climate and screening products. Meanwhile, MSCI’s total operating revenues in 2023 Q2 increased by 12.6% year-on-year to reach $621.2 million.

Commenting on both appointments, Nagasawa noted in the announcement: “This is an important testimony to the value we place on these Apac markets and on our growing commitment to them.”

“I am confident that their wealth of experience working across client segments and deep industry insights, will be key to ensuring we bring the best products and solutions to our established and growing client base in the region.”

¬ Haymarket Media Limited. All rights reserved.

Continue Reading

Japan reminds world why it’s stuck in QE quicksand

TOKYO – The Bank of Japan bowed to financial realpolitik Tuesday (October 31) by allowing bond yields to top 1%. But Governor Kazuo Ueda remains tethered to a level of policy unreality sure to keep the yen under strong downward pressure.

Ueda’s step was the tiniest the BOJ could have gotten away with without shoulder-checking global markets. It means far less than currency traders may think in terms of when and how Japan might exit a 23-year-old quantitative easing (QE) experiment.

The BOJ meeting “ended up somewhat confusingly but largely dovish leaving the yen still vulnerable to a further sell-off versus the dollar,” says Gary Dugan, chief investment officer at Dalma Capital.

In fact, the events of the last month might have ensured that Ueda’s team remains stuck in the QE quicksand longer than markets appreciate.

Since taking the helm in April, Ueda has been testing markets’ readiness for BOJ “tapering.” It hasn’t gone well so far. A move in late July, for example, to let 10-year bond yields rise from 0.5% to 1% sent the yen higher than Tokyo expected.

In the weeks that followed, the BOJ executed countless large and unscheduled bond purchases. That signaled to traders that the July tweak was inevitable given the surge in US yields to 17-year highs and that overall BOJ rate policies hadn’t changed. It was similar to the one-step-forward-two-steps-back maneuver the BOJ pulled off in December.

Tuesday’s tweak is more of the same. As US rates continue drifting upward, causing extreme tensions between dollar and yen rates, the BOJ has no choice but to adjust. After all, it remains to be seen how many more US tightening moves are in store for global markets. News that US gross domestic product (GDP) rose at a 4.9% annualized pace in the third quarter upped the odds the Federal Reserve will keep hiking rates.

Yet Ueda’s challenge grew markedly bigger this month for other reasons, too. One is the sudden explosion of violence in the Middle East. The Hamas-Israel war threatens to accelerate increases in oil prices, adding to inflation risks caused by Russia’s 2022 Ukraine invasion. Japanese inflation is running the hottest in three decades at close to 3% year on year.

Significantly, the BOJ raised its inflation forecast to 2.8% from 2.5% for fiscal 2023. For 2024, price expectations have been raised to 2.8% as well.

But even as commodity price surges warrant tighter policies, China’s economic downshift is pulling BOJ priorities in the other direction. In October, mainland factory activity slid back into contraction, while the services sector slowed more than expected.

The manufacturing purchasing managers index dropped to 49.5 from 50.2 in September. Non-manufacturing activity fell to 50.6 from 51.7.

“China’s economic activity fell to an extent, and the foundation for a continued recovery still needs to be further solidified,” says Zhao Qinghe, senior statistician at China’s National Bureau of Statistics. Economist Raymond Yeung at Australia & New Zealand Bank adds this “downside surprise” means Beijing “will still need to deliver growth-supportive policy.” 

As Japan’s top trading partner stumbles, exporters are bracing for a rough 2024. That’s dimming hopes that Japan Inc might boost wages, kicking off a virtuous cycle of income and consumption gains.

As headwinds mount, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s government is rushing to roll out fresh stimulus. They include proposals for tax cuts for the middle class, reduced corporate levies and cash handouts to households facing higher inflation.

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s ‘new capitalism’ looks a lot like the old. Photo: Government of Japan

The large and growing price tag for fiscal initiatives could increase pressure on the BOJ to add more, not less, liquidity. Otherwise, government bond yields might surge, adding to financial pressures on banks and households.

Yet Kishida’s latest proposals complicate Ueda’s options in another way. By shoveling fiscal money to fill economic holes, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party is treating the symptoms of Japan’s troubles, not the underlying ailments.

As inflation spikes higher, Kishida’s approval ratings are plummeting, currently around 29%, to the lowest of his two years in power. Hence the rush to ramp up fiscal stimulus efforts.

Missing, though, are proposals to raise Japan’s political game. When he took power in October 2021, Kishida pledged to implement a “new capitalism” plan to spread more equitably the benefits of economic growth.

Part of the strategy was addressing the unfinished business from the “Abenomics” era, reference to Shinzo Abe’s 2012-2020 premiership, the longest in Japan’s history.

Abe promised a supply-side revolution the likes of which modern Japan had never seen. It included moves to loosen labor markets, reduce bureaucracy, boost innovation and productivity, empower women and restore Tokyo’s place as Asia’s premier financial center for multinational companies and stock listings.

Mostly, Abe leaned on the BOJ to supersize QE. In March 2013, he hired Haruhiko Kuroda as governor to turbocharge an experiment that the BOJ pioneered in 2000 and 2001.

Within five years, Kuroda’s binging on bonds and stocks pushed the BOJ’s balance sheet above $4.9 trillion, topping Japan’s annual GDP. A resulting plunge in the yen boosted exports, juicing the stock market and generating record corporate profits.

Yet Abe’s team put very few reform wins on the scoreboard. Other than steps to strengthen corporate governance, the Abe era failed at nearly every turn to recalibrate growth engines, level playing fields and give chieftains confidence to fatten paychecks.

One big concern is that Tokyo’s same-old-same-old policy approach has lost potency over time. Economist Sayuri Shirai at Keio University notes that, this time a falling yen isn’t altering Japan’s export and trade deficit dynamics like in the past. Industrial production and corporate investment also “remain sluggish,” says Shirai, a former BOJ policy board member.

“While the government’s revenue is increasing due to inflation-induced income and consumption taxes, this is essentially a tax hike,” she explains. “Wage growth has not caught up with the rate of inflation. Given rising government and corporate debt, a rapid interest rate hike is likely to cause significant stress to the economy.”

But weak exchange rates leave Japan uniquely vulnerable to surging energy and food prices. This dynamic is colliding with a domestic economy that might not be ready for a shift away from ultraloose monetary policy. One big worry: the risk of a Silicon Valley Bank-like blowup amongst Japan’s 100-plus regional lenders.

Worries about another SVB abound in the US, too. As Fed Chairman Jerome Powell’s team mulls another rate hike — perhaps as soon as November 1 – investors are scouring the financial landscape for the next bank that might buckle under the pressure of rising US yields.

A relentlessly strong dollar is also raising default risks in Asia, particularly in China. It’s making offshore debt harder to manage.

“The greenback continues to draw smaller benefits from strong US data and high rate advantage than it should, likely due to its overbought status, but upside risks remain predominant,” says Francesco Pesole, an analyst at ING Bank.

Analyst Adam Button at ForexLive says the constant threat that Japan’s Ministry of Finance might intervene to support the yen is capping the dollar’s gains – at least for now. But the dollar, Button notes, “should be stronger than it is this week, and I think it’s just a matter of time until it materializes.”

In general, though, traders need to figure out where both US and Japanese rates are heading to know where risks lie. “Additional positioning doesn’t really make sense until those two key risk events are out of the way,” says Bipan Rai, currency strategy at CIBC Capital Markets.

The fragility of Japan’s sprawling regional bank network remains a clear and present danger to Asia’s second-biggest economy. Many of these lenders service rapidly aging communities in already sparsely populated areas of the country. That squeezed profits well before the banking shocks of the last 15 years, including fallout from the 2008 “Lehman shock.”

That crisis, fast-aging customer bases and an accelerating exodus of companies to Tokyo had regional banks these last 15 years hoarding government and corporate bonds instead of lending the credit the BOJ has been churning out. It was a similar practice that blew up SVB and New York-based Signature Bank.

Earlier this month, Japan’s Financial Services Agency telegraphed efforts to stress-test at least 20 banks to surface any SVB-like landmines across the nation. Part of the worry is the specter of similar social-media-fueled bank runs.

No developed economy prizes stability and financial market decorum more than Japan. And few, if any, face greater concerns about hidden cracks than Japan with scores of fragile regional banks in harm’s way.

Photo. Reuters / Yuya Shino
The Bank of Japan has some tough decisions to make. Image: Asia Times Files / Reuters

At the start of 2023, SMBC Nikko Securities estimated that regional leaders were sitting on about $10.5 billion of unrealized losses on foreign bonds and other securities. That has Ueda’s team wondering how big losses might become if government bond yields rose to 2% or even higher.

The comparisons between midsize banks in the US and Japan are limited, of course. SMBC Nikko analyst Masahiko Sato argues that the average threat to capital ratios is only about 2%. Therefore, Sato does “not think potential losses are on a scale with systemic implications.”

At the same time, many of Japan’s regional lenders, like SVB, tend to prioritize bonds that can be sold rather than holding debt to maturity. But BOJ tapering or even a rate hike or two could change this calculus, and fast.

If regional banks face profit pressures with rates at zero, the fallout from a big rate pivot by Ueda could be extreme. This could explain in part why “markets are seemingly underpricing the risks of an early normalization,” says Charu Chanana, a senior market strategist at Saxo Capital Markets.

Stefan Angrick, senior economist at Moody’s Analytics, says “this doesn’t rule out the BOJ dropping negative rates at some point — we speculate this may happen in April 2024, after the spring wage negotiations that year.”

But, he concluded, “it suggests that the way forward is towards zero interest rate policy with some form of quantitative easing, rather than a sharp lift-off on the short end.”

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

Continue Reading

Study: Technical debt stalls growth and transformation for nearly half of global businesses

99% of respondents recognised that technical debt is a risk to their organisations
Lack of awareness significantly affects leaders’ ability to manage technical debt

A study of business leaders by DXC Technology, a leading Fortune 500 global technology services company, has revealed that nearly half (46%) of executives say that technical debt, or…Continue Reading

Albanese to China with trade war in quiet retreat

When Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese visits China this week, he will be able to celebrate a figure that previous Australian leaders could only dream of. Over the past year, China has imported more than AU$200 billion (US$127 billion) worth of Australian goods and services.

In August 2023, the Australian Bureau of Statistics put the annual value of goods exports at AU$194 billion and services at AU$9.5 billion. In 2016, the last time an Australian prime minister visited China, the combined figure was less than half the current level at AU$95.6 billion.

Besides buoyant commodity prices and the emergence of new areas of trade such as lithium, exports have reached a record high because the disruptive measures imposed by Beijing in 2020, affecting barley, coal, lobsters and more, have been steadily removed. 

Australian Trade Minister Don Farrell says that under the Albanese government’s watch, by September 2023 AU$20 billion of “trade impediments” had been reduced to just AU$2.5 billion.

There is one narrative in Australia, particularly popular among those who championed former prime minister Scott Morrison’s government’s abrasive approach to China relations, that this positive outcome resulted from firm Australian resistance. It suggests that eventually, Beijing had no choice but to “capitulate” under Australian pressure. This narrative is both misleading and self-serving.

It is true that by the end of 2021 Beijing had recognized that its campaign of trade disruption was causing more harm to itself than it was shifting Canberra’s foreign policy positions.

Upon his arrival in January 2022, the new Chinese ambassador to Australia, Xiao Qian, said he was on a “noble mission” to work with “the Australian government and friends in all sectors … to jointly push the China–Australia relations back to the right track.” 

But Australian resolve provides only a partial explanation of the removal of the disruptive trade measures. What triggered Beijing’s actions in 2020 was not a particular policy by the Morrison government, but rather its diplomatic posturing. 

After the early Australian moves that disadvantaged China, such as Australia leading the world in banning Chinese technology companies from participating in its 5G rollout in August 2018, and accusations then that Beijing was threatening Australian trade, there was little sign of it. 

It was only in early 2020 when the Morrison government began aping the political attacks launched by former US President Donald Trump against Beijing over the Covid-19 pandemic that Beijing took steps against Australian trade.

Then-Australian prime minister Scott Morrison often aped US president Donald Trump. Photo: Facebook

Beijing wasn’t alone in being taken aback by Australia’s political assault. On Morrison’s call for international health inspectors to be given powers akin to “weapons inspectors.” 

Martin Parkinson, the usually reserved and then recently retired secretary of the Australian Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, remarked, “what whizz kid … dreamed up those talking points, what did they think they were going to achieve with that?”

When the Albanese government restored “calm and consistent” diplomacy, little wonder that ministerial visits resumed and trade disruptions began to ease.

A critical ingredient in the restoration of trade ties has been the multilateral trading system, overseen by the World Trade Organization (WTO). 

This system, which supports open and competitive global markets, blunted the effects of Beijing’s bans on Australia by facilitating the redirection of exports of Australian coal, barley and other commodities, previously destined for China, elsewhere.

The WTO also provided a neutral forum in which Canberra and Beijing could engage in their disputes relating to barley and wine.

After Washington drove the WTO’s regular appeals body into dysfunction in December 2019, Australia and China both stuck to a rules-based process by joining the workaround to the WTO dispute settlement process, the Multi-Party Interim Arrangement. This meant that neither would appeal an unfavorable WTO panel finding “into the void.”

In the case of barley, the timeline is telling. The WTO panel circulated its final report on Australian barley exports to both parties on March 15 – reportedly in Australia’s favor.

On April 10, Canberra and Beijing announced a deal had been struck in which Beijing would undertake an “expedited review” of the tariffs it had imposed. This led to Chinese tariffs being lifted on August 4.

Chinese tariffs on Australian commodities hit agricultural producers hard. Image: Twitter/NDR

Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong calculates that Australia “would not have been able to get this outcome without working through the WTO.” Later that month, Trade Minister Farrell farewelled the first shipment of 55,000 tonnes of Australian barley, at a healthy price premium, destined for China.

October brought the news that the same process was in train for wine. On the informal measures still affecting lobsters and beef, Farrell says that warming relations and the experience of the barley episode mean that Australians can “be very confident … that we can resolve all of those outstanding issues.”

Australia’s resistance to Beijing’s attempts at economic coercion was undoubtedly right. But in celebrating the latest trade numbers, when in Beijing Albanese might propose a toast to professional diplomacy and a shared commitment to the multilateral trading system, including an independent, rules-based resolution of disputes. Recommitment to both is the right way forward.

James Laurenceson is Professor and Director at the Australia-China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney.

This article was originally published by East Asia Forum and is republished under a Creative Commons license.

Continue Reading

‘Countryside house’: Michelin-starred Restaurant JAG moves to bigger, brighter space at Robertson Quay

Gone are the starched tablecloths and upholstered chairs – the new JAG is a much homier space. “To celebrate vegetables, we wanted to build something that feels like a garden house – wood, rattan, greenery, natural light, with a touch of elegance,” like the feeling you get when you visit houses in the countryside two hours’ drive out of Paris, Gillon said.

Gillon himself was born in Normandy and in his fond recollections of his grandmother’s traditional dishes, it’s always the vegetables that stand out. In her pot-au-feu, for instance, the carrots, onions, celeriac, parsnips and Jerusalem artichokes hold the most memories for him. “I have the recipe, but I can never make it the same,” he said.

Continue Reading

South China Sea: Biden says US will defend the Philippines if China attacks

China Philippines boat collisionReuters

US President Joe Biden has warned China that the US will defend the Philippines in case of any attack in the disputed South China Sea.

The comments come days after two collisions between Filipino and Chinese vessels in the contested waters.

Mr Biden reiterated his “ironclad” defence commitment to the Philippines.

Manila has contested Chinese claims to the waters, cutting floating barriers and inviting media to film what it calls Beijing’s dangerous moves at sea.

Mr Biden’s statement on the South China Sea on Wednesday was his strongest since tensions between Beijing and Manila heated up in recent months.

“I want to be clear — I want to be very clear: The United States’ defence commitment to the Philippines is ironclad. The United States defence agreement with the Philippines is ironclad,” he said.

Signed in 1951, the Mutual Defense Treaty binds the US and the Philippines, its former colony, into defending each other in the event of an armed attack.

“Any attack on the Filipino aircraft, vessels, or armed forces will invoke our Mutual Defense Treaty with the Philippines,” he added in his speech an the White House on Wednesday, as he welcomed Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

On Sunday, the Philippines said China’s “dangerous manoeuvres” had led to a collision between a China coast guard ship and a Filipino supply boat in an area that falls inside the Philippines’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In a separate incident, Manila said a Chinese militia boat “bumped” a Philippine coast guard vessel.

The Filipino boats were on their way to a crumbling navy warship that Manila has marooned at the Second Thomas Shoal to reinforce its claims.

The Philippines’ defence minister, Gilberto Teodoro Jr, said the Chinese boats “intentionally hit” the Philippine vessels and accused China of “distorting the story to fit its own ends”.

Mr Biden echoed these claims, saying the Chinese vessels had “acted dangerously and unlawfully” when the collisions happened.

Joe Biden

Reuters

The Philippines is an important strategic ally of the US as it borders two potential flashpoints in the Pacific – the South China Sea and Taiwan.

Since President Ferdinand Marcos Jr took office in June 2022 and revived the Philippines’ alliance with the US, Filipino authorities have become more aggressive in contesting China’s actions in the South China Sea.

Mr Marcos’ foreign policy is a reversal of the pro-China stand taken by his predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, who was criticised for not doing enough to counter Beijing’s aggression in the South China Sea.

Duterte refused to invoke Manila’s legal victory against China in an international tribunal, that said Beijing’s vast claims to almost the entire South China Sea is unfounded.

This video can not be played

To play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser.

Related Topics

Continue Reading

Tai chi may slow Parkinson’s symptoms for years, study finds

Women practising tai chi outdoorsGetty Images

Tai chi may help slow down the symptoms of Parkinson’s disease for several years, a Chinese study suggests.

Those who practised the martial art twice a week had fewer complications and better quality of life than those who didn’t, the researchers say.

Parkinson’s is a progressive brain disease which leads to tremors and slow movement, and there is no cure.

Experts say the findings back up previous studies on the benefits of exercise for those with Parkinson’s.

The study, from Shanghai Jiao Tong University School of Medicine, monitored the health of hundreds of Parkinson’s patients for up to five years.

One group of 147 people practised regular tai chi while another group of 187 did not.

The traditional Chinese exercise combines slow, gentle movements with deep breathing and relaxation.

The charity Parkinson’s UK describes tai chi as a low-intensity physical activity that can “help to lift your mood and help you live well”.

The researchers found that the disease progressed more slowly in the tai chi group on measurements of symptoms, movement and balance.

This group also saw fewer falls, less back pain and dizziness, with memory and concentration problems also lower than in the other group.

At the same time, sleep and quality of life continuously improved.

2px presentational grey line

Tai chi moves for beginners

Examples of tai chi moves for beginners

Do it yourself – Carrying the moon:

  • Breathe in, turn your body towards the left from the waist
  • Your shoulders are relaxed and your elbows slightly bent
  • Now reach both arms towards the left with your head focusing on your hands
  • Breathe out, bring hands down. Turn to right and repeat

Do it yourself – Twisting waist and push palms:

  • Breathe in, draw palms to the waist facing upwards
  • Breathe out, turn your body to the left at the waist. Keep the left elbow and wrist slightly bent and draw the elbow back
  • At the same time, extend the right arm forward and push with the right palm facing forward (as if you are trying to stop traffic)
  • Breathe in, return to the middle and spread your weight evenly before turning to the right, drawing your right arm back and extending your left arm with your palm facing forward.

2px presentational grey line

A previous trial of people with Parkinson’s who practised tai chi for six months found greater improvements in walking, posture and balance than those not on the programme.

Writing in the Journal of Neurology Neurosurgery & Psychiatry, Dr Gen Li and co-authors say their study shows “that tai chi retains the long-term beneficial effect on Parkinson’s disease”.

They say tai chi could be used to manage Parkinson’s on a long-term basis and prolong quality of life, while still helping to keep patients active.

But they also acknowledge that the study is relatively small and could not prove that tai chi was the reason for the positive outcomes experienced by one group.

‘Positive effects’

Prof K Ray Chaudhuri, professor of movement disorders and neurology at King’s College London, said: “It is too early to claim any neuroprotection based on this study, although the positive effects on aspects of motor and non-motor functions are impressive.”

He said ballet had also been found to have similar effects on Parkinson’s.

Prof Alastair Noyce, professor in neurology and neuroepidemiology at Queen Mary University of London, called it “an important study” but said there were limitations in its design, and more trials were needed.

“We already recommend tai chi, as well as other forms of exercise, but understanding which forms of exercise are most beneficial is an important goal to enhance the long-term management of patients,” he said.

Related Internet Links

The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.

Continue Reading