Which will mess up the most – Fed, BOJ or PBOC? – Asia Times

Jerome Powell, the head of the Federal Reserve, may be spared a thought if anyone is currently despising their work. Owners can see how unsure Chairman Powell is regarding the US interest rate trend in real time.

The former Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers ‘ claim that the Fed’s subsequent step will be to strengthen, not simplicity, has sparked a wave of ire among investors. The Fed’s issue is not humored by the dollar’s soaring inflation rate, the dollar’s soars, and US electioneering becoming a laughingstock.

Summers is still a dreamer, according to numerous well-known academics. Among them is Mark Zandi, chief analyst at Moody’s Analytics.

” The Federal Reserve may cut interest rates – now”, Zandi argues. ” The main bank’s present higher- for- longer interest rate plan – firmly holding the&nbsp, <a href="https://na01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/FEDFUNDS&data=05|02||e36ed482867343af9d8d08dc9b7d5bbc|84df9e7fe9f640afb435aaaaaaaaaaaa|1|0|638556209932965310|Unknown|TWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0=|0|||&sdata=rjCCqmnH9a6hcIVdmcYS4IKKF67S/NZSqlJE2cDhhmI=&reserved=0″ target=”_blank” rel=”noreferrer noopener”>federal funds rate that ‘s&nbsp, immediately controlled by the Fed at a higher 5.5 % – threatens to destroy the business“.

Bill Dudley, former chairman of the Fed Bank of New York, thinks that would be a miscalculation. ” Maybe the Fed’s slogan, instead of ‘ higher for longer,’ if be’ higher continuously’ until inflation moves more persuasively in the desired direction”, Dudley wrote on Bloomberg.

Not just one central bank is in danger of making a major policy mistake, according to the Fed. In addition, the People’s Bank of China and the Bank of Japan may need some major explanations in the coming year for mistakes made today.

For instance, the BOJ has almost surely run out of time to stop quantitative easing and stabilize interest rates. Since taking over the board in April 2023, BOJ Governor Kazuo Ueda has seized every chance to change its mind to a less flexible coverage.

Then, as Japan’s economy deals – by 2.9 % in the first quarter year on year – and inflation surpasses wage growth, it’s an open question whether any climb costs will come in 2024.

As the BOJ flounders, the yen is extending its decline – over 15 % so far this year – in ways that could destroy world businesses. Another important Asian nations may experience declines in exchange rates as a result. And it might make Asia nervous to watch out for before the November US vote.

The BOJ was possibly mess up in both directions. Applying the brakes too quickly may exacerbate the yen’s surge and slam the economy into recession. Act very gently, and Japan will soon become even more entangled in the QE sand, making exiting it even more difficult.

The PBOC must perform a challenging juggling work of its own. Governor Pan Gongsheng has been slower to lower saving costs as Asia’s largest economy slows. Some economists worry that this precaution conflicts with worries about the slowing of economic development.

In June, for example, coast service action grew at the slowest rate in eight weeks. A weaker-than-expected 51.2, compared to 554 in May, was the Caixin China service purchasing managers ‘ indicator.

These data raise concerns that strong export growth is n’t translating into stronger domestic demand. Despite authorities efforts to stabilize the condition, China’s home crisis continues to ponder on growth.

Wang Zhe, an economist at Caixin Insight Group, claims that” the progress speed weakened compared to May.” The business was under tension, the “market was concerned.”

President Xi Jinping’s desire to avoid punishing poor banking decisions or reinflating asset bubbles is one factor making Pan reluctant to lower prices. Xi’s Communist Party really allowed for burst of stimulus. However, the PBOC has been far less confrontational than during earlier slowdowns.

What’s different this time is recession. As China ‘s&nbsp, home crisis&nbsp, deepens and its overcapacity woes enhance, some economists worry authorities risk letting this poor- price active take on a life of its own. Xi’s party loathes the Japan comparisons so often leveled Beijing’s way.

People’s Bank of China Governor Pan Gongsheng faces a deflation dilemma. Image: Twitter Screengrab

Of course, fears about Chinese overcapacity could be overdone. Many economists argue that unfair trade practices and increased production results are the cause of the country’s export success right now.

However, the US Fed may be the one who is most likely to make a significant policy mistake.

In its extreme focus on inflation, the Powell- led Fed risks ignoring dislocations in credit markets. Not of the 2008 Lehman Brothers crisis variety but of a magnitude the Fed’s “higher for longer” yield policy may exacerbate.

Granted, economic conditions have n’t gone to plan as employment growth and wages outpace even the most optimistic forecasts. In May, consumer prices grew at a 2.6 % annual rate. Though coming down toward the Fed’s 2 % target, policymakers are n’t ready to declare victory.

We simply want to make sure that the levels we’re seeing reflect actual inflation, Powell said on Tuesday ( July 2 ).

Last week, Mary Daly, president of the San Francisco Fed, cautioned it’s “hard to know if we are truly on track to sustainable price stability”.

The issue is that the Fed may be supporting the wrong side of the trade-off it faces. Many of the upward pressures on costs are coming from the supply side, post- Covid- 19 pandemic. Government actions to boost domestic productivity and capacity, rather than tighter credit, are more effective at addressing these trends.

The US dollar is rising in ways that are making Asia’s year more difficult and putting strains on the US commercial property sector as the Fed decides a course of action. In the wake of Covid, and the work- from- home boom it unleashed, empty skyscrapers seem sure to be America’s next financial reckoning.

Medium- size banks, meanwhile, are still reeling from the Fed’s failure to cut rates. Back in January, Powell’s team was seen easing between five and seven times in 2024. Now, some fear the higher- yield era is poised to be as indefinite as Japan’s zero- rate period.

The risk posed by high yields is illustrated by the speed with which the Silicon Valley Bank collapse in the early 2023 global markets erupted. That goes, too, for undermining the economy.

Many are taking a wait- and- see approach. &nbsp,” When you have economic growth at a pace under 2 %, that can be considered’ stall speed,'” says strategist Rob Haworth at US Bank Wealth Management. ” But we’re still seeing solid&nbsp, consumer activity, which has been the most important factor driving the economy to this point”.

But Mohamed El- Erian, president of Queens ‘ College, Cambridge, argues the US is” slowing faster than most economists expect and faster than what the Fed expected”. This “excessively data- dependent” Fed team risks keeping borrowing costs” too high for too long”.

The dollar’s “wrecking ball” tendencies, meanwhile, are shaking up global markets. It’s hoovering up outsized waves of global capital, disadvantaging emerging economies in particular. Political polarization in Washington, meanwhile, does n’t augur well for capping the dollar’s rally.

” In a divided government, there’s less ability to pass a lot of meaningful fiscal measures”, notes strategist Kamakshya Trivedi at Goldman Sachs. ” It’s fair to say that trade policies and fiscal expansion policies will be up for debate and possibly put into action for this particular election. In addition, the rest of the world faces a real risk of managing an even stronger dollar as a result.

The outlook was further muddied by US President Joe Biden’s disastrous debate performance against Donald Trump. Trump’s chances of winning the White House appear to be higher than ever.

Analysts at ING Bank write in a note that “it is now obvious that investors have made the Trump-strong dollar link.” Given Trump’s potential for lower taxes, inflationary protectionist measures, and greater geopolitical risks,” this is also how we interpret it,” we thought.

Donald Trump is being linked to an even stronger, not weaker, dollar. Image: X Screengrab

Periods of extreme dollar strength do n’t tend to go well for Asia’s export- reliant economies. Powerful dollar rallies of the kind that have taken place across the globe over the past few years have tended to squander disproportionate amounts of capital, denying Asia of desperately needed investment.

The Fed’s “taper tantrum” of 2013 is one earlier reminder of this phenomenon. The Fed tightened its last two years with an even greater degree of force than it has in the last two years, which is the real bookend for Asia.

At the time, the Fed doubled short- term interest rates in just 12 months. The tightening set in motion Mexico’s peso crisis, the bankruptcy of&nbsp, Orange&nbsp, County, California and the demise of Wall Street securities giant&nbsp, Kidder, &nbsp, Peabody&nbsp, &amp, &nbsp, Co.

Then developed Asia, which was the biggest casualty of all, arrived. By 1997, a multi- year dollar rally&nbsp, and rising US yields made Asian currency pegs to the dollar impossible to maintain.

First came Thailand’s chaos- generating devaluation in July 1997. Next, Indonesia and South Korea scrapped dollar pegs. Malaysia and the Philippines were also on the brink as a result of the turbulence. Before long, global investors began worrying Japan and China might stumble, too.

The fear was that&nbsp, China might devalue, catalyzing a fresh wave of market turbulence. Luckily, Beijing did n’t – just as it has n’t today.

Japan contributed to the drama back then when, in November 1997, Yamaichi Securities collapsed. The failure of a then- 100- year- old Japan Inc icon shook global markets. Thankfully, officials in Tokyo kept the collapse from becoming a systemic shock globally.

Now, Asia faces a giant shock from the other direction. Despite the rally, global investors are no longer confident in the dollar because it poses a greater, immediate systemic risk.

Just as the US national debt reaches the$ 35 trillion mark, the de-dollarization movement is gaining traction. What’s more, Washington’s debt burden is headed to$ 50 trillion by 2034, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

Midway through November, Moody’s Investors Service threatened to downgrade the US, shaking the dollar’s stability. That would mean the loss of Washington’s last AAA rating, which would likely send US 10- year yields skyrocketing.

Is the Fed making an epic&nbsp, mistake? Only time will tell. But it’s just one of several top central banks whose&nbsp, mistakes&nbsp, could shake the global financial system in ways few appear to see coming.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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‘Made in China’ resonating more deeply at home – Asia Times

The Economist recommended in an opinion piece in October 2021 that the Chinese tech company Huawei reorganize so that its skilled specialists can transition to the next generation of high-tech businesses. At the time, the reasoning seemed tone.

After a series of knockdown jabs from America’s criminal and regulatory regulators, Huawei’s 5G telecoms infrastructure and device businesses were on their knees. Locked out from European markets, its wares were met with questions from customers elsewhere, too.

If a company that is about to go out of business immediately, why would anyone even consider purchasing a piece of technology that needs after-service?

Remaining with what appeared to be a sinking ship appeared to be the death sentence for some specific Huawei people ‘ recently promising jobs.

In 2024, Huawei has recovered with numerous innovations that have largely shaved off foreign technologies that have been blocked by US-led sanctions and other restrictions.

Consider the list. Huawei unveiled the Mate 60 smartphone in September 2023 using the Kirin 9000S, a chip made by Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation ( SMIC ), one of China’s other sanctions-hit companies.

HarmonyOS NEXT, a new smartphone operating system that is entirely independent of Android, was unveiled by the company in January 2024.

The company began building a new R&amp, D center in April to develop chipmaking tools in an effort to overtake and advance the technological frontier that is almost exclusively controlled by Dutch high-end chip machine maker ASML. &nbsp,

Huawei’s recent successes have also defied financial expectations. After hitting peak revenues of 891 billion yuan ( US$ 123 billion ) in 2020, sanctions caused them to slide 636 billion yuan ($ 87.5 billion ) the year after, with no realistic pathway to recover the lost revenue in Western markets.

Why, then, did the business remain committed to increasing its R&amp, D spending despite such turbulent business cycles and seemingly unattainable opportunities to match the largest US tech companies with revenues and market values several times the size of Huawei?

A closer examination reveals that Huawei’s confidence came not only from its business or technological prowess but also from the loyalty it has in its local Chinese markets.

Huawei was a known target for assassination in America’s politicized tech war, but the Chinese government continued to support the business for something else that was promising but less targeted.

Last year, the government supplied Huawei with some$ 30 billion in subsidies and support.

Thus, it’s employees did n’t fend off in droves to search for greener, or at least less blacklisted, pastures. Rather than shrinking, the firm’s employee count surpassed 200, 000 in 2023, with 55 % working in R&amp, D. &nbsp,

And most importantly, Chinese consumers continue to purchase Huawei products despite US sanctions. Tellingly, the Mate 60 <a href="https://fortune.com/asia/2024/04/26/huawei-homegrown-chip-pura-70-smartphone-mate-60-pro-us-chip-controls-apple/”>outsold Apple’s iPhone, allowing Huawei’s smartphone sales to grow 37 % while Apple declined by double digits.

To be sure, the Chinese government’s retaliatory measures have contributed to the shift. According to Bloomberg, Chinese state agencies and government-backed companies across the country issued an order last year to their employees to stop bringing iPhones and other foreign devices to the office.

Despite the consensus in the industry that the Kirin 9000S is technically inferior to Huawei’s pre-approved chips made abroad, and that Chinese consumers are increasingly purchasing the Mate Pro, the most cutting-edge ones used in iPhones.

The cold logic of commercial success and technological advancement is arguably being stifled by a nebulous emotion as sanctions continue to fly in the ever-evolving Sino-American tech war.

Beyond Huawei, Chinese consumer behavior is assisting many Chinese companies to overcome international competition and regulatory issues, whether it be for their own good or for their own sake.

As more Chinese-made goods, from <a href="https://greenovate-europe.eu/commission-imposes-provisional-anti-dumping-tariffs-on-chinese-solar-panels/#:~:text=The EU is imposing a,80% of the EU market.”>solar panels to <a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/unpacking-european-unions-provisional-tariff-hikes-chinese-electric-vehicles“>electric vehicles, enter the American and European markets without imposing tariffs or other tariffs, will rely on Chinese consumers ‘ loyalty to keep their businesses running. &nbsp,

So far, this reliance is paying off across several sectors. Of the top five brands that command 81 % of China’s smartphone market, Apple is the only non- Chinese one.

Even so, Apple’s market share has declined from 23 % to 16 % in the past two years. In contrast, many international marque brands saw double-digit declines while BYD rose to the top of the sales charts in China last year, up 43 % year over year.

Even in the cosmetics industry, Chinese brands captured more than half of the market for the first time in 2023, growing 21 % year- on- year. Chinese businesses will have a strong growth potential for years to come if they can continue to entice Chinese customers away from foreign competitors in China’s vast market. &nbsp,

Questions remain, however, about whether Chinese firms can turn strength at home into a renewed global push. As stronger Chinese brands emerge, the West may respond with wider- reaching sanctions and restrictions.

US sanctions, in particular, could conceivably follow newly successful Chinese ventures wherever they travel, picking off their international businesses one by one as it did with ZTE, Huawei’s main domestic competitor.

Any US assassination attempt against Huawei could backfire as a wider range of Chinese companies use survival strategies that make use of the loyalty of Chinese consumers, as The Economist earlier this month reassessed its fortunes and prospects.

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Newsom a better bet than Biden for China ties – Asia Times

Joe Biden did n’t do well during the most recent US debate. The president’s weak efficiency has prompted discussions about possible replacements, with California Governor Gavin Newsom’s name gaining certain grip. &nbsp,

This situation has now gained a lot of support in China. There are compelling arguments for why Newsom’s ascendancy might be advantageous for both US-China connections and the world economy as a whole.

Taiwanese social media has been rifling with Newsom-related debate. The governor’s photos and videos, who made a major effect during his trip to China last month, have been widely shared. &nbsp, &nbsp,

On China’s Weibo system, 90, 000 people were watching a significant clip where Newsom reiterated his support for Biden as the Democratic nomination at the time of reading. Special comments have reflected enthusiasm for Newsom’s “presidential nature” and his “impeccable qualifications” for management. &nbsp,

Newsom and Xi Jinping met in the Foreign money last October, marking the first time the two men had spoken in six years. Newsom praised Beijing’s achievements as useful to global progress and advocated for concerted efforts to combat climate change during the visit.

This strategy demonstrates Newsom’s awareness of the interconnectedness of global economy and the urgent need for co-creative solutions to pressing global issues.

Henry Wang, chairman of the Center for China and Globalization, describes Newsom as a “pragmatic and sensible legislator”. &nbsp,

Wang emphasized that the president’s perspective may take a level- headed approach to US- China relations, which have been extremely strained over Taiwan and the Biden administration’s modern restrictions, including on higher- end chips and chip- making equipment. &nbsp,

Newsom’s ability to focus on common goals more than differences had, I am convinced, help de- escalate US- China tensions and promote joint growth.

Newsom has a unique insight into the advantages of solid business ties with China thanks to California’s strong economy and significant Chinese-American populace. &nbsp,

He is well-suited to support policies that encourage economic engagement because of this knowledge. On both flanks of the Pacific, expanding business, funding options, and job creation could be a result of strengthening these relationships.

Newsom’s attend to China came at a crucial moment in US- China connections. He showed his political acumen in the midst of persistent disputes, which if he were to become president would encourage the establishment of more secure and fruitful relations with China.

Also, Newsom’s proven ability to engage constructively with Beijing would have far- reaching implications for international security. A more unified US-China marriage may help to ease global economic growth and lessen political tensions.

How thus? Improved relationships could lead to the elimination or reduction of tariffs and other trade barriers, facilitating more smoothly flowing deal between the country’s two largest economy.

Better ties would also encourage more diplomatic investments, with local businesses becoming more eager to invest in each other, boosting economic growth and creating more jobs.

Cooperation in areas of technology and technology, such as clean energy, artificial intelligence, and healthcare, would raise trader confidence and market share.

Closer relations may also result to more effective and tenacious supply stores, reducing problems, distortions and costs. This is particularly crucial in a world where supply chains depend heavily on both US and Chinese shipping abilities and are very interconnected.

Additionally, strengthened relationships may result in more steady exchange rates, lowering the risks of currency fluctuations for companies engaged in international business.

Newsom’s logical approach to international relationships, coupled with his proven track record in California, suggests he had successfully navigate the complexities of international politics. &nbsp,

His reliance on coexistence over conflict is in line with the demands of a multinational globe, where collective action is necessary to address issues like climate change, financial inequality, and public health crises.

In my opinion, Newsom’s potential election as Biden’s successor to the president may change US-China relations and the world economy. His reputation in China, his proper judgment, and his standpoint make him a perfect candidate to lead the US into a new period of global cooperation. &nbsp,

His potential authority may have a positive impact on the world economy.

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China has the power to end the Ukraine war – Asia Times

European leaders are becoming more and more annoyed by China’s role in making the conflict in Ukraine. Some have even made a public threat to censure Russia if it continues to supply it with the resources necessary to build more arms.

And they are appropriate to focus on China’s position of power. Russia is now so dependent on Russia’s only big business, which is still risking losing ground to its regime, that China may properly compel Vladimir Putin to put an end to the discord.

After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the degree of its economic dependency became visible comparatively immediately. Just a few months after, things were not going to prepare.

Russia decided to cut almost all of its oil exports to the West in order to force Western nations that are supporting Ukraine. Before the war, Russia had provided about 40 % of Europe’s gas.

Europe finally managed to extricate itself from Russia’s offer, despite initially causing a crisis and a rise in bills across the continent. They did this by replacing fuel with other energy sources, in part, and by substituting imported gas from Russia with gas from different nations, including the US.

Electricity costs in Europe are currently around at pre-war levels. Gas prices have dropped, despite them still being great, and storage facilities are expected to be almost complete by the end of the year.

Russia now has to deal with selling its oil, which is a significant issue.

Gazprom, the Russian state-owned power large, suffered a financial loss in 2023 for the first time in more than 20 times. Until then, the traditions and tax income from the business contributed approximately 10 % of the country’s resources.

Income from oil exports has even decreased. Russian oil is forbidden in European nations, but the state is forced to sell it for less, covering the additional costs of shipping it to countries like China and India, while traditional transporters refuse to hazard carrying it because of the country’s refusal to do so.

Geographical factors make things worse for Russia with natural oil. China is the only possible customer that is big enough to warrant a new pipeline to replace the one that served Europe at the time. But given this privileged location, China feels able to demand the oil at a great discount.

In this kind of negotiation position, China has the upper hand.

Russia can only sell gas to China ( at the required amounts ) but China can purchase it anywhere in the world. The intensity of a war is therefore, while China has no pressing energy requirement that it can meet.

Bargaining room

Russia’s dependent on China also affects other economic areas. Since it was disconnected from the global banking system in 2022, the Chinese yuan now accounts for 54 % of trades on Russia’s stock exchange. If China begins imposing similar sanctions, it has no viable solution to that wealth.

Perhaps more important for the war, China is responsible for around 90 % of Russia’s import of “high priority” double- use goods – electronic components, radars, sensors– without which it could never build advanced military hardware. Again, there is no other dealer.

With just North Korea and Iran on your side, which are both nations that are subject to severe economic sanctions, it is difficult to get a battle. In essence, this means that China is then able to impose any demands on Russia.

And both have a similar negotiation status to each other and have much to gain from possible agreements between China and the West.

For instance, China is already dealing with serious home financial issues of its own. One of these is brought on by professional overcapacity and the need to get customers for all the goods it produces.

But the US has just imposed a 100 % border tax on electric cars from China, and 50 % on solar cells. Similar to how the EU is pursuing, it might even think about inviting Chinese companies to create electrical vehicles in Europe and share their technology.

Given the immediate need to fund the energy transition, punishing inexpensive goods that could reduce carbon emissions may seem like a self-defeating plan. Therefore, maybe the West wants to avoid becoming too reliant on China for the same negotiation factors that cause Russia’s existing standing to be so weak.

However, the harmony is different. China needs West-oriented clean business potential and know-how, as China builds more solar power each year than the rest of the world combined.

A price is basically an additional revenue burden on Western consumers because Europe is still going through difficult economic times. People would gain from the toning down of the trade war, and China has something very important to sell.

For all intents and purposes, China currently has the majority of Russia and has the potential to use this influence to put an end to the conflict in Ukraine.

Renaud Foucart is Top Lecturer in Economics, Lancaster University Management School, Lancaster University

The Conversation has republished this essay under a Creative Commons license. Read the original post.

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Opening soon: Singapore’s first fine-casual Filipino restaurant by founders of the Philippines’ Manam

” Singapore, to me, has an amazing, rich, older dining field, and Singaporeans have extremely high standards for food. I feel if we can do something here that you relate, maybe we can relate in different areas, as long as we pass the Singapore test”, Napa chuckled.

Russell Yu of Iki Concepts and Gwen Lim of Patisserie G. Manam’s R&amp, D restaurant, and young professional chef are now in city, and The Moment Group’s owners prepare to be here frequently. Napelle herself lives here, and she has been making frequent visits to her for several decades.

She moaned,” I often think Filipino cuisine is wonderful because it makes so much out of so small.” It’s more of a history of flavors than a lineage of meat, in my opinion. We have n’t tried to mess with that. I believe there are fantastic world Filipino concepts that can be found in other markets and that make use of all the ingredients from different cuisines. And that’s fantastic. I love going to them. However, we kind of wished to adhere to the Filipino household’s closet record for the most part.

” There are very few ingredients we have here that do n’t belong in that pantry list – one would be extra virgin olive oil, because that’s yummy, butter, which we’ve used with a lot of discipline, one dish has red wine, and one dish has honey. Other than that, every Filipino mama does have our elements.”

And, each meal is complicated in its parts”. We just have around 30- plus food on the menu, but we have over 100 post- dishes for those dishes, therefore, there’s a lot of effort that goes into making them,” she said.

Hayop na Manam is at 104 Amoy Street.

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Indonesia rebuffs China’s Global South trade drive – Asia Times

With Indonesia’s announcement to implement a 100 to 200 % tax on China’s labor-intensive goods, Beijing’s efforts to boost trade relations with nations in the Global South have taken a hit.

The fourth-largest country in the world is drafting rules to implement anti-dumping duties and protect measures on cheap Chinese goods like shoes, clothing, electronics, ceramics, and bags, according to several Indian officials over the past couple days.

On June 27, Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati announced that she will collaborate with the Minister of Trade and the Minister of Industry to create regulations enforcing the enactment of Anti-Dumping Duties and Safeguard Measures ( ADD and SM) on Chinese products. &nbsp,

According to Indonesian Trade Minister Zulkifli Hasan on June 28, the steps will help the country combat the effects of the continuing trade dispute between China and the US. He said the new China-specific tariffs will go into effect once the relevant legislation is published. &nbsp,

He added that Indonesia may follow the US’s example by imposing tariffs on imported clothing and ceramics to ensure its little manufacturers can survive and prosper. &nbsp,

Indonesia’s fresh tariffs go along with China’s plan to advance its Global South method, which rely on emerging areas in Southeast Asia, Africa, and South America to accept Chinese goods that are currently facing US trade barriers as a result of the ongoing Sino-US trade war.

Nearby textile associations have asked the government to move in after an flood of cheap products apparently hurt their businesses, according to Budi Santoso, the industry ministry’s director- general of international trade. He stated that the Indonesian Trade Safeguards Committee is conducting an investigation and may make a statement to the state in due course. &nbsp, &nbsp,

At least 13, 800 textile workers have been laid off this year as a result of local textile makers closing their factories as the domestic market is increasingly flooded with imported goods, according to Ristadi, president of the Confederation of Indonesian Workers ‘ Unions ( KSPN). According to him, there could be as many as 50 000 lay-offs in reality. &nbsp, &nbsp,

Ristadi claimed that the influx of closures was mostly caused by a change in rules earlier this year that eased import restrictions on ready-made clothing. &nbsp,

He Wenping, a professor at the Institute of West- Asian and African Studies ( IWAAS ) at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences ( CASS), wrote in an article published on Monday that “it is unfair that Indonesia changed its own import regulations to import more goods but then criticized China’s so-called “overcapacity.” &nbsp,

She argued that Indonesia may reconsider its deal plan if it wants to cooperate with China in expanding its tourism industry and that it would not tolerate any behavior that disparages Chinese goods in the name of “overcapacity.” &nbsp,

According to Indonesia’s Central Statistics Agency, the Southeast Asian country’s bilateral trade with China fell 14.7 % to US$ 127.1 billion in 2023 from$ 149.1 billion in 2022. &nbsp,

During the same period, China’s exports to Indonesia fell 12.8 % to$ 62.2 billion from$ 71.3 billion while China’s imports from Indonesia plummeted 16.5 % to$ 64.9 billion from$ 77.7 billion. &nbsp,

Indonesia’s trade deficit with China contracted to$ 2.7 billion last year from$ 6.4 billion in 2022. Indonesia’s exports to China contain natural substances such as awaruite ( an alloy of nickel and iron ), ash, fuel and palm oil.

China’s imports to Indonesia include broadcasting products, smartphones, laptops, building vehicles, metal plates and electrical appliances. &nbsp, &nbsp,

Last year, China shipped about$ 500 million worth of toys,$ 1 billion of footwear,$ 2.5 billion of textile products and$ 430 million of ceramic products to Indonesia. About 7 % of China’s exports to Indonesia came from these four different types of light market products. &nbsp,

Didi Sumedi, producer standard for National Export Development at Indonesia’s Ministry of Trade, said in early 2024 that the country aims to boost its exports to China again to approximately$ 65- 70 billion this year. &nbsp,

A Sichuan-based columnist named Xiaoying wrote in an article published on Tuesday that” the rationale behind Indonesia’s 200 % tariff on Chinese goods is a far-fetched.” ” Is the proposed new taxes really overcome Indonesia’s problems from the source”?

People in a velvet factory in China. Photo: Wikimedia Commons, Lindsay Maizland

The anonymous author claimed that the pressure on Indian businesses was not caused by Chinese goods but rather by the changing environment in worldwide trade markets. Indonesia may also try to figure out its own advantages, the author argued, while China has maintained its profitability by improving its companies. &nbsp,

Xiaoying wrote that “blindly imposing tariffs against China may harm the basis of Sino-Indonesian relations and create more issues for Indonesian trade.” ” I believe Indonesia will not choose to leave China because the two countries have very promising assistance prospects,” he said.

Another Chinese commentators cited another instance of Asia’s growing protectionionism, which is related to India’s latest discussion of imposing tariffs on Chinese metal imports. They claimed that the Sino-US business war’s spillover effect will have an affect on both regional economic cooperation and international relations.

Chinese President Xi Jinping made the remarks at the Conference marking the 70th celebration of the Five Rules of Calm Cooperation in Beijing on June 28 that “developing governments should work together to stabilize the world and contribute to resolving issues around the world.” &nbsp,

According to Xi, China has started the Five Principles of Calm Coexistence in an effort to shield the interests and aspirations of small and weak nations from power politics.

China’s most powerful chief added that the principles have established a significant academic foundation for a more just and equitable global purchase and absolutely oppose imperialism, colonialism, and hegemonism.

Beijing has referred to the Five Principles of Calm Coexistence as Xizang since last year as the name of the document that former Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai first proposed in 1953 during discussions with the Indian government regarding Tibet-related border issues.

Zhou traveled to India and Myanmar in June 1954, where he signed combined remarks with the leaders of the two countries, affirming the five tenets as the foundation of their relationship.

The Asian-African Conference held in Indonesia in 1955 affirmed the importance of the five principles, leading to the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement, which, ironically, was spearheaded by Indonesia to increase the political liquidity of the Global South in discussions with developed countries. &nbsp,

Read: Beijing: fresh Treasury rules sum to ‘ decoupling’

Following Jeff Pao on X: &nbsp, @jeffpao3

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Cultural differences impede trade for most nations — but not China – Asia Times

It’s a widely accepted notion among economists that cultural differences can pose a significant barrier to trade. The larger the cultural gap between two countries – judging by differences in language, customs, values and business norms – the more challenging and costly trade relations become. This is a recurring theme in research.

But there’s one big exception to the rule: China. As an applied economist with a keen interest in how culture influences trade, I’ve conducted several studies of the dynamic. In one such effort, two colleagues and I meticulously analyzed China’s trade relationships with nearly 90 countries over 16 years.

Our research uncovered a distinctive pattern: Unlike many other nations, cultural differences rarely influence the scale of China’s trade activities.

Bridging cultural gaps

Countries have various tools to minimize the effects of cultural differences on their trade. Cultural exchange programs, bilateral trade agreements and international trade shows have shown remarkable success in fostering mutual understanding, easing trade negotiations and overcoming cultural barriers.

However, these options are available to all countries. What makes China unique?

I suspect that China’s national trading strategy, involving state-backed export industries and substantial global infrastructure investment, is a big part of the answer.

By aligning itself with the economic development needs of its trading partners, China has been able to minimize the negative effects of cultural differences on its trade. It’s a strategy that has proved to be remarkably effective.

A closer examination of China’s trade ventures in Africa, the Middle East and Latin America — all regions with significant cultural differences from China — paints a vivid picture of this observation.

Xu Jianping, a Chinese official, stands behind a podium, speaking to a room full of professionals in business dress. Behind him, a sign in Chinese and English reads, in part,
Chinese official Xu Jianping speaks during the opening ceremony of a photography exhibition highlighting China-Africa cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative in Nairobi, Kenya, on March 22, 2024. Photo: Han Xu / Xinhua via Getty Images / The Conversation

Despite its cultural differences with nations on the African continent, each with its own unique traditions, languages and customs, China has built a multibillion-dollar trade network in the region that spans industries from mining to telecom.

China’s engagement in Africa is facilitated by a combination of local infrastructure investment, affordable technology provision and favorable loan terms. These partnerships are more about creating symbiotic relationships and less about efficiency. This facilitates market access and helps China to overcome cultural barriers.

In the Middle East, too, China has made significant inroads by aligning itself with the region’s development goals, such as those outlined in Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 and the United Arab Emirates’ Centennial 2071.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative complements these long-term development plans, offering the capital investment and construction expertise needed to bring ambitious infrastructure projects to life.

China’s presence in Latin America has also grown substantially over the past decade. Despite the geographical and cultural distance, China has become one of the top trade partners for countries such as Brazil, Chile and Peru.

This relationship is built on reciprocity: Latin American countries supply raw materials and agricultural products in exchange for Chinese investment in the infrastructure and manufacturing sectors.

Again, this is a strategy that hinges on pragmatic economic interactions focused on mutual benefits and development goals.

Strategic adaptability

Some might argue that trading with China is an obvious choice due to its size and influence. The economic incentives include access to China’s population of over 1.4 billion and its significant role in global value chains, especially in electronics, textiles and machinery. As China’s influence in global markets grows, US companies also face competitive pressures to maintain their market positions.

However, China’s trade practices, frequently entangled with governmental intervention, potentially undermine market efficiency — an established economic objective — in numerous ways.

In international trade, market efficiency refers to the extent to which prices in the global market reflect all available information, allowing resources to be allocated optimally across countries.

China has been known to require foreign companies to transfer technology to local firms as a condition for market access. This practice may distort market efficiency by forcing companies to share proprietary technology rather than compete on a level playing field.

Intellectual property theft and insufficient protection of intellectual property rights in China have also been major concerns for Western companies. The lack of robust intellectual property enforcement can lead to inefficiencies, as it discourages innovation and investment by foreign firms who fear their inventions and technologies may be copied without adequate legal recourse.

Western companies also face various market-access barriers in China, such as joint venture requirements, limits on foreign ownership and regulatory hurdles. These barriers can prevent the efficient allocation of resources and limit competition and innovation, resulting in a less efficient market overall.

Despite these concerns, Western firms continue to do business with China.

China’s adeptness in transcending cultural barriers, combined with Western firms’ continued engagement, pose a significant challenge for Western economies, notably the United States’. The challenge is heightened as the US maintains a focus on traditional efficiency approaches in forging trade relationships across diverse regions such as Africa, Latin America and the Middle East.

Since traditional market efficiency approaches might not always suffice, Western economies may need to reconsider their strategies.

Bedassa Tadesse is Professor of Economics, University of Minnesota Duluth

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Ukraine’s debt negotiations could decide the war – Asia Times

As Ukraine fights against Russian invasion, it faces a battle on two fronts: military and financial. Global attention understandably focuses on battlefield developments, where Russian troops are pushing toward Ukraine’s second city, Kharkov. But Ukraine is simultaneously experiencing financial struggles.

With its economy damaged by war and the year’s defense cost estimated to be US$54.4 billion, Ukraine is on the brink of defaulting on $22.8 billion in debt. For Ukraine, debt is not an accounting exercise – it represents the ability to defend its sovereignty and secure its future.

At the onset of the war, private investors led by JP Morgan agreed to freeze Ukraine’s debt repayments. That agreement is set to expire in August. Both Ukraine and its lenders are racing to reach a last-minute debt deal to avoid default.

These debt restructuring talks are common between states and investors, but they usually last years and rarely occur in the context of war. At present, both sides remain far apart in their negotiations. Ukraine is demanding a 40% reduction in its debt obligations and investors are willing to take only a 20% loss – known in financial circles as a “haircut.”

Ukraine faces a trade-off in its debt negotiations. On the one hand, securing a larger debt reduction, or even an outright default, could free up substantial fiscal resources in the short term. This would allow Ukraine to redirect funds from debt payments to immediate war-related needs.

However, the long-term consequences of such a decision could be severe, with higher borrowing costs and longer periods of exclusion from capital markets. The outcome of these negotiations will shape not only Ukraine’s immediate defense capabilities but also its long-term economic resilience.

A country’s ability to access credit markets plays an important role in determining the outcome of a war. In previous research, which was published in 2013, I found that states with lower borrowing costs are significantly more likely to win their wars.

Debt allows states to mobilize more resources, more quickly than they otherwise could. The cheaper the debt and the easier it is to access, the more resources that country can mobilize for its war effort.

Because of the importance of debt for war, states involved in wars rarely default. The risk of losing access to credit markets is usually too high. There are, however, some notable exceptions.

Russia technically defaulted on its debt shortly after its invasion of Ukraine in 2022 because sanctions made it impossible to make debt payments. And Saddam Hussein’s Iraq defaulted amid the war between Iran and Iraq in the 1980s. But both countries had substantial natural resource wealth to draw upon, a luxury Ukraine doesn’t have.

The Russian and Iraq exceptions highlight another crucial factor in wartime finance: the nature of a country’s political system. As autocracies, Putin’s Russia and Saddam’s Iraq could impose restrictive economic measures during wartime.

The Russian government, for example, has imposed controls that make it difficult for exporters and foreign companies operating in the country to take money out of Russia.

By contrast, the Ukrainian government has to be sensitive to the domestic political pressures of war financing. Measures like those adopted in Russia would probably spark political discontent in Ukraine.

Debt allows democratic leaders to mobilize resources without relying on unpopular fiscal strategies. However, facing the prospect of reduced access to debt, Ukraine has reverted to divisive tax policies that have raised the tax burden on individuals while cutting social spending.

Taxes are important to the war effort but they risk upsetting the necessary domestic support to continue fighting. And the Ukrainian government has been accused by journalists and international watchdog groups of being too restrictive in its response to domestic discontent.

The Ukrainian domestic intelligence agency allegedly surveilled an investigative media team in their hotel rooms.

Ukraine’s financial future

There’s some good news for Ukraine’s leadership though. After much delay, US Congress passed a military aid package worth $60 billion in the spring. At the same time, the UK provided its largest aid package to Ukraine, worth more than $3.8 billion for 2024.

More recently, the G7 (which consists of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK and US) agreed to use Russia’s frozen assets to finance a new $50 billion loan to Ukraine.

These additional financial resources are needed for Ukraine’s war effort. But they do not solve the immediate debt problems. The UK and US aid packages are earmarked for military equipment only and cannot be used for budgetary support. The G7 loan will be more flexible, but that money is not expected to be delivered until later this year.

Ukraine must balance the immediate needs of war financing with long-term economic considerations and domestic political pressures. The stakes could not be higher. The terms Ukraine secures in debt negotiations will affect not just its ability to fund the current war effort, but also its capacity to rebuild once the conflict ends.

Patrick E Shea is Senior Lecturer in International Relations and Global Governance, University of Glasgow

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Sustainable transformation: making transition finance stick | FinanceAsia

The Asia Pacific region is currently facing a significant gap in the race to fund decarbonisation – estimated at $US1.1 trillion by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

However, this is not the only problem for a region whose coal-fired economies represent around half of global emissions, according to the International Energy Agency.

China alone accounts for 35% of global CO2 emissions, the agency says.

Speakers at the Sustainable Finance Asia Forum 2024 said that regulators will need to rebalance sustainable investment priorities – placing more emphasis on adaptation rather than mitigation – if the region’s most heavily polluting emerging economies are to meet their carbon zero targets.

Debanik Basu, the head of responsible investment and stewardship APAC at APG Asset Management, told a panel on harnessing transition finance for sustainable transformation that investment in mitigation (reducing greenhouse emissions at source) now represented the majority of transition funding.

He said the often more complicated task of climate adaptation – the need to change systems, behaviours and whole economies – was receiving scant attention.

“Currently the region is getting around $300 billion in transition finance so there’s a massive gap that needs to be addressed,” he told the conference. “Even within the small portion of finance that we are getting, more than 80 per cent of the funds are moving towards mitigation.

“Consensus estimates suggest that ideally it should be 50/50 between mitigation and adaptation.”

He said the other critical problem was that aspects of climate finance were not well understood and appreciated by the market overall, in particular within the agriculture and forestry segment.

“When you look at the NDCs (Nationally Determined Contribution) put out by a lot of countries, there are specific targets around climate change, but there aren’t explicit targets around forestry and agriculture,” he said.

“And even when there are targets, there is no clear roadmap. What all this means is that the institutional capacity is lacking. There are gaps in infrastructure and there are gaps in knowledge.

“As an investor, conversations with companies around biodiversity are at a very nascent stage.”

A question of taxonomies

Kristina Anguelova, senior advisor and consultant on green finance strategy APAC at the World Wildlife Fund, told the conference that regulation was moving in the right direction, guided by hubs such as Singapore and Hong Kong.

She added that the unofficial rivalry between Hong Kong and Singapore in terms of developing regulatory taxonomies was having a positive effect on the transition finance landscape in the region.

“I think the competition between Singapore and Hong Kong in this case is a good thing because it’s advancing regulation in the region quite a bit,” she said. “The Singapore Asia Taxonomy lays out transition taxonomy criteria across eight sectors.”

While the regulation is tailored to Singapore, she said she believed it would lay foundations for others to follow.

“It’s so important as a regulatory piece because it can serve as an incentive for investors to start to scale transition finance comfortably and confidently without the loopholes and the risks of potentially being accused of greenwashing,” she said.

In terms of biodiversity, she highlighted the nascent stage of biodiversity finance compared to climate finance, discussing the need for capacity building, regulatory clarity, and financial instruments to support nature-based solutions.

A case in point, she said, is the International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB) which is developing standards aimed at developing a high-quality, comprehensive global baseline of sustainability disclosures focussed on the needs of investors and the financial markets.

“On biodiversity, I think we’re moving a bit slowly, but we’re getting there. Obviously coming from a science-based NGO, efforts can never be fast enough,” she said. “But the good news is that the ISSB will also be integrating the TNFD or the Task Force for Nature-related Financial Disclosures soon.

“Those jurisdictions that have adopted or committed to the ISSB will also be adopting those nature regulations.”

The challenge as always, she added, was that regulators had to strike a balance between mitigating financial risk and overregulating such that it slowed economic development.

Blended solutions

Building capacity, both speakers argued, would be critical to transition finance solutions to climate change and that new instruments, particularly in blended finance, were likely to be leading the charge.

“We are seeing beyond transition bonds to different types of instruments that are designed to go into blended finance structures such as transition credits which are based on the assumption that we can get carbon savings out of early retirement of coal-fired power plants,” Anguelova said.

One avenue that was currently being explored in a number of jurisdictions was concessionary capital: i.e. loans, grants, or equity investments provided on more favourable terms than those available in the market.

These terms could include lower interest rates, longer repayment periods, grace periods, or partial guarantees.

Of these instruments, Basu said, guarantees were evolving as one of the methods currently being pursued in several markets.

“What we are also seeing is that, apart from concessionary capital, a lot of public institutions are more comfortable with providing guarantees instead of direct capital because that then keeps the overall cost of capital down,” Basu said.

“It might be at a very nascent stage – and it is difficult to say if this is going to be the future – but it is developing,” he said.


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BlackRock tasks Yik Ley Chan to lead SEA private credit as demand increases | FinanceAsia

Global investment giant BlackRock has appointed Yik Ley Chan to lead the firm’s private credit team in an expanded remit for Southeast Asia (SEA). 

Chan (pictured) will be based in Singapore and will become responsible for the origination and execution of private credit investments. The appointment takes effect next month in July, according to a company media release. He will also join the firm’s Asia Pacific (Apac) private credit leadership team. 

Chan has 16 years’ experience in financial services, of which more than 13 years were spent on structuring private credit and financing solutions. He was most recently Asia head of private credit at Jefferies, where he oversaw markets in SEA including Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines. Yik Ley previously played a senior structurer role for Credit Suisse, covering SEA and frontier markets.

BlackRock’s global private debt platform manages $85 billion across the asset class. The global private debt team has over 200 investment professionals in over 18 cities globally as of December 2023.

BlackRock’s Apac private credit platform currently invests in opportunities throughout Australasia, South Korea, Japan, Greater China, India, and SEA.

Celia Yan, head of Apac private credit, BlackRock, said in the release: “SEA is an exciting region offering promising opportunities for private credit, as corporates look for ways to finance transformation beyond traditional avenues. Yik Ley’s wealth of investment experience and local insights will be of immense value to our clients, while strengthening our investment capabilities throughout developed and emerging markets in Apac.”

Deborah Ho, country head of Singapore and head of SEA, BlackRock, added: “Client demand for private markets investments has increased dramatically – a trend we believe is here to stay.”

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