Moody’s reminds China’s pain will be widely shared – Asia Times

Moody’s Investors Service was something of a thorn in global policymakers’ sides in 2023. From Beijing to Washington, the ratings giant fired any number of shots across the bows of the biggest economies.

In mid-November, it lowered America’s credit outlook to “negative” from “stable”, pointing to political polarization in Congress as the US national debt topped US$34 trillion. Three weeks later, Moody’s cut its outlook for Chinese sovereign debt to “negative,” citing a slowing economy and a property sector crisis that Beijing has been slow to address.

Now, Moody’s is reminding Asia of the economic trauma 2024 may have in store as China’s slowdown imperils sovereign creditworthiness across the region.

Moody’s thinks the fallout from China’s property troubles on business and household confidence makes hopes for 5% economic growth in 2024 overly optimistic. It sees mainland gross domestic product (GDP) slowing to 4% this year and next.

For an economy at China’s level of development, such a downshift from the 6% growth averaged from 2014 to 2023 will set back living standards. And it will exacerbate the debt troubles Moody’s flagged last month, both among developers and local governments around the nation. It also may spark legitimacy problems for Xi Jinping’s Communist Party.

China’s slowdown “significantly influences” regional economic trajectories via supply chains, Moody’s says. “As these economies’ respective manufacturing bases are smaller in scale and less developed than China’s, the latter will remain at the center of many of the region’s supply chains and an important source of final demand in the near term.”

True, Moody’s argues that “against this backdrop, we expect companies to continue to diversify supply chains away from China to better manage risks around overarching geostrategic tensions, but also in response to longer-term structural trends.”

These “include population aging and policy risks in China – as illustrated in internet platforms and private education sector regulatory changes – as well as the rapid expansion of the middle class in India,” Moody’s says.

“The diversification trend,” Moody’s goes on, “has accelerated in recent years, boosting investment prospects in economies with large manufacturing bases and improving infrastructure such as India, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam.”

But such pivots take time to execute. Rerouting trade routes is complicated in the best of times and even more so in relatively tight global credit conditions.

In recent weeks, traders have dialed back expectations for US Federal Reserve interest rate cuts. The People’s Bank of China, meanwhile, has been far less generous about adding liquidity than most economists, analysts and investors expected.

China is keeping a cap on liquidity despite slowing growth and a deep property crisis. Photo: Facebook Screengrab

In addition to the “lackluster situation in China,” says Moody’s analyst Christian De Guzman, tight credit conditions are an added headwind for the region.

“This,” De Guzman told CNBC, “is predicated on global liquidity conditions where we really don’t see the Fed easing until the middle of the year. And Asia-Pacific central banks – we don’t see much decoupling [from] global liquidity conditions there.”

It’s not just that China may be less of a global economic engine going forward. In 2023, Chinese imports contracted by 5.5% amid weak domestic demand. That means China’s 5.2% economic growth rate in 2023 didn’t generate much of a tailwind in Asia.

The bigger problem is how China’s financial risks may stress-test a region still dealing with the fallout from the Covid-19 era. In recent years, governments and companies borrowed aggressively to recover from the pandemic.

In its report, Moody’s warns that elevated global interest rates will worsen debt-servicing burdens. The upshot is that gaining access to international capital will become increasingly more difficult for lower-rated governments.

That will be a problem for China as much as anywhere, if not more. It’s sure to have a cooling effect on President Xi’s economy, notes Moody’s economist Harry Murphy Cruise.

“Real estate investment, dwelling prices and new dwelling sales are set to fall throughout 2024 before returning as a modest driver of growth in 2025,” he predicts.

Yet this could reflect wishful thinking if Xi’s team doesn’t act more forcefully this year to repair the property sector, including by creating a credible mechanism to get bad assets off balance sheets. A similar effort is needed to address the $9 trillion buildup of local government financing vehicle (LGFV) debt.

As these headwinds intensify, the Asia-Pacific region’s sovereign creditworthiness in general is deteriorating. These “tight international funding conditions will curb the region’s output,” Moody’s warns.

For its constellation of 25 sovereigns in the region, Moody’s sees GDP growth falling to an average 3.6% in 2024 from 4.2% last year. That, the rating agency’s analysts say, marks the “lowest rate of expansion in a non-pandemic year in at least two decades – reflecting a slowdown in China and broadly lackluster global economic conditions.”

Slower growth, Moody’s adds, will make it even harder for most governments to reduce Covid-era increases in public debt.

“Together with tight domestic labor markets, this will spur many APAC central banks to maintain tight monetary policy and mitigate currency depreciation risks,” Moody’s says. “International financing will remain difficult for lower-rated sovereigns, particularly frontier markets with large external payment needs.”

On Monday, China’s Premier Li Qiang called for more assertive steps to halt the plunge in mainland stocks, which are now at a five-year low. That’s easier said than done as global investors react to deepening deflationary pressures and a festering property crisis many economists compare to Japan’s banking debacle in the 1990s.

China’s mini-crash is slamming stocks in Hong Kong, too. The city’s discount to mainland peers is now the most extreme in 15 years — roughly 36%.

Even if the PBOC were to begin easing suddenly — something it’s avoided doing so far — the moves have already been priced in the market, says Eva Lee, head of Greater China equities at UBS Global Wealth Management. Only a much “punchier” monetary response might stabilize the situation, she adds.

Green is down and red is up on China’s stock market ticker boards. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP

Global “passive” funds are becoming far more assertive in hedging China risks. “Their recent selling did amplify the downside pressure,” says analyst Gilbert Wong at Morgan Stanley.

The reason is that “the Chinese government has not yet introduced effective measures to resolve the property turmoil and drive the economic recovery,” says strategist Ken Cheung at Mizuho Bank. This, he adds, has overseas investors continuing to “reduce their risk exposure” amid “bearish expectations” for China’s outlook.

Here, expectations versus reality are becoming a problem for investor sentiment. Generally, Premier Li has “doused” hopes for further support measures, notes Brian Martin, an analyst at ANZ Research.

As Li “trumpeted the nations’ ability to hit its 5% growth target without flooding the economy with massive stimulus,” investors were left fearing Beijing had lost the plot, he said.

Surely, Xi’s inner circle may have valid reasons to be confident about China’s 2024. It’s entirely possible that the economic dashboard Xi’s men are viewing suggests aggregate demand will bounce back sooner than most investors believe.

At the same time, Xi’s party is loath to squander progress made in financial system deleveraging. Beijing’s determination not to reward bad behavior and poor lending decisions is to be applauded. Still, if China’s trajectory is less dire than markets think, Xi’s team is doing a poor job spreading the news.

Even taking a glass-half-full approach to China’s 2023 performance requires an asterisk. “While the economy did beat the official target, it could have scored a higher grade through a more forceful response to the property meltdown and greater commitment to the private sector,” says Tianchen Xu, a senior economist at the Economist Intelligence Unit.

Downward pressure on the yuan also suggests the economy is less vibrant than Beijing’s spin would have investors believe. On Monday, Reuters reported that major state-owned banks are propping up the exchange rate. The rationale, Reuters notes, is to disincentivize traders from shorting China’s currency.

A deeper drop in the yuan might also add to default risks among distressed property developers and intensify selling of China’s A shares. So far this year, overseas funds have dumped upwards of $1.6 billion worth of Chinese equities.

“The PBOC has stepped up its efforts to restrain dollar-yuan through the daily fix lately, and this is keeping a lid on” the exchange rate “at the 7.20 level,” says Alvin Tan, head of Asia FX strategy at RBC Capital Markets. “But I think it should give way to the upside soon.”

In recent days, Tan notes, the PBOC and Beijing’s foreign exchange regulator stepped up to “strengthen market expectation guidance and take actions to correct pro-cyclical and one-way market behaviors when necessary.”

Julian Evans-Pritchard, head of China economics at Capital Economics, says the PBOC’s decision Monday to hold benchmark lending rates steady proves that policymakers “appear to harbor lingering concerns” about the yuan.

“A cut at this stage could trigger additional depreciation pressure, something the PBOC wants to avoid,” Evans-Pritchard says. “Therefore, it may stick to quantitative easing tools for now,” including supplementary lending efforts.

This, too, is part of Xi’s desire not to derail success in building trust in the yuan. A stable exchange rate remains key to making China Asia’s top financial power. As such, Xi appears to care more about a strong currency than rising stocks.

There are also geopolitical threats to consider as US voters choose a new president in November. As US President Joe Biden looks to outflank Republicans loyal to Donald Trump by being tough on China, new sanctions could emerge.

US President Joe Biden and former president Donald Trump are expected to go head to head on China issues on the campaign trail. Image: X Screengrab

Tensions in the Red Sea and Russia intensifying its Ukraine war could boost energy prices and thus inflationary pressures in the year ahead.

All this puts sovereign ratings across Asia in harm’s way. A bigger trade war is a particular wildcard. As Washington and Beijing face off in the year ahead and related risks become “more prominent,” Moody’s warns, Asian governments will find it increasingly difficult to maintain financial balance.

Moody’s adds that “competition between China and the US is resulting in regionalization of trade and shifts in economic and financial influence” in the longer run. In the shorter run, though, such disruption is another reason for investors to worry about threats to sovereign ratings in 2024.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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Former Outram Secondary students express sadness, nostalgia over school’s relocation to Sengkang

SCHOOL SPIRIT WILL LIVE ON

MOE said while Outram Secondary is an “established school with strong educational programmes, the school is located in a mature area where demand for secondary school places is falling”. 

Some alumni believe the school’s relocation is for the better.

Old Outramians’ Association Chairperson Erwin Tan, who is from the Class of 1996, said: “The cohort has been on a steady decline for the last decade. I was very worried about a merger or closure. 

“So with this announcement that we will be relocating to Sengkang, I think it’s a good thing. The Outramian spirit will continue to live on. So I’m very glad about that.”

School Advisory Committee Chairperson Regina Chong, who is from the Class of 1993, added that it will be a new chapter for the school.

“This chapter will actually benefit the students who will be going to Outram Secondary School. Every generation of Outramians have their own chapter and fond memories of the school,” she added. 

To minimise disruption to students, the school will not be admitting new Secondary 1 students in 2025. It will begin accepting new Secondary 1 students from 2026 at its Sengkang campus. 

Outram Secondary will operate two campuses until 2027, when the last batch of Secondary 4 students at the York Hill campus graduates.

Before the school moves out of York Hill in two years’ time, teachers and students will open up a time capsule that was sealed in 2006 with items from the school’s rich history. 

Former students who are now teachers at the school are optimistic about the move. 

Teacher Dawa Sherpa, who is from the Class of 2001, said: “I think that the Outram spirit continues to live. Even though it’s in a different place, it can still stand on its own.”

Another teacher Ismath Banu, who graduated from the school in 2003, said: “The school reminded me that it’s never about individual success. Our success is really a result of the community helping us.”

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Sony calls off merger with India media giant Zee

ZeeTV logoGetty Images

Sony’s Indian arm has scrapped a planned merger with Zee Entertainment which would have formed one of India’s largest entertainment groups.

The $10bn merger, first announced two years ago, was set to combine more than 75 television channels, film assets and two streaming platforms.

Sony said merger conditions had not been met, but there have been reports of a disagreement over leadership.

In response, Zee said it could take legal action against Sony.

The closing date for the deal had been set as 20 January, but Sony said this was not met “as, among other things, the closing conditions to the merger were not satisfied by then”.

When the deal was originally announced, Zee chief executive Punit Goenka was set to lead the newly-merged company.

However, Sony is reported to have been unhappy with this after India’s market regulator launched a probe into Mr Goenka.

In a statement, Zee said that Sony was seeking a $90m (£70.8m) termination fee as result of alleged breaches of the terms of the merger, but said it “categorically denies” the allegations.

Zee added that “all efforts and steps were taken by ZEEL [Zee] in line with the Merger Cooperation Agreement, approved by its shareholders and all regulatory authorities”.

The company said it was now “evaluating all the available options”.

Zee added it would take “all the necessary steps to protect the long-term interests of all its stakeholders, including by taking appropriate legal action”.

It also said that Mr Goenka has been “agreeable to step down in the interest of the merger and proposals in this regard were discussed”.

When the deal was first announced, the newly-planned firm was set to become a major media player in the country, challenging rivals such as Walt Disney’s Hotstar.

Both firms have operated in India for years and own streaming platforms ZEE5 and SonyLIV. They also have a vast TV following with popular channels such as Sony MAX and Zee TV.

The merger was also seen as key to providing a rival to the planned merger between Disney’s Indian businesses and the media assets of Reliance Industries.

“A deal collapse will have a negative impact on both parties as they were looking at scaling up in the Indian market which is going through a digital disruption and a potential threat of increased competition intensity if the Reliance-Disney deal goes through,” Karan Taurani, an analyst at Elara Capital, told Reuters.

India is becoming an increasingly lucrative market for streaming platforms that are targeting a young digital audience.

The past few years have seen a surge of competition from streaming platforms such as Netflix, Amazon and Hotstar.

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Trump chaos vs Bidening time in a broken America – Asia Times

Many Americans feel broken and people are split on immigration and very divisive issues like gender or abortion and go for former president Donald Trump.

His victory in Iowa is proof of this. But the country is doing better than ever. A belief crisis blinds many. The US needs to restore its cultural unity, starting with accepting the reality of a new creeping war that could defeat the nation and smash the world.

Perhaps judging a country from afar is vain and impossible, especially one so openly full of contradictions and blinding lights. These lights make things harder to see than shadows in a dark room – they totally cancel one’s vision.

Yet, America is the hub and the keystone of the present world system and anything happening there has tectonic reflexes elsewhere.

The presidential election in November will sway the course of wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, the fate of continents, Asia around China, and Europe around the EU. The world order will be dramatically changed, and perhaps not for the best.

The US presidential election is a global issue, and although we can’t vote and can’t be elected in it, we feel a duty to voice our concerns and offer them to American fellows as a word of counsel. America’s plights are our own plight, as we can’t say we are not Americans.

These elections are actually about Biden and ought to be because he is the incumbent president. But the ex-president and now favored contender in the polls is Donald Trump. Perhaps it is right to start there.

Bret Stephens took an original, critical view of his strengths:

  1. “Trump got three big things right — or at least more right than wrong. Arguably, the single most important geopolitical fact of the century is the mass migration of people from south to north and east to west, causing tectonic demographic, cultural, economic, and ultimately political shifts…
  2. The broad direction of the country Trump rode a wave of pessimism to the White House… More than 12% of all adult males had a felony conviction on their record, leaving them in the shadowlands of American life. And there was a palpable sense of economic decline, with fewer and fewer younger Americans having any hope of matching their parents’ incomes at the same stages of life. Far too little has changed since then. Labor force participation remains essentially where it was in the last days of the Obama administration. Deaths of despair keep rising. The cost of living has risen sharply, and while the price of ordinary goods may finally be coming down, rents haven’t. Only 36% of voters think the American dream still holds true, according to a recent survey, down from 48% in 2016. If anything, Trump’s thesis may be truer today than it was the first time he ran on it…
  3. The question of institutions that are supposed to represent impartial expertise, from elite universities and media… those institutions did their own work in squandering, through partisanship or incompetence, the esteem in which they had once been widely held. How so? Much of the elite media, mostly liberal, became openly partisan in the 2016 election — and, in doing so, not only failed to understand why Trump won but probably unwittingly contributed to his victory. Academia, also mostly liberal, became increasingly illiberal, inhospitable not just to conservatives but to anyone pushing back even modestly against progressive orthodoxy.”

    He warns that the appeal to democracy, strongly voiced by Biden last month, could fall flat with moderate voters. Perhaps there is a new and old impatience with the cumbersome and roundabout ways of the democratic process.

    It is less effective day-to-day and does not communicate well as one man alone. There is skepticism about trying Trump in court now on charges difficult to understand for most people, like tax fraud or those about the January 6, 2021 “insurrection.”

    Donald Trump supporters lay siege to the US Capitol on January 6, 2021. Image: Facebook Screengrab

    On these pages, on January 7, 2021, we called the urgency to prevent the return of that “Epiphany” because tolerating the intolerant destroys the basis of a democratic process. In fact, Trump flaunts and breaks democratic rules and conventions, and he has a comprehensive plan to reform all democratic institutions.

    His opponents, like Ian Bassin, in ex-president Obama’s team, reportedly argued: “Our democracy rests on a foundation of trust — trust in elections, trust in institutions. And you know what scares me the most about Trump? It’s not the sledgehammer he’s taken to the structure of our national house. It’s the termites he’s unleashed into the foundation.”

    Still, Stephen’s arguments may cut little or no ice with people who feel broken without care from anybody.

    Stephen astutely writes: “Brokenness has become the defining feature of much of American life: broken families, broken public schools, broken small towns and inner cities, broken universities, broken health care, broken media, broken churches, broken borders, broken government.

    “At best, they have become shells of their former selves. And there’s a palpable sense that the autopilot that America’s institutions and their leaders are on — brain-dead and smug — can’t continue… If you’re saying it’s ‘Morning in America’ when 77% of Americans think the country is on the wrong track, you’re preaching to the wrong choir — and the wrong country.”

    Americans feel crime is going up, and it is a serious political issue. However, recent FBI data show that violent crime actually dropped nationwide in 2022 while property crime jumped.

    The broken people are not only with Trump; they are also with the Democrats, believing sometimes weird theories. They stopped trusting mainstream America. Maybe this is the real heart of the matter. Maybe in America, the social difference is no longer between blue or white collar, that dominated much of the past century.

    Rather, it’s about being broken or not. Perhaps most feel broken or that being broken and dealing with broken people is part of their lives. They are branded and scorched in their soul for it and don’t see another chance.

    But the United States was founded by people searching for a second chance, a new beginning and redemption. “Broken” is part of the American identity. But these people may feel mainstream society, controlled by the elites, doesn’t give them a second chance.

    Then, they think they have to take things into their own hands. But it’s impossible in modern and complex societies. Somebody has to help them out. So, the question becomes: who is going to give them redemption?

    Moreover, it is not just about being broken. It is about real divisive issues. The Biden administration’s support for the gender concept, abortion, indiscriminate backing of new immigration from the Middle East (now protesting against Israel, a traditional US darling), and what is felt as a hurried dismissal of conventional culture are all very irksome for many people in the US.

    The press may blow out-of-proportion stories of kids being exposed or encouraged to sex changes in schools. Still, the fact that the Democrats do not invite prudence and wisdom is portrayed as a violent upending of old American values. They can’t be just waved away with easy gestures. The Iowa caucus proves they cut a lot of ice with many people. These new cultural sentiments also find little support abroad.

    This and the sense of being broken can make a potent political alchemy.

    A twofold issue

    The problem is the issues Trump raises are right. How the Democrats or other Republicans deal with them may not be right. But Trump’s answers so far are equally beyond wrong; they are flimsy. However, if there are no better answers to true issues, even the wrong answers will count.

    Still, there is a difference between words and facts. Trump fell at the end because he failed to confront Covid. It was a difficult situation but unexpected disasters make or destroy leaders. The response to the exceptional 2004 tsunami transformed Thaksin Shinawatra from one of the occasional Thai prime ministers to an icon of the country.

    The 2008 Sichuan earthquake made grey then-Chinese president Hu Jintao and premier Wen Jiabao popular. Even in the utter destruction of the 2023 Turkish earthquake, with a death toll multiplied by shoddy construction permitted by the government, Recep Tayyip Erdogan eventually took things into his own hands and turned the national mood.

    During Covid, Trump had all the elements to fully grasp the moment’s gravity and act promptly. He should have cut flights and direct contact around China. Beijing itself went into lockdown, thus signaling to the rest of the world that it should protect against the spread of the disease abroad. He didn’t. Despite all the relevant information Trump had, he dithered, went into denial and changed his mind repeatedly.

    The Covid experience alone may cast doubt on his ability to confront dire, unpredictable situations. In the past couple of years, there have been plenty of them, from Ukraine to Gaza, and President Joseph Biden has always risen to the occasion. In the future, times will be even more difficult. Would Trump be able to cope with them, or will he flop confusedly?

    Then it is a twofold issue – Trump per se and the broken people following him or on the left all believing conspiracy theories.

    There’s an intellectual belief crisis in America. There are cultural clashes, divides about gender, race, origin and class. This has shaped into tribalism that lost the middle ground where Americans used to meet and get together. This belief crisis makes people deaf to objections about their distorted view of reality. Without a shared view, people from different camps talk past each other.

    Perhaps it is also because most people are not clear where we are in history now. There is no end of history or trust in a never-ending story of global liberal markets unfettered by burdensome politics. There is no clash of civilizations, as things turned out to be far more complicated than a few arbitrary lines drawn on a cultural map.

    We are not in Cold War II, as the US is apparently reluctant to use this label that would precipitate memories of defense mechanisms unfit for the present situation. As the Pope said, we are in a creeping, crawling world war in pieces.

    Perhaps, if we collectively recognize it and acknowledge the drama of the historic moment, we may hope to crawl back to peace. Perhaps Americans, both Democrats and Republicans, should openly recognize it, although the word “war” may start all kinds of troubles in the US inflammable state of affairs.

    Trying to be unbiased, we see Biden possibly doing a much better job than he is credited. The economy is booming like in the 1950s. Biden launched a series of plans to push a technological and infrastructure revolution. He is successfully and cautiously handling three conflicts at once (Ukraine, Gaza, China). These plans and this attitude should be continued with or without him.

    What is wrong? Inflation and immigration? More should be said and better, but both are very complicated issues that don’t have a simple answer. Incidentally, both fuel the booming economy; labor and investment are necessary now and for future growth.

    US President Joe Biden speaks in support of Israel. Picture: CTV Screengrab

    What is true is that the US works; it is in the middle of massive, positive and tough changes. Some forces seem keen on stopping for some half-baked ideas of power concentration, hiding only a power grab.

    This power grab can destroy the US as it is and the world as it is and throw America into unprecedented economic, social and political crisis, opening the gates to Russian President Vladimir Putin ruling the world and a post-USSR ghastly vindication.

    David Axelrod stresses that Biden needs to provide a vision for the future of America. He has to say something reasonable about migration and mutual tolerance and set a repetition in communicating that. America is a nation about the future, not the past.

    Biden is an old guy, but it’s an advantage; he has a sense of history. Because he’s old and has a sense of time, he can project the US 80 years ahead. It is what the world needs now, to see things together again. Biden or a possible Republican president should work to unite the country.

    The US won the Cold War first by succeeding in re-establishing a world “cultural hegemony” with presidents Jimmy Carter (human rights) and Ronald Reagan (economics and liberalism) after the disasters of the war in Vietnam and the 1960s student movements worldwide.

    Today, it is the same point. Trump does not establish an American global cultural hegemony; he shatters it.

    Can China establish cultural hegemony? It was doing it with the Belt and Road Initiative but it underestimated its complexity and was misguided by minimal economic and low-end political calculations.

    The BRI proposed de facto a world before America’s discovery but then with America’s existence and thus against America. Before the discovery of America, the world was torn apart by different worldviews in different areas. The order was kept because the different regions were not in direct contact with each other simultaneously.

    With the discovery of America and the Magellan trip around the globe, the world grew with more direct geographic contacts and even shorter time lapses. It needed a unitary worldview and the West provided it over the next 500 years.

    Still, China is apparently rethinking its whole approach to the BRI, linking it more consistently with its strategy and long-term plans, as Shi Yinhong, professor of International Studies at China’s People’s University, wrote.

    China’s president, Xi Jinping, also offered the US to join the BRI on his November trip to San Francisco. China, of course, doesn’t have the problem of building a domestic consensus. However, exporting cultural consensus from an authoritarian country raises different sets of questions.

    If America does not regain its unity, there is a risk of a shattered world without the past geographic and temporary separation. It would be a recipe for chaos starting right at the center of the global system – the US. The effects of the shattering may be incalculable.

    Former US president Donald Trump. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

    This is happening already. Graham Alison warns of the “Trump put”:

    Some foreign governments are increasingly factoring into their relationship with the United States what may come to be known as the “Trump put” – delaying choices in the expectation that they will be able to negotiate better deals with Washington a year from now because Trump will effectively establish a floor on how bad things can get for them.

    Others, by contrast, are beginning to search for what might be called a ‘Trump hedge’ – analyzing how his return will likely leave them with worse options and preparing accordingly. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s calculations in his war against Ukraine provide a vivid example of the ‘Trump put.’ In recent months, as a stalemate has emerged on the ground, speculation has grown about Putin’s readiness to end the war.

    But as a result of the ‘Trump put’, it is far more likely that the war will still be raging this time next year. Despite some Ukrainians’ interest in an extended cease-fire or even an armistice to end the killing before another grim winter takes its toll, Putin knows that Trump has promised to end the war ‘in one day.’

    It is the dominant factor in all geopolitics now also because, as the Chinese would put it 不怕一万就怕万一 , which is something like: don’t think of the 99,99% possibility, just be afraid of the 0,01% chance.

    In this sense, Trump’s only presence is disruptive, as he promises disruption, and nobody knows what kind of disruption he would bring. He is a total wild card in a world already on the brink of chaos. The problem is not our preferences but the possibility of drastic discontinuity of US policies and the relatively small (but not negligible) chance it could happen.

    The combination of these two elements already today creates chaos in foreign politics because people put off choices as a measure of prudence. Still, the American people will vote according to American domestic concerns, dominated by the sentiment of being broken. Here, the split in American society is perhaps deepest.

    This essay first appeared on Settimana News and is republished with permission. The original article can be read here.

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    2008 airport protesters cleared of insurrection

    13 yellow-shirt activists fined B20,000 each for causing disruption

    2008 airport protesters cleared of insurrection
    People’s Alliance for Democracy members gather at Suvarnabhumi Airport in December 2008.

    The Criminal Court on Wednesday dismissed insurrection charges against 32 yellow-shirt activists who led an anti-government protest that shut down Bangkok’s two main international airports in 2008.

    Thirteen out of 32 leading members of the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) will still have to pay a fine of 20,000 baht each for the disruption that closed Don Mueang and Suvarnabhumi airports.

    The seizure of the airports was estimated to have cost the Thai economy at least 3 billion baht a day in lost shipment value and other opportunities.

    “This case will set a precedent for those who love this country and want to fight for justice in the country to hold protests,” Panthep Puapongpan, one of the 32 activists, told reporters after the ruling was read.

    Prosecutors can appeal the ruling.

    The PAD blockaded the two airports from Nov 25 to Dec 4, 2008, disrupting hundreds of flights and leaving hundreds of thousands of travellers stranded.

    The PAD was formed in 2005 in opposition to then-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was overthrown a year later in a military coup. Two years later, he fled the country to escape court cases against him. He returned in August last year.

    The PAD protesters in 2008 were attempting to force the resignation of leaders of the Somchai Wongsawat government, who were accused of being puppets of Thaksin.

    While the airports were still closed by the yellow-shirt protest, the Constitutional Court on Dec 2 dissolved the three parties of the Somchai government coalition.

    The court ruled there was insufficient evidence to prove the defendants had committed insurrection, assaulted officials or obstructed them from performing their duties, or illegally detained any official or disrupted a communications system or air travel services during their protest at the airport.

    The protest was also peaceful and the protesters were unarmed, resulting in the acquittals.

    Nevertheless, the court ordered 13 defendants to pay a fine of 20,000 baht each for trespassing and violating the emergency decree in force at the time.

    They included Maj Gen Chamlong Srimuang, Sondhi Limthongkul, Pibhop Dhongchai, Somsak Kosaisuk, Suriyasai Katasila, Sirichai Mai-ngam and Samran Rodphet.

    In a civil case in 2017, the Supreme Court ordered 13 PAD leaders to pay a total of 522 million baht to Airports of Thailand Plc for shutting down the two airports in 2008. The case was closed after the activists were declared bankrupt.

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    Flight cancellations: Airport chaos angers Indians as fog hits travel

    Passengers aircrafts ready to takeoff in morning heavy fog at Terminal 3 airport on 3 January in New Delhi, IndiaGetty Images

    India’s aviation regulator has issued an advisory to airlines after dozens of people took to social media to complain about flight delays and cancellations.

    The regulator has asked airlines to cancel flights “sufficiently in advance” and inform passengers about delays in real time.

    Airlines have blamed the cascading effect of fog in Delhi for the chaos.

    But furious passengers have accused airlines and airports of inadequate communication.

    A man was arrested and later released on bail after he was accused of assaulting a co-pilot of IndiGo airlines. The man’s flight on Sunday had been delayed for more than 10 hours. A viral video showed the passenger lunging at the co-pilot as he made an announcement on the plane.

    Another video showed passengers eating food while sitting on the tarmac at the Mumbai airport, where their flight from Goa to Delhi had been diverted after hours of delay.

    Hundreds of domestic flights have been delayed since Sunday after a thick fog engulfed Delhi, which is home to one of India’s busiest airports. It is also the main hub for major airlines such as IndiGo and Air India.

    While fog is an annual occurrence, reports say the situation is worse this year at the Delhi airport due to other factors including parking shortages due to grounded aircraft and a runway being shut for maintenance.

    The disruption, which intensified on Sunday, had a cascading effect on Monday and is likely to continue on Tuesday as well.

    The weather department has predicted two more days of heavy fog in Delhi and other northern cities.

    Since Sunday, several passengers had tagged federal aviation minister Jyotiraditya Scindia and various airlines on X (formerly Twitter) to complain about flight delays. Some said they were forced to sit inside planes without food and water amid lack of clarity about departure times.

    On Monday afternoon, Mr Scindia addressed the chaos in a long post on X, blaming the “unprecedented fog” in Delhi on Sunday.

    “…Visibility fluctuated for several hours, and at times, dropped to zero between 5am to 9am. The authorities, therefore, were compelled to enforce a shut-down of operations for some time even on CAT III runways (CAT III runways cannot handle zero-visibility operations),” he wrote, adding that the Delhi airport had been asked to “immediately expedite the operationalization of the CAT III-enabled 4th runway”.

    Mr Scindia also said that “unruly behaviour” was “unacceptable” and would be dealt with legally.

    IndiGo said in a statement that it had referred the assault of its staff member to its independent internal committee for “appropriate action”.

    A bulk of the complaints came from people travelling on IndiGo, which is the largest in India in terms of passengers carried and fleet size. The airline said in a statement on Monday that it regretted the inconvenience to customers.

    “Cancellation and delays [due to severe fog] had a cascading effect on rotations throughout the day, leading to further impact on operations,” it wrote.

    Some opposition leaders, such as Pawan Khera from the Congress and Saket Gokhale from the Trinamool Congress, also criticised the aviation minister and the regulator for operational and communication failures.

    Mr Gokhale asked the government to initiate an enquiry into the “operational breakdown” of IndiGo on Saturday and Sunday, alleging that it could not “be blamed solely on the fog in northern India”.

    “There are horror tales of travellers from other parts of India who faced the same problems,” he said.

    Some of the stories of disruption came from Bollywood celebrities.

    Actor Ranvir Shorey posted on X that his IndiGo flight was more than 10 hours late, leaving him in a difficult situation as he had to get back home to his son. He said he would file a complaint against IndiGo.

    On Saturday, actress Radhika Apte said she and her co-passengers were locked inside an aerobridge at the Mumbai airport for hours without access to water and toilets after a delay in their IndiGo flight to Bhubaneshwar in Orissa state.

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    Capgemini: Majority of business leaders optimistic about their growth in 2024

    83% plan to increase investments in digital tools and technology, in particular AI
    50% see climate change as biggest driver of operational disruption over next decade

    Business leaders are starting 2024 with an increased level of optimism about their organization’s future growth compared to 12 months ago, according to a report released today….Continue Reading

    Penang’s residents, businesses air complaints over 4-day water shutdown, posing test for its embattled chief minister

    EFFORTS TO STORE AND SAVE WATER 

    In the days leading up to the water shutdown, Penangites shared images of water-filled containers on social media. 

    “As a resident affected by this water disruption, I have … (stored) as much water as I can within the limited space of my single-storey terrace house,” said a netizen when asked by CNA on the measures that they are taking to ensure a sufficient supply of water. 

    Meanwhile, Mr Joel, who lives in George Town, told CNA that he has taken to storing tap water and stocking up on drinking water. 

    “We will (also) be eating out more at eateries which are open … and (will) pile up our dirty laundries for later,” said the 50-year-old teacher. 

    A representative from local cafe Halzan noted that many affected people will likely choose to dine out to conserve water. 

    “We see this as a business opportunity as a lot of households might choose to dine in or take away food, rather than cook at home,” they said. 

    The cafe operates under a hotel and the representative estimates the hotel’s water storage can sustain the cafe’s business operations for up to two days. 

    “We have also set aside some water for personal use and (hope that it will be) sufficient to help us get through this period,” they added. “Worse comes to worst, we will serve (our food and drinks) using paper plates and paper cups to reduce the water consumption.”

    Some businesses and schools have also instructed their workers and students not to come in during the water shutdown. 

    Ms Angela – a 37-year-old marketing executive who resides in Penang – told CNA that while her housing estate will not be affected by the water shutdown, her and her husband’s workplaces, as well as their children’s schools, are in the affected areas. 

    “We have been asked to work and study from home but I am glad that this decision was made as I would prefer the kids to be home … as (our home) isn’t affected by the water shutdown,” she said. 

    PRESSURE ON PIPES AND PENANG’S CHIEF MINISTER 

    The chief minister had previously mentioned that the shutdown could be considered a state “emergency situation.” However, he stated that as the pipes were at constant risk of rupture due to high water pressure he wasn’t prepared to avoid action. 

    “I could have closed my eyes and left it to a future candidate for chief minister to resolve the problem,” Mr Chow said to Free Malaysia Today. “But as leader of the state government and chairman of the Penang Water Supply Company (PBAPP), it is necessary for me to do this to prevent more severe losses for the people.” 

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    Why the Taiwan election matters

    Supporters wave flags during KMT rallyGetty Images

    All eyes will be on Taiwan when the self-governing island of 23 million people goes to the polls on 13 January.

    Whoever is elected president on Saturday will shape relations with both Beijing and Washington – Taiwan is a key flashpoint in their tussle for power in this region.

    And it will also have crucial implications for the island’s neighbours as well as allies like Japan who are wary of Beijing’s aggressive moves in the South China Sea.

    The China factor

    China is among the top concerns for most voters, given that its People’s Liberation Army has dialled up pressure on the island over the past year with a record number of incursions.

    Beijing has long claimed the island, but ties have especially soured in recent years under President Tsai Ing-wen and her Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

    Her careful but unwavering defence of the island’s sovereign status led to China suspending formal communications with Taiwan – Beijing said it was because of Taiwan’s refusal to accept the One China principle, which is the belief that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China and will be unified with it one day.

    Things got worse in 2022, when then US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taipei infuriated Beijing – it staged elaborate military drills in the Taiwan Strait that resembled a near-blockade of the island. Later that year, the US said Xi Jinping had sped up the timeline for unification.

    During this time, Taiwan has grown close to the US, including securing billions of dollars in new weapons from Washington.

    The DPP’s vice-president William Lai, who has been pegged as the frontrunner in the presidential race, is deeply disliked by Beijing. It sees him as an advocate for Taiwan independence, based on his younger, more vocal days, but he now rejects that description.

    If the DPP wins an unprecedented third straight term, Beijing could up the ante on military pressure in the Taiwan Strait. It could also cut internet cables or supply routes to outlying Taiwanese islands.

    Mr Xi and his foreign minister Wang Yi have repeatedly warned that the Chinese military is prepared to take Taiwan by force if necessary. But many experts believe that the prospect of a full-blown war is low, at least for now, given how much it would cost China when its own economy is struggling.

    Beyond China

    Any escalation between China and Taiwan runs the risk of turning into something bigger and more dangerous – the US has a big naval presence in the region, and bases from Australia in the south to Japan in the north.

    Washington is yet to clarify exactly what form its support will take in the event of a Chinese attack – and it’s unclear if Japan, which hosts the largest concentration of US troops in the region, will itself fight.

    People fly a lantern in New Taipei, bearing their wishes for peace on the island

    Getty Images

    Washington hopes the possibility of its involvement will deter Chinese aggression. And many analysts say Beijing also wants to avoid conflict, pointing to its refrain of “peaceful unification”.

    Managing these many possibilities and alliances – and crucially the US relationship, which could very well change if Donald Trump wins the presidency – will fall to Taiwan’s next president.

    The US has said a win for the opposition – Kuomintang (KMT) – could increase Chinese sway over Taiwan. But analysts say a Lai presidency also worries Washington.

    If it happens, a war in Taiwan would be devastating – both in its human toll and as a blow to the island’s democracy.

    It would also devastate the global economy. Close to half of the world’s container ships pass through the Taiwan Strait every year, making it a critical hub for international trade.

    Taiwan also makes most of the semiconductors that power modern life, from cars to refrigerators to phones. Any disruption to this would paralyse the global supply chain. Sanctions against China would only aggravate the damage to the global economy.

    According to several estimates, a complete disruption of China’s trade would reduce world trade in added value by $2.6tn, or 3% of the world’s gross domestic product.

    Mending ties with China, Taiwan’s biggest threat but also its biggest trade partner, is a top agenda for whoever governs the island. Cost of living and jobs are major domestic issues on the ballot.

    Analysts expect a divided government, where the executive and legislative will be controlled by different parties. Despite the possibility of political gridlock, some are hopeful that a more experienced DPP and a less powerful KMT could strike the right balance between spurring the economy and keeping peace with China.

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    Fed easing, BOJ tapering calls look like losing bets

    TOKYO — For the Bank of Japan and US Federal Reserve, what a difference a week makes.

    As 2023 ended, the BOJ was almost universally seen as “tapering” on the way to exiting quantitative easing (QE). Governor Kazuo Ueda’s team was viewed as setting the stage for a pivot that would send the yen skyrocketing.

    Markets were convinced, too, that Fed Chairman Jerome Powell would be easing three times or more this year. Perhaps more as inflation pressures recede thanks to the highest US yields in 17 years undermining gross domestic product (GDP).

    These rather pragmatic predictions have collided head-on with 2024. First came a 7.6 magnitude earthquake that further shook confidence in Japan’s government and economic outlook.

    Then, four days later, came news that the US added a greater-than-expected 216,000 non-farm payroll jobs in December. It capped off a buoyant year for the US labor market and rapidly altered expectations for Fed rate cuts.

    This U-turn in economic reality has the yen falling rather than rallying. And it’s delaying, at least for now, any plunge in the US. As these most crowded late 2023 trades go awry, Asia is reappraising economic trajectories.

    For one thing, if the Fed fails to lower borrowing costs with the haste investors hope, Asian markets could give up gains driven by those very expectations.

    In December, emerging markets from Jakarta to Sao Paulo enjoyed confidence-boosting rallies on hints by the Fed that US rate cuts are imminent. In Tokyo, the Nikkei Stock Average’s recent return to 33-year highs was predicated in part on anticipated powerful Fed rates to come.

    Expectations for a big Fed pivot also had officials in Beijing breathing easier. Last month, Chinese leader Xi Jinping looked forward to a period when his team could address a property crisis, deflationary pressures and record youth unemployment without headwinds from Fed headquarters in Washington.

    But are Asian markets sufficiently positioned for the likely disappointments to come? Odds are they’re not.

    “Solid employment gains, low unemployment and sticky wages suggest no immediate need for Federal Reserve rate cuts,” says economist James Knightley at ING Bank.

    US Federal Reserve Board chairman Jerome Powell may hold rates steady in 2024. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP / Mandel Ngan

    This argument, though, is being made even before the real spoilers that could confound bond markets and, by extension, equity valuations as 2024 unfolds.

    One is surprisingly robust US labor conditions adding upward pressure on wages. The December jobs data showed the extent to which wage gains are outpacing inflation.

    Average US hourly earnings rose 4.1% over the past year compared with a 3.1% national inflation rate. The risk is that this dynamic blows up today’s investor optimism about a “soft landing” in the globe’s biggest economy.

    As economist Mark Zandi at Moody’s Analytics points out, Americans’ real purchasing power is improving, and consistently so. This, he argues, is having a lagging effect on overall confidence.

    In the post-Covid-19 period in 2021 and 2022, US households “got creamed” as inflation outpaced wages, Zandi notes. That shock, he says, explains why many are still “so uncomfortable with their financial position.” Now, he adds, things are “improving very quickly as wage growth remains strong.”

    This dynamic may give the Fed pause as the world’s most-watched central bank mulls an about-face in policy. Hitting the monetary accelerator prematurely would squander the effects of the most aggressive Fed tightening since the mid-1990s.

    As such, says strategist Matthew Ryan at global financial services firm Ebury, “we stand by our stance that calls for a first US rate cut in March are premature and that the Fed will need to see more evidence of a cooling in the jobs market, particularly in wages, to have confidence in achieving its medium-term inflation objective.”

    George Mateyo, chief investment officer at Key Private Bank, concurs. The US, he says, “closed out the year on a high note, with stronger than expected labor market trends,” meaning the Fed maintains a “higher for longer” crouch for the foreseeable future.

    Mateyo’s bottom line: Those “who thought the Fed will be aggressively cutting rates in 2024 will need to walk back their forecasts.”

    The view, of course, isn’t universal. Kelvin Wong, an analyst at OANDA, points to hints in recent data that 11 Fed rate hikes in less than 20 months are having a cumulatively negative effect on US growth.

    “Overall,” Wong says, “the mixed US jobs report for December has indicated the prior US Federal Reserve’s interest rate hike cycle has started to inflict some adverse impact on the labor market, which in turn keeps the expectation of a Fed dovish pivot alive in 2024.”

    Tom Orlik, global chief economist at Bloomberg Economics, adds that “central banks are looking forward to a victory lap as inflation tracks back to target with only a modest blow to growth. Markets cheering the policy pivot will provide the appropriate soundtrack.”

    Yet the plot for such debates thickens when considering the geopolitical hellscape that might lie ahead in 2024.

    The number of flashpoints that could boost energy and food prices anew is increasing by the day. Top risks include Russia intensifying attacks in Ukraine, Saudi Arabia’s determination to slash oil production among OPEC+ members and the Israel-Hamas war widening into a full-blown regional catastrophe.

    Israeli soldiers pictured on a tank at the Israel-Gaza border. Picture: CNBC Screengrab / Picture Alliance

    News in late 2023 that the US military responded to attacks by Iran-backed Houthi militants by sinking a number of ships raised the stakes for a wider Middle East conflagration. Any extended disruption in shipping patterns near the Suez Canal would have central banks everywhere rethinking inflation risks.

    Not surprisingly, the Middle East stands among Ian Bremmer’s top global risks for 2024.

    “All these pathways pose risks to the global economy,” warns Bremmer, CEO of the Eurasia Group political risk advisory. “Most of the world’s largest shipping companies have already suspended transit through the Red Sea in response to the Houthi strikes, paralyzing a critical waterway that sees 12% of global trade pass through it.”

    Bremmer adds that “ongoing Houthi attacks will keep freight insurance rates elevated, disrupt global supply chains and create inflationary pressure. In addition, the closer the conflict comes to Iran, the greater the risk of disruptions to oil flows in both the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, pushing crude prices higher.”

    At the same time, Bremmer notes, any moves by Israel, the US or others to block Iran’s 1.4 million barrels per day of oil exports via sanctions or military strikes “would provoke retaliation by Tehran that puts larger volumes of oil and LNG exports from the region at risk.”

    Even if this worst-case scenario, a closure of the Strait of Hormuz, remains a “very low probability,” Bremmer says, the mere specter could spook investors.

    All this is complicating the BOJ’s 2024, and fast. After taking the BOJ reins last April, Governor Ueda passed up numerous opportunities to signal an end to 23 years of QE.

    There were several moments in 2023 when global markets — and, grudgingly, Tokyo’s political establishment — were primed for a BOJ shift away from ultraloose monetary stimulus. Ueda demurred, opting instead for only technical tweaks.

    There’s been a question for years about how ready Japan Inc was for an end to the free-money gravy train. In 2013, Ueda’s predecessor Haruhiko Kuroda was hired to expand a QE program first introduced in 2001.

    Kuroda acted fast to grow the BOJ’s balance sheet. His team cornered the government bond market and became the biggest investor in Japanese stocks, topping the gigantic US$1.6 trillion Government Pension Investment Fund.

    Such largesse, though, has a way of warping a financial system. Over time, trading in Japanese government bonds (JGBs) all but seized up. There have been countless days in recent years when not a single debt issue traded in the secondary market.

    Thus when the highest inflation in 40 years arrived in 2022, JGB yields didn’t spike the way they did in the US and Europe. One reason: the unusually high percentage of bonds held by banks, companies, local governments, pension and insurance funds, universities, endowments, the postal savings system and retirees reduces incentives to sell.

    In December 2022, Kuroda tiptoed up to signaling a move away from QE by letting 10-year yields rise as high as 0.5%. It shook global markets and sent the yen skyrocketing. That prompted Kuroda’s BOJ to increase bond purchases to communicate that QE wasn’t going away.

    Ueda read from the same playbook in 2023 as he moved to let 10-year yields top 0.5% and then 1%. Both times, the BOJ scrambled immediately after to intervene in markets to avoid a jump in JGB rates. Absent, though, are concrete signs that Ueda sees room to begin wrapping up QE in 2024.

    Bank of Japan Governor Kazuo Ueda may hold steady on QE for now. Image: Twitter / Screengrab

    Reports this week that Tokyo inflation slowed for a second month in December, a sign that cost-push inflation is easing, gives Ueda cause to stand pat. Last week’s earthquake, which killed 168, adds to the reasons why Ueda might not act.

    So is the high likelihood that Japan ended 2023 in recession. And with Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s approval rating at 17%, will Ueda think now is the time for a revolutionary change in the BOJ’s stance?

    “We continue to expect that the timing of elimination of the negative interest rate policy is close, though uncertainty related to the earthquake has risen,” says Takeshi Yamaguchi, chief Japan economist at Morgan Stanley MUFG.

    Economist Daisuke Karakama at Mizuho Bank thinks that the BOJ stepping away from negative rates in the first half 2024 has “become doubtful.”

    So has virtually everything markets thought they knew about Asia’s 2024 and where the BOJ and Fed would be taking global interest rates.

    Follow William Pesek on X, formerly Twitter, at @WilliamPesek

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