Spanish triple murder linked to online romance scam

Facade of the house where three elderly siblings were found murdered and burned, on 19 January, 2024 in Morata de Tajuña, Madrid, SpainAlejandro Martinez Velez/Europa Press

Spanish police are investigating the circumstances surrounding the murder of three elderly siblings and its connection to an online romance scam that two of them were caught up in.

The civil guard have arrested a 42-year-old man of Pakistani origin, identified as Dilawar Hussain F.C.

They said he handed himself in and confessed to the murders.

The bodies of siblings Amelia, 67, Ángeles, 74, and José Gutiérrez Ayuso, 77, were found at their home last week.

They had been partially burned.

The three lived together in Morata de Tajuña, a town of around 8,000 inhabitants south-east of Madrid.

The civil guard said the motive of the crime appeared to be a debt the siblings had with the suspect, linked to the sisters’ apparent involvement in an online scam.

Friends and neighbours of the siblings have told local media of how Ángeles and Amelia had been engaged for several years in online relationships with people claiming to be men from the US.

According to these reports, the two women had sent up to €400,000 (£340,000) to a man they knew as “Edward”, supposedly in the US military, and a friend of his. At least some of their contact with these people was via Facebook.

José Gutiérrez Ayuso, who had a mental disability, was not involved in the sending of the money.

These relationships had exhausted the siblings’ finances, causing the sisters to ask local people for money and approach informal lenders. They even asked the mayor and priest of Morata de Tajuña for money, according to Spain’s ABC newspaper.

Mr Hussain had got to know the siblings when he lived in their home as a lodger for several months. He told police that the sisters owed him a large sum of money which he had given them as a high-interest loan but which they had failed to pay back.

Mr Hussain attacked Amelia twice when still living in her home, the second time in February of 2023 with a hammer, causing her to require medical attention. He received a two-year jail sentence and a restraining order but was released after seven months last September.

Police entered the home of the three siblings on Thursday, after neighbours said they had not seen or heard from them for several weeks.

Enrique Velilla, a local man who was a friend of the siblings, said that the women’s insistence on sending money to their supposed boyfriends had caused them to sell a property they owned in Madrid.

He also said that their requests for money had caused their bank to warn them about a possible scam.

“We told them that it was all a lie, that it was a scam,” he said. “But they didn’t want to hear the word ‘scam’.”

He added: “Ángeles was a teacher and Amelia had an education. They weren’t stupid. They were ordinary people who fell in love.”

Further support via BBC Action Line

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Moody’s reminds China’s pain will be widely shared – Asia Times

Moody’s Investors Service was something of a thorn in global policymakers’ sides in 2023. From Beijing to Washington, the ratings giant fired any number of shots across the bows of the biggest economies.

In mid-November, it lowered America’s credit outlook to “negative” from “stable”, pointing to political polarization in Congress as the US national debt topped US$34 trillion. Three weeks later, Moody’s cut its outlook for Chinese sovereign debt to “negative,” citing a slowing economy and a property sector crisis that Beijing has been slow to address.

Now, Moody’s is reminding Asia of the economic trauma 2024 may have in store as China’s slowdown imperils sovereign creditworthiness across the region.

Moody’s thinks the fallout from China’s property troubles on business and household confidence makes hopes for 5% economic growth in 2024 overly optimistic. It sees mainland gross domestic product (GDP) slowing to 4% this year and next.

For an economy at China’s level of development, such a downshift from the 6% growth averaged from 2014 to 2023 will set back living standards. And it will exacerbate the debt troubles Moody’s flagged last month, both among developers and local governments around the nation. It also may spark legitimacy problems for Xi Jinping’s Communist Party.

China’s slowdown “significantly influences” regional economic trajectories via supply chains, Moody’s says. “As these economies’ respective manufacturing bases are smaller in scale and less developed than China’s, the latter will remain at the center of many of the region’s supply chains and an important source of final demand in the near term.”

True, Moody’s argues that “against this backdrop, we expect companies to continue to diversify supply chains away from China to better manage risks around overarching geostrategic tensions, but also in response to longer-term structural trends.”

These “include population aging and policy risks in China – as illustrated in internet platforms and private education sector regulatory changes – as well as the rapid expansion of the middle class in India,” Moody’s says.

“The diversification trend,” Moody’s goes on, “has accelerated in recent years, boosting investment prospects in economies with large manufacturing bases and improving infrastructure such as India, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam.”

But such pivots take time to execute. Rerouting trade routes is complicated in the best of times and even more so in relatively tight global credit conditions.

In recent weeks, traders have dialed back expectations for US Federal Reserve interest rate cuts. The People’s Bank of China, meanwhile, has been far less generous about adding liquidity than most economists, analysts and investors expected.

China is keeping a cap on liquidity despite slowing growth and a deep property crisis. Photo: Facebook Screengrab

In addition to the “lackluster situation in China,” says Moody’s analyst Christian De Guzman, tight credit conditions are an added headwind for the region.

“This,” De Guzman told CNBC, “is predicated on global liquidity conditions where we really don’t see the Fed easing until the middle of the year. And Asia-Pacific central banks – we don’t see much decoupling [from] global liquidity conditions there.”

It’s not just that China may be less of a global economic engine going forward. In 2023, Chinese imports contracted by 5.5% amid weak domestic demand. That means China’s 5.2% economic growth rate in 2023 didn’t generate much of a tailwind in Asia.

The bigger problem is how China’s financial risks may stress-test a region still dealing with the fallout from the Covid-19 era. In recent years, governments and companies borrowed aggressively to recover from the pandemic.

In its report, Moody’s warns that elevated global interest rates will worsen debt-servicing burdens. The upshot is that gaining access to international capital will become increasingly more difficult for lower-rated governments.

That will be a problem for China as much as anywhere, if not more. It’s sure to have a cooling effect on President Xi’s economy, notes Moody’s economist Harry Murphy Cruise.

“Real estate investment, dwelling prices and new dwelling sales are set to fall throughout 2024 before returning as a modest driver of growth in 2025,” he predicts.

Yet this could reflect wishful thinking if Xi’s team doesn’t act more forcefully this year to repair the property sector, including by creating a credible mechanism to get bad assets off balance sheets. A similar effort is needed to address the $9 trillion buildup of local government financing vehicle (LGFV) debt.

As these headwinds intensify, the Asia-Pacific region’s sovereign creditworthiness in general is deteriorating. These “tight international funding conditions will curb the region’s output,” Moody’s warns.

For its constellation of 25 sovereigns in the region, Moody’s sees GDP growth falling to an average 3.6% in 2024 from 4.2% last year. That, the rating agency’s analysts say, marks the “lowest rate of expansion in a non-pandemic year in at least two decades – reflecting a slowdown in China and broadly lackluster global economic conditions.”

Slower growth, Moody’s adds, will make it even harder for most governments to reduce Covid-era increases in public debt.

“Together with tight domestic labor markets, this will spur many APAC central banks to maintain tight monetary policy and mitigate currency depreciation risks,” Moody’s says. “International financing will remain difficult for lower-rated sovereigns, particularly frontier markets with large external payment needs.”

On Monday, China’s Premier Li Qiang called for more assertive steps to halt the plunge in mainland stocks, which are now at a five-year low. That’s easier said than done as global investors react to deepening deflationary pressures and a festering property crisis many economists compare to Japan’s banking debacle in the 1990s.

China’s mini-crash is slamming stocks in Hong Kong, too. The city’s discount to mainland peers is now the most extreme in 15 years — roughly 36%.

Even if the PBOC were to begin easing suddenly — something it’s avoided doing so far — the moves have already been priced in the market, says Eva Lee, head of Greater China equities at UBS Global Wealth Management. Only a much “punchier” monetary response might stabilize the situation, she adds.

Green is down and red is up on China’s stock market ticker boards. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP

Global “passive” funds are becoming far more assertive in hedging China risks. “Their recent selling did amplify the downside pressure,” says analyst Gilbert Wong at Morgan Stanley.

The reason is that “the Chinese government has not yet introduced effective measures to resolve the property turmoil and drive the economic recovery,” says strategist Ken Cheung at Mizuho Bank. This, he adds, has overseas investors continuing to “reduce their risk exposure” amid “bearish expectations” for China’s outlook.

Here, expectations versus reality are becoming a problem for investor sentiment. Generally, Premier Li has “doused” hopes for further support measures, notes Brian Martin, an analyst at ANZ Research.

As Li “trumpeted the nations’ ability to hit its 5% growth target without flooding the economy with massive stimulus,” investors were left fearing Beijing had lost the plot, he said.

Surely, Xi’s inner circle may have valid reasons to be confident about China’s 2024. It’s entirely possible that the economic dashboard Xi’s men are viewing suggests aggregate demand will bounce back sooner than most investors believe.

At the same time, Xi’s party is loath to squander progress made in financial system deleveraging. Beijing’s determination not to reward bad behavior and poor lending decisions is to be applauded. Still, if China’s trajectory is less dire than markets think, Xi’s team is doing a poor job spreading the news.

Even taking a glass-half-full approach to China’s 2023 performance requires an asterisk. “While the economy did beat the official target, it could have scored a higher grade through a more forceful response to the property meltdown and greater commitment to the private sector,” says Tianchen Xu, a senior economist at the Economist Intelligence Unit.

Downward pressure on the yuan also suggests the economy is less vibrant than Beijing’s spin would have investors believe. On Monday, Reuters reported that major state-owned banks are propping up the exchange rate. The rationale, Reuters notes, is to disincentivize traders from shorting China’s currency.

A deeper drop in the yuan might also add to default risks among distressed property developers and intensify selling of China’s A shares. So far this year, overseas funds have dumped upwards of $1.6 billion worth of Chinese equities.

“The PBOC has stepped up its efforts to restrain dollar-yuan through the daily fix lately, and this is keeping a lid on” the exchange rate “at the 7.20 level,” says Alvin Tan, head of Asia FX strategy at RBC Capital Markets. “But I think it should give way to the upside soon.”

In recent days, Tan notes, the PBOC and Beijing’s foreign exchange regulator stepped up to “strengthen market expectation guidance and take actions to correct pro-cyclical and one-way market behaviors when necessary.”

Julian Evans-Pritchard, head of China economics at Capital Economics, says the PBOC’s decision Monday to hold benchmark lending rates steady proves that policymakers “appear to harbor lingering concerns” about the yuan.

“A cut at this stage could trigger additional depreciation pressure, something the PBOC wants to avoid,” Evans-Pritchard says. “Therefore, it may stick to quantitative easing tools for now,” including supplementary lending efforts.

This, too, is part of Xi’s desire not to derail success in building trust in the yuan. A stable exchange rate remains key to making China Asia’s top financial power. As such, Xi appears to care more about a strong currency than rising stocks.

There are also geopolitical threats to consider as US voters choose a new president in November. As US President Joe Biden looks to outflank Republicans loyal to Donald Trump by being tough on China, new sanctions could emerge.

US President Joe Biden and former president Donald Trump are expected to go head to head on China issues on the campaign trail. Image: X Screengrab

Tensions in the Red Sea and Russia intensifying its Ukraine war could boost energy prices and thus inflationary pressures in the year ahead.

All this puts sovereign ratings across Asia in harm’s way. A bigger trade war is a particular wildcard. As Washington and Beijing face off in the year ahead and related risks become “more prominent,” Moody’s warns, Asian governments will find it increasingly difficult to maintain financial balance.

Moody’s adds that “competition between China and the US is resulting in regionalization of trade and shifts in economic and financial influence” in the longer run. In the shorter run, though, such disruption is another reason for investors to worry about threats to sovereign ratings in 2024.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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Japan’s Princess Aiko to begin work at Red Cross upon graduation

Japan's Princess Aiko, daughter of Emperor Naruhito and Empress Masako, greets members of the media on the occasion of her coming-of-ageGetty Images

Princess Aiko, the only child of Japan’s Emperor Naruhito, will begin work at the Japanese Red Cross Society in April after graduating from university.

While details of her new role are unclear, she will continue official duties with the imperial family.

The 22-year-old princess is not in line of succession as Japanese law allows only men to ascend to the throne.

Japan has the oldest continuing hereditary monarchy in the world.

In a statement, Princess Aiko said that she has “always had an interest” in the Red Cross, while her new employer added that it wants “to thoroughly make preparations so that the princess can work at ease”.

The organisation has close ties with the imperial family, with previous empresses serving as honorary presidents.

In October, Princess Aiko visited the society with her parents to observe an exhibition on its relief activities following the 1923 Tokyo earthquake. In recent years, she has also expressed her sympathies to victims and survivors of natural disasters in Japan.

She is currently in her final year of study at Gakushuin University’s Faculty of Letters, majoring in Japanese language and literature. The princess is generally well regarded by the Japanese public, many of whom have welcomed her new role.

‘Career woman’ mother

Princess Aiko’s mother, Empress Masako, is known as a “career woman” princess and empress in Japan.

Educated at Harvard and Oxford, the empress is a former diplomat fluent in several languages.

In 1993, she became only the second commoner, after former Empress Michiko, to marry the first in line to the Japanese throne.

But once married, speculation raged over if and when she would produce a male heir.

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The birth of Princess Aiko in 2001 was much celebrated but did not resolve the succession issue.

The Japanese government then began debating whether to change the law to allow women to ascend to the throne.

Five years later, Emperor Naruhito’s younger brother welcomed a baby boy, Prince Hisahito, to avert the succession crisis.

But the pressure on then Crown Princess Masako was evident as she disappeared from public view for more than a decade.

In 2004, then Crown Prince Naruhito told journalists in unusually strong comments that his wife had “completely exhausted herself” trying to adapt to palace life.

The palace then announced that the princess was suffering from an “adjustment disorder”, widely assumed to be a reference to depression.

Japanese imperial family tree

Tabloid coverage

In recent years, the family of Prince Hisahito, who is second in line to the throne after his father, has attracted much coverage by Japanese tabloids.

His older sister, former princess Mako, married a commoner, Kei Komuro, and moved to the US after leaving the imperial family.

An alleged money dispute between Mr Komuro’s mother and her former fiancé, who claimed mother and son had failed to repay a debt to him, almost threatened their marriage as public perception of the couple soured.

Mr Komuro’s New York state bar exam results were treated as breaking news in Japan until he passed on his third try in 2022.

Japans former princess Mako Komuro and Princess Kiko, and her husband Kei Komuro walk to their departure gate for their flight to New York.

Getty Images

The tabloid spotlight on the Akishino family has meant that local media often makes comparisons between the princesses.

When Princess Aiko was asked about her cousin Princess Mako’s marriage in 2022, she said: “For me, marriage still seems far in the future and I haven’t really thought of it. I have no particular thought of my ideal partner, but (the ability to) make each other smile seems perfect.”

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Want to place your CPF savings in a fixed deposit? Here’s what you need to know

ARE THERE OTHER OPTIONS?

An alternative is Treasury bills (T-bills), which are short-term debt securities issued and backed by the Singapore government. 

These government securities became a hit among retail investors over the past two years as yields shot up in line with the aggressive rate hikes pursued by central banks.

T-bill yields hit a more than 30-year high of 4.4 per cent in December 2022, but have since come down to mostly hover around the 3.7 to 3.8 per cent range amid a shift in interest rate directions. For example, the latest six-month T-bill auction on Jan 18 had a cut-off yield of 3.7 per cent.

Still, that is much higher than the fixed deposit offerings by banks. T-bills also have a lower minimum investment sum of S$1,000.

But some investors may prefer fixed deposits over T-bills given the certainty of returns, said Mr Wong.

T-bill yields are determined by an auction process. While interest rate trends help to chart a general trajectory, yields can also be affected by demand and supply dynamics, he added.

This is because in a T-bill auction, up to 40 per cent of the total issuance amount will first be allotted to non-competitive bids. The rest of the issuance amount will be awarded to competitive bids, starting from the lowest to the highest yields submitted.

The highest accepted yield among the successful competitive bids determines the cut-off yield for that auction.

Mr Aizat said T-bills remain a favourable option but with yields likely to trend lower, it may be time for investors to reduce the weightage of these government securities in their portfolios.

Beyond fixed deposits and government securities like T-bills, CPF members can also invest in unit trusts, investment-linked insurance products, funds and shares approved under the CPF investment scheme. 

There are limits on the amount investors can put into stocks and gold – at 35 per cent of one’s investible savings in stocks and 10 per cent in gold.

Given that these are more risky assets, investors should know their own financial goals and risk appetites. Investing in a diversified manner is another good rule of thumb, said Mr Aizat.

Investors should also understand macroeconomic trends and study the impact on individual sectors or companies to make a sound decision, he added.

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What you need to know about placing your CPF savings in a fixed deposit

ARE THERE OTHER OPTIONS?

An alternative is Treasury bills (T-bills), which are short-term debt securities issued and backed by the Singapore government. 

These government securities became a hit among retail investors over the past two years as yields shot up in line with the aggressive rate hikes pursued by central banks.

T-bill yields hit a more than 30-year high of 4.4 per cent in December 2022, but have since come down to mostly hover around the 3.7 to 3.8 per cent range amid a shift in interest rate directions. For example, the latest six-month T-bill auction on Jan 18 had a cut-off yield of 3.7 per cent.

Still, that is much higher than the fixed deposit offerings by banks. T-bills also have a lower minimum investment sum of S$1,000.

But some investors may prefer fixed deposits over T-bills given the certainty of returns, said Mr Wong.

T-bill yields are determined by an auction process. While interest rate trends help to chart a general trajectory, yields can also be affected by demand and supply dynamics, he added.

This is because in a T-bill auction, up to 40 per cent of the total issuance amount will first be allotted to non-competitive bids. The rest of the issuance amount will be awarded to competitive bids, starting from the lowest to the highest yields submitted.

The highest accepted yield among the successful competitive bids determines the cut-off yield for that auction.

Mr Aizat said T-bills remain a favourable option but with yields likely to trend lower, it may be time for investors to reduce the weightage of these government securities in their portfolios.

Beyond fixed deposits and government securities like T-bills, CPF members can also invest in unit trusts, investment-linked insurance products, funds and shares approved under the CPF investment scheme. 

There are limits on the amount investors can put into stocks and gold – at 35 per cent of one’s investible savings in stocks and 10 per cent in gold.

Given that these are more risky assets, investors should know their own financial goals and risk appetites. Investing in a diversified manner is another good rule of thumb, said Mr Aizat.

Investors should also understand macroeconomic trends and study the impact on individual sectors or companies to make a sound decision, he added.

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Senate set to grill govt on its policies

Motion without a final vote tabled

Senate set to grill govt on its policies
Seree: Has seven key issues in mind

Ninety-eight senators filed a motion yesterday for a general debate without a vote on the government’s performance next month.

Senator Seree Suwanpanont said the group will raise seven issues over two days relating to policies the government announced in parliament and compare them to promises made during the election campaign.

He was aware that the government had been in office only four months, “but there are many problems which warrant discussion in parliament”.

Mr Seree said these issues included the digital wallet scheme, which would incur a 500-billion-baht debt for the state, and discrimination in the justice system.

“The upcoming debate is not meant to topple the government or fault it over failures,” he said.

“In fact, the session will galvanise the government into working harder for the people,” the senator said, adding the Senate would launch such scrutiny regardless of who the sitting prime minister is.

Turning to the digital wallet scheme, Mr Seree said the people were entitled to know if the policy would create an excessive financial burden on the country or contain loopholes.

“Personally, I find the reasons underpinning the policy as being detrimental to the country,” he said.

Mr Seree said the Senate did not mount a similar general debate against the previous Prayut Chan-o-cha administration because of the Covid-19 pandemic. The Senate also did not come across many problems with the administration, he said.

Senate Speaker Pornpetch Wichitcholchai said the senators who filed the motion wanted two days for the general debate next month.

He explained the Senate secretariat office would consult the cabinet to set the date for the debate. The motion filed yesterday has been taken up for vetting immediately.

The constitution requires that one-third or more senators support a motion for a general debate to demand the government clarify issues relating to national administration. This requires 84 senators. Ninety-eight signed the motion.

The military-appointed Senate of 250 members has a five-year term, ending in May this year.

The motion sponsored by the 98 senators takes aim at the government’s performances in seven areas since it officially declared its policies to parliament on Sept 10 last year.

The senators have accused the government of failing to tackle critical problems facing the country as promised in the policy statement.

The seven areas pertain to bread and butter issues, preserving justice and law enforcement, stemming runaway energy prices, failing to implement education reform under the new Education Act, neglecting to adequately provide safety for tourists, being unclear about the need to implement a proposed charter amendment and its lack of commitment to follow through with a national strategy.

It was noted the 98 senators came from various groups among the Upper House members.

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Senate set to grill government on its policies

Motion without a final vote tabled

Senate set to grill government on its policies
Seree: Has seven key issues in mind

Ninety-eight senators filed a motion on Monday for a general debate without a vote on the government’s performance next month.

Senator Seree Suwanpanont said the group will raise seven issues over two days relating to policies the government announced in parliament and compare them to promises made during the election campaign.

He was aware that the government had been in office only four months, “but there are many problems which warrant discussion in parliament”.

Mr Seree said these issues included the digital wallet scheme, which would incur a 500-billion-baht debt for the state, and discrimination in the justice system.

“The upcoming debate is not meant to topple the government or fault it over failures,” he said.

“In fact, the session will galvanise the government into working harder for the people,” the senator said, adding the Senate would launch such scrutiny regardless of who the sitting prime minister is.

Turning to the digital wallet scheme, Mr Seree said the people were entitled to know if the policy would create an excessive financial burden on the country or contain loopholes.

“Personally, I find the reasons underpinning the policy as being detrimental to the country,” he said.

Mr Seree said the Senate did not mount a similar general debate against the previous Prayut Chan-o-cha administration because of the Covid-19 pandemic. The Senate also did not come across many problems with the administration, he said.

Senate Speaker Pornpetch Wichitcholchai said the senators who filed the motion wanted two days for the general debate next month.

He explained the Senate secretariat office would consult the cabinet to set the date for the debate. The motion filed on Monday has been taken up for vetting immediately.

The constitution requires that one-third or more senators support a motion for a general debate to demand the government clarify issues relating to national administration. This requires 84 senators. Ninety-eight signed the motion.

The military-appointed Senate of 250 members has a five-year term, ending in May this year.

The motion sponsored by the 98 senators takes aim at the government’s performances in seven areas since it officially declared its policies to parliament on Sept 10 last year.

The senators have accused the government of failing to tackle critical problems facing the country as promised in the policy statement.

The seven areas pertain to bread and butter issues, preserving justice and law enforcement, stemming runaway energy prices, failing to implement education reform under the new Education Act, neglecting to adequately provide safety for tourists, being unclear about the need to implement a proposed charter amendment and its lack of commitment to follow through with a national strategy.

It was noted the 98 senators came from various groups among the Upper House members.

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Muscle and mediation swirl in the South China Sea – Asia Times

The state visit to Beijing by Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr in January 2023 did not yield the momentum for bilateral ties that his predecessor’s trip in 2017 did. Barely one month after the state visit, there was a flareup in the South China Sea (SCS) with the Chinese coastguard’s lasing of its Philippine counterpart off Second Thomas Shoal.

The situation went downhill, especially after Manila publicized Beijing’s coercive behavior. There was the floating barrier incident in the Scarborough Shoal, though the focal point has centered on the Second Thomas Shoal where the Chinese and Filipinos faced off. 

Chinese forces harassed the Philippine rotation and resupply missions to the outpost and fired water cannons at the latter — the first documented instance since 2021. 2023 was eventful for SCS disputes beyond incidents between Beijing and Manila. Other Southeast Asian parties in the SCS continued business as usual. 

Malaysia and Vietnam continue to contend with regular Chinese forays into their exclusive economic zones. Hanoi silently strengthened its hold in the Spratlys through its land reclamation projects.

Extra-regional actors outside the SCS kept a constant presence. Japan is advancing defense and security links with Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam via its new Overseas Security Assistance framework.

The United States has elevated ties with Indonesia and Vietnam to comprehensive strategic partnerships. Australia and the United States commenced joint air and sea patrols with the Philippines in the SCS.

Within a month, the US Navy conducted three freedom of navigation operations which explicitly targeted Second Thomas Shoal. That might not have rolled back Beijing’s actions, but it plausibly deterred further escalatory moves against the Philippines given the risk of triggering the Mutual Defense Treaty in operation between Manila and Washington.

But 2023 was not all gloomy. In Jakarta, ASEAN and China adopted guidelines that envisaged the completion of negotiations on the proposed Code of Conduct in the SCS by 2026. In a sign of warming ties, a flurry of high-level meetings between China and the United States were held. These culminated in the Filoli summit between the two countries’ leaders in November.

With the two major powers on the cusp of reviving high-level military communications, there is a mutual desire to stabilize fractious bilateral relations and prevent tensions from ballooning into an armed conflict, not least in the SCS.

The paradox of gunboat diplomacy coexisting with softer diplomacy looks set to persist in 2024. But there are uncertainties, not least elections in the United States and Taiwan. China’s economic slowdown is projected to endure in 2024, despite some positive signs.

The country’s exports and domestic consumption remain lackluster. Local governments, property and shadow banking sectors continue to be fraught with debt problems. Some believe Beijing might externalize these domestic problems by seeking adventure in the SCS or around Taiwan’s coastline.

The contrarian view is that China is more likely to address its economic slowdown to restore the social compact that long underpinned the Communist Party’s political legitimacy. A major crisis that worsens the domestic situation is not desired, at least until China is in a more comfortable economic and technological position. 

For now, Beijing seems content with a holding pattern in the SCS — to continue muscling its maritime sovereignty using existing forms of grey zone actions that fall short of lethal force.

“Horizontal” escalation is therefore possible — China may intensify current grey-zone actions while maintaining escalation below the threshold of using force. 

The recent boat swarming in Whitsun Reef reflects the shrinking list of grey-zone options, short of vertical escalation into actions such as forcible boarding and inspection of rival claimants’ vessels which would be deemed incendiary. Despite domestic woes, Beijing might have calculated that it can comfortably play the long game in the SCS.

This state of affairs is enabled by other ASEAN parties in the SCS. Unlike Manila under Marcos Jr, other ASEAN parties have largely been silent or kept a low profile in their dealings with Beijing over the SCS issue. 

Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam all fall into this category, prioritizing economic engagements with China. Malaysia and Vietnam also took part in the China-hosted Exercise Aman Youyi 2023, reflecting their desire to maintain a balance between Beijing and other contending extra-regional actors. They believe that this approach has worked, and this looks likely to continue in 2024.

ASEAN and China envisage new gains from Code of Conduct negotiations. There are compelling reasons for both parties to do so. For ASEAN members, the code asserts the bloc’s centrality and relevance. 

Beijing views the code as a demonstration of its willingness to “jaw-jaw, not war-war.” The code also underlines its narrative that SCS littorals themselves can manage their own differences without external interference.

That said, problems that existed before Covid-19, such as differences over the geographical scope and role of non-signatories, continued into the post-pandemic restart of Code of Conduct negotiations

Complicating this is the degradation of mutual confidence and trust between China and some ASEAN parties because of SCS flare-ups since early 2020. Given this backdrop of strategic trust deficit, expectations on promulgating the code by 2026 must be tempered.

These uncertainties notwithstanding, SCS parties seem to be fully cognizant of the risks involved, especially in a premeditated conflict. They will continue to strengthen their positions in the SCS while remaining mindful of the dangers of inadvertent armed confrontation.

Collin Koh is Senior Fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

This article was originally published by East Asia Forum and is republished under a Creative Commons license. This article is part of an EAF special feature series on 2023 in review and the year ahead.

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Senators file motion for general debate on govt’s performance

Digital wallet, discrimination in justice system targeted

Senators file motion for general debate on govt's performance
Senator Seree Suwanpanont.

Ninety-eight senators on Monday filed a motion for a general debate without a vote on the government’s performance, and want two days for the debate next month.

Senator Seree Suwanpanont said the group would raise seven issues relating to the policies the government announced in the parliament, and compare them to promises made during election campagning. 

He was aware that the government had been in office only four months “but there are many problems which warrant discussion in the parliament”.

Mr Seree said these issues included the digital wallet scheme, which would incur a 500-billion-baht debt for the state, and discrimination in the justice system.

Senate Speaker Pornpetch Wichitcholchai said the senators who filed the motion wanted two days for the general debate next month.

The constitution requires that one-third or more of senators support a motion for a general debate to demand the government clarify issues relating to national administration. This requires 84 senators. Ninety-eight signed the motion. 

The military-appointed Senate of 250 members has a five-year term, which will end in May this year.

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