Many cops in serious debt

Many cops in serious debt
National police chief Pol Gen Torsak Sukvimol

Many police have fallen into debt totalling some 300 billion baht and most are on the verge of bankruptcy, said national police chief Pol Gen Torsak Sukvimol.

He was commenting in response to questions posed by the House committee reviewing the 2024 annual budget expenditure bill.

On Tuesday, the national police chief was called to answer the panel’s queries over the budget allocated to the Royal Thai Police (RTP) worth 117 billion baht.

In “opening up” to the committee, Pol Gen Torsak said many officers were in bad shape financially, having accrued some 300 billion baht in debt, and are in danger of being declared bankrupt. They were struggling to even own a house.

“Regarding welfare housing, I am asking for a budget to build central flats for officers. If their living conditions improve, they will feel more motivated to serve and protect the people,” said Pol Gen Torsak.

“Senior officers urge junior police to be more spirited in their work maintaining peace and order. However, officers’ quality of life must also meet certain standards.

“Every project undertaken by the RTP is accountable and transparent. If there is something suspicious, I will not sign it,” said Pol Gen Torsak.

He also pointed to a manpower shortage due to the Covid-19 pandemic in the past three years. A police station near Bangkok has space for up to 200 officers, for example. However, only half of the positions are currently filled.

The station, meanwhile, had to serve around 400,000 people in the communities under its jurisdiction, including the unregistered population.

Also, Pol Gen Torsak told the media that he has various units seeking ways to resolve the shortage of police investigators. He attributed the problem partly to other state agencies having borrowed police investigators to work for them.

He said replacements in several positions were needed to prevent the shortage worsening.

But until the shortage is resolved, police stations have had to reassign some staff and send others to work elsewhere to stations running critically short of staff.

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America on autopilot to self-inflicted destruction – Asia Times

At a recent hearing in the US Senate, Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas apparently had trouble understanding that a citizen of Singapore can look like a Chinese, talk like a Chinese and yet not be a member of the Communist Party of China. In Cotton’s questioning of Chew Shou Zi, the chief executive of TikTok, even the fact that Chew’s wife and children are American citizens seemed suspicious to him. 

This was all serious stuff for Cotton and his fellow senators as they probed in the name of safeguarding America’s national security against the looming threat of China. Apparently, Cotton’s Harvard education did not tell him that Singapore is thousands of kilometers from Beijing and is a sovereign nation independent of China. Or maybe he was just grandstanding to cater to the lowbrow mindset of his constituents.

At around the same time, the South China Morning Post reported that Chinese scientists had developed a “game-changing military surveillance device for electronic warfare.” In effect, the paper said, their breakthrough will enable the People’s Liberation Army to find and pinpoint the quadrants of a military target in real time with no place to hide.

This is the latest of a series of technological advances China has made in military arms that indicate it has either caught up with or surpassed the US in weapons development. Others include hypersonic missiles, stealth fighters and drones, advanced launch system on aircraft carriers, and the capacity to build many more naval vessels than the US.

While the US has been busy hunting for spies from the “whole of China” under every bed, China has been investing in hardware and software developments to neutralize American military superiority.

Each time, as China develops a counter to America’s advanced weaponry, this simply feeds US paranoia about China’s threat and causes the Pentagon gnomes to go scurrying for more budget allocations to develop the next-generation killing machine. Thus, you top me and then I will top you for topping me, and the vicious circle goes on.

The strategists and planners in Washington are also very good at creating likely scenarios based on the projection of what the Chinese would do “if I were them.” Some Pentagon generals speculate that the PLA will be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027. Suddenly, the mainland’s intent to invade becomes fact, and alarm bells ring and war preparations are begun. 

Portraying China as a menace is good for business

Of course, positioning China as a menacing threat is good for America’s protection business. Any country that believes in China as a threat becomes a client of the US security protection. The US has more than 800 military bases around the world and needs reasons for having them. 

On the other hand, the world is awakening to the realization that China is not posing a threat to anyone. It brokered a peace agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran and has have established its Belt and Road Initiative with 150 countries. Beijing does not have any military presence outside of China to speak of, unless you count a supply base in Djibouti, and it adheres to non-interference in other countries’ domestic affairs.

Even the US is rumored to have asked China to intercede on America’s behalf with Iran and the Houthis in Yemen. The Houthis have been firing missiles at American and Israeli shipping in the Red Sea, forcing the rerouting of ships around the Horn of Africa instead of going through the Suez Canal, causing significant economic disruption. 

Despite its bases around the world, the mighty American military is virtually helpless against the Houthi rebels of Yemen and has no influence on Iran. The Houthis, by taking on the Americans in sympathy with the Gaza Palestinians, have gained worldwide prestige and recognition. China was unable to offer the US any remedy other than that President Joe Biden must persuade Israel to enact an immediate ceasefire.

When the tiny island nation of Nauru switched diplomatic relations from Republic of China (aka Taiwan) to the People’s Republic of China, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken flew to visit other island states in the South Pacific asking them to hold the line and not switch their diplomatic ties. In return, he promised billions of dollars to help out the governments.

‘White man can’t be trusted’

Blinken came and left, and no money followed from Washington. The heads of Palau and the Marshall Islands got impatient and wrote to Washington, first in the form of a private communication and then by public letter telling the world that the American word of honor isn’t worth very much.

At this point, the world sees the heretofore hegemon helpless before a ragtag band of rebels, hopeless in being able to stop Israel’s genocidal actions in Gaza, and offering checks to tiny island nations that can’t be cashed.

What about the US economic competition with China begun by then-president Donald Trump as he tried to “make America great again,” which was continued and even accentuated by his successor, President Joe Biden?

First of all, Trump’s assertion that tariffs imposed on imports from China were “free” money for the US Treasury is, to anyone that took Economics 101, as ludicrous as it sounds. Yet Biden continued the tariff policy because he was afraid of offending those American voters dumb enough to believe in Trump’s free money. (Explaining that import tariffs actually hurt the taxpayer’s pocketbook is much more challenging.)

Biden also doubled down by providing incentives to bring back manufacturing to the US, or at least “nearshoring” it out of China to friendlier countries. To his credit, the US enjoyed a modest return of manufacturing that can be highly automated and does not depend on skilled production workers who are no longer found in America.

Indeed, a good portion of manufacturing of low-value goods did leave China, a popular destination being Vietnam. The work ethic of the Vietnamese is comparable to that in China and thus enjoyed some degree of success. But these operations depend on the supply chains well established in China, and many, in fact, are actually owned by Chinese companies that relocated to Vietnam. 

Recent trade data show that while China’s direct export to the US has declined, its export to Vietnam and Mexico has significantly increased, in step with the latter increase in exports to the US. In other words, the supply chain lengthened, and became less efficient in direct response to American trade policy.

China’s production of electric vehicles is taking over the world by storm, becoming the No 1 exporter of cars, having surpassed Japan, Germany and South Korea. To keep Chinese EVs from the American market, Biden has added a 25% import tariff on them. China’s answer is to build an assembly plant in Mexico.

Biden’s strategy to bring back semiconductor manufacturing has also been significantly underwhelming, for a number of reasons. 

As Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) discovered, when it acceded to US pressure and moved an advanced production line to Phoenix, Arizona, the skilled workers needed to build and run the technologically challenging plant were lacking. The startup date for the inaugural operation has been pushed back by at least a year.

TSMC was promised billions of dollars in subsidy for the relocated fab and it is still waiting for the money. Meanwhile, American born and bred Intel, with a much less advanced new fab to be built in the US, is slated to get its billions in a timely manner. The likelihood of TSMC being left holding the bag should surprise no one.

China’s ‘collapse’ contrary to reality

Pundits in the mainstream media chortled in delight as they witnessed the recent bankruptcy of China’s major real-estate holding companies. They extrapolated and predicted negative growth for China’s economy, even a total collapse – again. See, for instance, a particularly incisive dissection of such buffoonery.  

Yet a paper published this year by the Switzerland-based Center for Economic Policy Research declared that “China is now the world’s sole manufacturing superpower. Its industrial production exceeds that of the nine next largest manufacturers combined, three times as bit as the US and six times as bit as Japan. 

As the world’s manufacturing superpower, it’s no wonder that China can easily surpass the US in the making of weapons of war as well as industrial goods.

If Western observers hadn’t been so busy belittling China’s efforts, attributing progress to IP theft and copycat, they might have realized that China’s dominance in EVs, ship building, infrastructure building and high-speed train development were inevitable, as China responded to demands of a huge and growing domestic market.

Another response to competing with China is for the Biden White House to impose sanctions and export restrictions on high technology to China, in particular restrictions on access to semiconductor technology and chips for artificial intelligence.

Based on America’s prior experience with Russia, wherein economic sanctions and embargoes backfired and gave Russia a great boost in export to the world not aligned with the US and strengthened the value of ruble to new highs, Biden surely should have considered that China is too big for any effective stranglehold.

Indeed, last September Huawei surprised the US by introducing a smartphone that rivaled the latest Apple iPhone in function using its own chip design and made by a Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corp (SMIC) fab inside China. Huawei was denied access to the fab services of TSMC for three years but found a way around the restrictions.

Where there’s a will, there’s a way around

Finding ways around American sanctions and embargoes is inevitable and a matter of time.

China has a population four times that of the US, generates six times as many science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) graduates every year, and has a middle-class consumer market larger than the total population of the US.

With industrial capability three times that of the US and a workforce that is technologically up to date, why should America resent being surpassed economically?

In the meantime, other than arguing about building the wall on the southern border to keep out the illegal immigrants, I haven’t seen much accomplished in rebuilding the infrastructure in America. Laughing out loud, the only story I saw reported early this year was the restoration of the Hamilton Bridge across the East River in New York City.

This was actually completed in 2013 and done by a Chinese construction company based in nearby New Jersey during friendlier times.

The US is running out of munitions to send to Ukraine, and the Houthis by the Red Sea are annoying as hell, like a gnat that couldn’t be swatted. Washington is not going to have much luck persuading the Taipei government to provoke the dragon across the Taiwan Strait, and is facing diminishing prestige around the world by the day.

Asia Times’ David Goldman writes about “Saving America’s future from the blob.” I see the “blob” as a more graphic term for the neocons running amok in Washington raising tensions everywhere in the world in the name of protecting national security. The more tension they caused, the more orders for next generation weapons are placed with the military industrial complex.

Americans pay for the weapons by raising the national debt and printing more money. The day will come when everybody in the world recognizes the steadily declining value of the dollar and decides not to hold on to the greenback any more. Backed by the dubious full faith and credit of a fading America, the US will be in a world of hurt.

Goldman concludes that “we cannot stop the rise of China, but we can rise faster.” Wow, we can? 

$500 million for China-bashing

What I have seen this month is a congressional allocation of $500 million for “negative news coverage of China.” I guess one way to stop the rise is to turn every rise into a story of China’s collapse. We are the most powerful propaganda machine in the world and we can (and have) portray every story just opposite to what is actually true.

Taking more than 700 million people out of poverty can be reported as human-rights atrocity. Re-education of Uighur young people to steer them away for terrorism can be seen as slave labor. The violent destruction of property and killing of innocent bystanders by Hong Kong protesters can be described, according to Nancy Pelosi, as a “beautiful” fight for democracy and freedom.

Pulling the wool over its own eyes is how America will fly into a mountain waiting in its flightpath.

George Koo retired from a global advisory services firm where he advised clients on their China strategies and business operations. Educated at MIT, Stevens Institute and Santa Clara University, he is the founder and former managing director of International Strategic Alliances.

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Farmers protest: India farmers say barricades won’t stop Delhi march

Farmers gather around a modified excavator brought to clear the police blockade of a highway stopping farmers from marching to New Delhi during an ongoing protest demanding minimum crop pricesGetty Images

Protesting Indian farmers are resuming their march on capital Delhi after four rounds of talks with the federal government failed to end the deadlock.

The farmers, who are demanding assured prices for their crops, say are coming prepared with months of supplies.

Delhi’s borders have been fortified with layers of barricades, concrete blocks and barbed wires to stop their entry.

But protesters have warned they would use heavy machinery to push through.

On Wednesday, visuals from the Shambhu border between the neighbouring Punjab and Haryana states showed thousands of protesters preparing to push past barriers using bulldozers and earthmovers.

Located at a distance of about 200kms (125 miles) from Delhi, farmers have been stationed here since last week after authorities stopped them from marching ahead.

Many of them were also seen distributing masks, gloves and safety suits to protesters.

Police in Haryana have asked their counterparts in Punjab to stop women, children and journalists at least 1km away from the borders for their safety. They have also asked the Punjab police to seize bulldozers and other heavy machinery from the protesting sites.

In Delhi, security has been tightened and large gatherings have been banned for a month.

Farmers’ leaders say their march is peaceful and have asked the government to allow them entry into the capital.

“We tried our best from our side. We attended the meetings and discussed every issue, now the decision lies with the government. We will remain peaceful but we should be allowed to remove these barriers and march towards Delhi,” farm leader Sarwan Singh Pandher told reporters.

Farmers cook chapati breads beside a trolley near the Punjab-Haryana state border in Shambhu on February 16, 2024

Getty Images

Last week, authorities clashed with the protesters, firing tear gas and plastic bullets at them in a bid to halt the march.

They fear a repeat of 2020, when thousands of farmers hunkered down at Delhi’s borders for months – braving extreme temperatures and Covid – against controversial agriculture reforms. Protesters blocked key highways connecting the capital to its neighbouring states. Dozens died in the year-long protest which ended only after the government agreed to repeal the laws.

The latest round of protests also come months before the general elections in which Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is seeing a third term in power. Farmers form an influential voting bloc in India and and analysts say the government will be keen not to anger or alienate them.

The government has so far held four rounds of meetings with farmers’ unions. Protesters say the government did not keep promises made during the 2020-21 protest, and also have demands including pensions and a debt waiver.

On Tuesday, farmers’ leaders rejected a proposal to buy some crops at assured prices on a five-year contract, saying the offer was “not in their interest”.

The government had proposed buying pulses, maize and cotton at guaranteed floor prices – also known as Minimum Support Price or MSP – through cooperatives for five years.

But the farmers say that they will stand by their demand of a “legal guarantee for MSP on all 23 crops”.

Presentational grey line

Read more India stories from the BBC:

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PM wants rate cuts sped up

Urges BoT panel to fast-track meeting

PM wants rate cuts sped up
Srettha: ‘I have not given any orders’

Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin has urged the Bank of Thailand’s (BoT) Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) to call a special session to consider cutting interest rates without having to wait until April.

Speaking after Tuesday’s cabinet meeting, Mr Srettha said he had not leaned on the secretary-general of the National Economic and Social Development Council (NESDC) to pressure the central bank.

“I have not given the secretary-general any orders. He has also confirmed this. This concerns the independence of agencies, including the Bank of Thailand. I have no authority to tell them what to do.

“But I want to say that being independent does not mean you can ignore people’s hardship,” Mr Srettha said.

“Regarding my earlier post on X, I wanted the MPC to call an urgent meeting to consider cutting interest rates because the NESDC has new information.

“The next meeting [of the MPC] will take place in April. So we’ll have to wait another two months. I want to ask the committee to consider [holding the meeting sooner],” the prime minister said.

The NESDC has revised down its GDP growth target for 2023 and its outlook for 2024 to 1.9% and 2.7%, respectively, suggesting the BoT use financial measures to support the economy, according to NESDC secretary-general Danucha Pichayanan.

On Monday, the NESDC announced its latest projections for economic growth in 2023 and 2024, which were lower than its previous forecasts of 2.5% and 2.7-3.7%.

Mr Danucha said that to help propel the economy and reduce the burden on households and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), the central bank should seriously consider measures to reduce rates, in particular, the net interest margin (NIM), which is currently high at around 5%.

“In the recent past, the government undertook many stimulus measures to revive tourism, support investment, and expedite the disbursement of the state budget. As a next step, it should use financial measures to support the economy,” Mr Danucha said.

The NESDC wants financial institutions to reduce the NIM to help SMEs and households with their debt burden. The NIM has no significant impact on large businesses.

Mr Danucha said the central bank should extend its debt assistance measures by maintaining the minimum repayment rate for credit card debt at 5%, after the deadline expired in December. The current rate of 8% will mean more non-performing loans (NPLs) among SMEs and householders, he said.

Mr Danucha said again Tuesday that he urged the BoT to cut rates because the economic figures were lower than the NESDC’s previous forecasts, while more special mention (SM) loans, defined as loans overdue for 1-3 months, are becoming NPLs.

“I think the NESDC should hold talks with the BoT. Having said that, the NESDC has not been pressured by the prime minister,” Mr Danucha said.

On Feb 7, the MPC decided to maintain its policy rate at 2.5% and trim its 2024 growth projection to 2.5-3%.

MPC secretary Piti Disyatat said the economy is projected to slow in 2024 as exports and manufacturing activity ease amid softening global demand and moderating growth in China.

Structural headwinds are restraining merchandise exports and tourism more than expected, he said.

This slower initial momentum points to a softer outlook for 2024 growth, projected to be 2.5-3% under a base-case scenario without the digital wallet scheme being implemented, noted the committee.

The downward growth revision for this year follows weak expansion both for full-year 2023 and the fourth quarter in particular.

Mr Srettha said he did not agree with the decision to keep the policy rate at a 10-year high of 2.5%.

“I want fiscal and monetary policy to work together, but I have no power to interfere with the bank’s duties,” he said.

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China’s Two Sessions to push ‘new productive forces’ – Asia Times

China is expected to promote its plan to achieve “new productive forces” for 2024 in the coming “Two Sessions” meetings, which will begin in early March. 

The Two Sessions – as the annual meetings of the National People’s Congress (NPC) and the National People’s Political Consultative Conference (NPPCC) are termed – will kick off on March 4 and 5, respectively.

Some Chinese economists expect the central government to set its gross domestic product (GDP) target at around 5% again for 2024 during the Two Sessions. But according to a Reuters poll of 58 economists, China’s economic growth may slow to 4.6% this year and 4.5% in 2025, given that the country is still suffering from its property and local debt crises.

Last September, Chinese Communist Party (CPC) General Secretary Xi Jinping raised the idea of building “new productive forces” for the first time. 

Some US websites translated the program’s name as “new quality productivity” or “high quality development” but state media said the translation cannot fully describe China’s plan.

Xinhua said the term new productive forces refers to China’s plan to leverage science and technological innovation to generate new industries and speed up the country’s economic development. 

“New productive forces mean advanced productivity that is freed from traditional economic growth mode and productivity development paths, features high technology, high efficiency and high quality and comes in line with the new development philosophy,” Xi said in a group study session of the politburo of the CPC Central Committee on February 1 this year.

He said sci-tech innovations should be applied to specific industries and industrial chains in a timely manner. He said efforts should be made to transform and upgrade traditional industries, foster emerging industries, make arrangements for future industries and improve the modern industrial system.

Yu Fengxia, senior economist at the State Information Center, a think tank affiliated to the National Development and Reform Commission, further elaborates on the idea in an article published on the government’s website on February 6.

She says the only way to achieve new productive forces is to use China’s “whole nation” effort to make breakthroughs in core technologies. 

She says more investments should be made in advanced technologies to update the country’s sectors that produce fundamental parts, materials and software, high-end semiconductors and industrial software, especially the industries that are facing suppression of foreign countries.

She says China should nurture its own technology firms and research institutions that are engaged in work on artificial intelligence, the next iteration of the internet (termed the “metaverse”) and the making of humanoid robots and brain-computer interfaces.

She adds that China should use AI, internet of things (IoT) and big data to increase the competitiveness of its advanced manufacturing sectors. 

Criticizing the US

On Tuesday, several Chinese academics published their articles about new productive forces. Without naming any foreign countries, they all said that China came up with this new idea after some developed countries were trying to decouple with it.

Nanjing Forestry University’s Ma Yuting and Wuhan University’s Ye Chusheng co-write an article saying that China had been enjoying “late-mover advantage” when cooperating with developed countries in the past. 

However, they say, after the Chinese economy grew to a certain size, some developed nations tried to suppress its growth by “decoupling” and halting scientific cooperation with China. They say this is why China needs to achieve new productive forces to enjoy “first-mover advantage.”

Last August, the United States refused to extend a 45-year-old science and technology agreement (STA) with China by another five years. It only extended the STA by six months. Nature magazine reported that the US and China will probably delay the renewal of the STA, which will expire on February 27.

The US and its allies in recent years have also encouraged their companies to diversify their new investment to countries other than China.

China’s direct investment liabilities, an indicator of incoming foreign investment, rose by US$33 billion last year, according to the latest data released by the State Administration of Foreign Exchange (SAFE). The gain was 82% down from the level in 2022, and it was the lowest since 1993.

In comparison, Vietnam’s foreign direct investment surged 32% year-on-year to US$36.6 billion in 2023.

Slowing economic growth

In late January, the Provincial People’s Congresses had already held their annual meetings and published their government work reports.

Of the 31 Chinese municipal cities, provinces and regions, 17 failed to meet their GDP growth targets in 2023. For example, Heilongjiang province recorded 2.6% economic growth last year, far below its 6% growth target. 

On January 30, the 31 provinces and regions announced their growth targets for 2024, which range between 4.5% and 8%. Only four of them set targets higher than last year’s while 16 lowered theirs. The remaining 11 maintained their growth targets. 

Last year, China’s GDP grew 5.2% year-on-year, beating the target of 5%. 

Li Chao, chief economist at Zheshang Securities, said the Chinese economy will be able to achieve 5% growth this year, given that the central government will continue to boost domestic consumption, upgrade its supply chain and nurture new businesses. 

He said local governments will unveil their supportive measures to boost the catering, retail, new energy vehicle, tourism and elderly-care sectors. On the national level, he said, the central government’s plan to develop the advanced manufacturing sectors will be a main theme of the “Two Sessions.”

Read: Yet another US lawmaker group heading for Taiwan

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at @jeffpao3

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Michael Burry’s ‘Big Short’ logic on China tech stocks – Asia Times

Wall Street these days is going to great lengths to avoid Chinese stocks. Michael Burry, for one, is bucking the trend, raising tantalizing new questions about whether the herd is getting Asia’s biggest economy wrong after a nearly US$7 trillion stock selloff.

You would expect nothing less from a money manager who rose to fame in Michael Lewis’s 2010 book “The Big Short.” In 2015, actor Christian Bale played Burry in Hollywood’s take on a ragged assortment of players involved in the 2008 subprime crisis.

In that episode, Burry saw the coming meltdown — and the forces, blunders and institutions behind it — more clearly than virtually anyone. Those who invested with his Scion Asset Management in 2000 enjoyed returns of nearly 490% by 2008.

Burry is turning heads anew by betting big on China Inc at a moment when most investors are rushing for the exits. In recent months, Burry’s firm made China’s Alibaba Group its top holding and wagered on JD.com, too.

Filings show Burry’s upped his stake in the e-commerce juggernaut Jack Ma founded by 50% in the year ended December 31. The positions aren’t huge — just under $6 million in each of Alibaba and JD. Yet the trades are bewilderingly at odds with the capital zooming away from China, including a tech sector plagued by regulatory chaos these last few years.

China’s nearly $7 trillion stock rout since 2021 has largely drowned out discussions of contrarian bets or bargain shopping. Burry’s China pivot is the exception, particularly because of the struggles facing both Alibaba and JD, whose shares are down 25% and 53% respectively over the last 12 months.

Along with China’s regulatory risks and slowing economic growth, tech shares face headwinds amid fears about the nation’s property crisis and the exodus of capital out of yuan assets.

Burry’s Scion isn’t alone in thinking Chinese tech, particularly chip companies, is due for a rebound. Barclays and Sanford C Bernstein are nudging clients to look at certain mainland tech names. Bernstein, for example, is spotlighting Naura Technology Group and Hygon Information Technology.

Part of the rationale rests in Huawei Technologies’ success in navigating around US efforts to effectively kill the Chinese telecom company. Might US sanctions aimed at wrecking China’s semiconductor industry catalyze President Xi Jinping’s economy to innovate and move significantly up the value-added ladder?

“We see the US sanctions as a double-edged sword,” says Bernstein analyst Qingyuan Lin. “While they may slow China’s progress in cutting-edge areas, they also compel China to develop its supply chain, pursue self-sufficiency and thrive in segments that benefit from increased domestic substitution.”

Others wonder if the broader Chinese market is being under-appreciated by investors.

“The Chinese stock market is undervalued against cash, Chinese bonds, gold, and other world stock markets — and it is in a state of total panic,” says economist Charles Gave at Gavekal Research. “It has to be the best value proposition in the world.”

Green is down and red is up on China’s stock market ticker boards. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP

Yet whether Chinese tech shares win a broader audience depends on Xi’s success in championing private sector innovation over antiquated state-owned enterprises (SOEs).

This requires Beijing to act faster and more credibly to level playing fields, build stronger capital markets, increase transparency and strengthen corporate governance. And, of course, to end a property crisis that has China in global headlines for all the wrong reasons.

This week, Premier Li Qiang called for “pragmatic and forceful” action aimed at “boosting confidence” in the economy. Official news agency Xinhua quoted Li as advising policymakers to “focus on solving practical issues that concern the masses and enterprises.”

Li’s comments come as Beijing confirms the lowest level of annual foreign direct investment since 1993 — just $33 billion in 2023. The figure, which records monetary flows involving foreign-owned entities in China — was 82% lower than the 2022 tally.

Earlier this month, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) reduced the reserve requirement ratio for banks by 50 basis points. Xi’s government also telegraphed a $278 billion financial rescue package for the stock market.

Yet Remi Olu-Pitan, a multi-asset fund manager at Schroders, says this “tactical lift” is no replacement for the “structural” changes China needs to rebuild investor confidence.

“The incentive to reduce exposure is pretty powerful and so we think this provides a pause, but we worry any recovery will be an opportunity to de-risk,” she says.

Luca Paolini, chief strategist at Pictet Asset Management, adds that “while Chinese stocks’ relative valuations are at an all-time low, prospects for the asset class are not particularly bright as investors doubt the willingness of Beijing to deliver large-scale support to revive the stock market. What’s more, a turnaround in the property market, which is key for an improvement in sentiment, is not in sight.”

MSCI’s recent decision to delete dozens of Chinese companies from multiple indexes is an added blow, complicating Beijing’s efforts to restore foreign investor confidence. Analysts at UOB Global Economics said in a note that MSCI’s changes posed “further downside risks in China’s stock markets,” including for investors that “may be forced to liquidate.”

The need for reforms is growing as investors look for less volatile destinations for capital, including neighboring Japan. Unfortunately, Beijing seems to be spending more time dusting off playbooks from stock crashes of the past, particularly in 2015.

In the summer of 2015, Chinese shares fell more than 30% in a matter of weeks. At the time, Team Xi loosened rules on leverage, reduced reserve requirements, delayed all initial public offerings, suspended trading in thousands of listed companies and allowed mainlanders to use apartments as collateral to buy shares. Xi’s government rolled out advertising campaigns to buy stocks out of patriotism.

Taking a longer-term perspective, says economist Jeremy Stevens at Standard Bank, “similar interventions in 2015 did not achieve their goals.” He adds that “it’s worth remembering that in August 2015, Chinese stocks suffered their most drastic four-day downturn since 1996 amid fears that the government might have to retract its market support strategies.”

The severity of China’s deepening property crisis and deflationary pressures suggest that mere stimulus will be even less effective this time. “China’s economic growth,” Stevens says, “is expected to continue sliding without last year’s supportive base effects, and markets will watch carefully as policymakers set a growth target and policy focus at the National People’s Congress in March.”

Another problem is intensifying US efforts to curb China’s development as a tech superpower. The trade war that Donald Trump launched during his 2017-2021 presidency was one thing. The more targeted curbs that US President Joe Biden prioritized since then – strategic bans on China’s access to chips and other vital tech – have caused much greater pain.

Granted, Huawei offers a roadmap for China Inc to steer around Washington’s speedbumps. Though Burry isn’t saying much, it’s quite likely he believes Joseph Tsai, Alibaba’s co-founder and chairman, can strategize beyond today’s regulatory and geopolitical noise to grow Alibaba’s global market share.

But now, China’s electric vehicle industry is under assault as chip-loaded surveillance machines, as many Washington lawmakers see it. As the November 5 US election approaches, Trump’s Republicans and Biden’s Democrats will be under increasing pressure to toss more sand in China Inc’s gears.

US President Joe Biden and former president Donald Trump are competing to be tougher on China on the campaign trail. Image: X Screengrab

Odds are, the next wave of curbs will seek to hobble China’s ambitions in the artificial intelligence (AI) space. Already, the specter of heavy-handed regulation – and the Communist Party putting its own priorities ahead of tech development – are clouding China’s AI future.

The Financial Times reports that Biden’s trade team is warning Xi’s government against “dumping” goods as its overcapacity troubles worsen.

It quotes Jay Shambaugh, US Treasury undersecretary for international affairs, as saying “we are worried that Chinese industrial support policies and macro policies that are more focused on supply rather than thinking about where the demand will come from are both careening towards a situation where overcapacity in China is going to wind up hitting world markets.”

In particular, Biden’s White House worries about China’s deflationary pressures damaging advanced manufacturing sectors like electric vehicles, lithium-ion batteries and solar panels. As Shambaugh told the FT, “the rest of the world is going to respond, and they’re not doing it in a new anti-China way, they’re responding to Chinese policy.”

Analysts at Barclays, meanwhile, are doubtful about China’s ambitious goal of reaching 70% self-sufficiency in semiconductors by 2025. The endeavor is still “at the start of a very long journey,” Barclays says.

To be sure, the tens of billions of dollars Beijing is investing in local production is bearing fruit with mainland producers moving up the value curve, the bank’s analysts say. This, though, depends on Team Xi stepping up reforms.

China has indeed been stepping up the pace on transforming its economy away from smokestack industries and property toward services and technology. Yet, argue analysts at UBS Global Wealth Management, “the time required to transition to these new drivers means that they too need policy support to smooth growing pains.”

As they point out, “these all raise the policy bar to steady the economy, in our view, and call for unconventional demand-targeted policies to revive confidence.”

That’s easier said than done, notes economist Peiqian Liu at Fidelity Investments. Getting the support/reform mix right, she says, is “critical” to stabilizing China’s outlook. As Liu puts it, “the cyclical rebound this time is intertwined with structural headwinds that China is facing.”

Yet, Liu adds, “the reason behind why China is not rolling out bazooka stimulus at this point of time, in my view, is because of some constraints that China is currently facing.”

These include the legacy of a decade’s worth of debt accumulation to prop up growth. “The headline total debt is almost amounting to 300% of GDP,” she says, “which leads China to rethink its growth model as its debt-driven model does not look sustainable going forward.”

Some observers are less concerned about China’s trajectory thanks partly to global demand for its goods. “I remain optimistic about the long-term growth in Chinese exports, as a way to offset the loss from real estate,” says Qi Wang, CEO of MegaTrust Investment.

“The numbers may speak for themselves,” he says. “China’s share of global exports reached 17% in 2020, which is a record for not only China but also any other countries in history. Since then, China continues to dominate the world in exports, despite the US sanctions, geopolitical risks, supply chain shocks and an unstable global economy.”

China continues to dominate global export markets. Photo: DTN / Twitter Screengrab

The plot thickens when China considers the shifting outlook for US bond yields. Inflation isn’t proving to be as transient as global investors and US Federal Reserve officials alike expected, notes Bruce Kasman, global head of economics at JPMorgan.

“While it’s premature to place significant weight on noisy January data, risks have shifted in the direction that core inflation and labor market conditions both surprise the Fed in a hawkish direction in the first half of 2024,” Kasman says. “This stall has been expected to delay the start of the developed world easing cycle to midyear and curb enthusiasm about the overall magnitude of the easing cycle ahead.”

All of which means that Burry’s enthusiasm for Chinese tech is as complicated as it is tantalizing. Suffice to say, students of his exploits in “The Big Short” have their popcorn out to see if this story has a happy ending.

Follow William Pesek on X, formerly Twitter, at @WilliamPesek

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Farmers’ protest: Protesters to resume Delhi march over crop prices

Demonstrators during a farmers protest near the Haryana-Punjab state border in Rajpura, Punjab, India, on Friday, Feb. 16, 2024.Getty Images

Protesting Indian farmers say they will resume marching to capital Delhi this week after rejecting a government proposal to buy some crops at assured prices on a five-year contract.

The protesters began marching last week but were stopped around 200km (125 miles) from Delhi.

Since then, farmer leaders were in talks with the government on their demands.

But on Monday night, they said the offer was “not in their interest”.

The government had proposed buying pulses, maize and cotton at guaranteed floor prices – also known as Minimum Support Price or MSP – through cooperatives for five years.

But the farmers say that they will stand by their demand of a “legal guarantee for MSP on all 23 crops”.

“We appeal to the government to either resolve our issues or remove barricades and allow us to proceed to Delhi to protest peacefully,” Jagjit Singh Dallewal, a farm union leader, told local media.

They say they will resume marching from Wednesday.

Farmers form an influential voting bloc in India and and analysts say the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be keen not to anger or alienate them. His Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is seeking a third consecutive term in power in general elections this year.

Last week, authorities clashed with the protesters, firing tear gas and plastic bullets at them in a bid to halt the march. They fear a repeat of 2020, when thousands of farmers camped at Delhi’s borders for months, forcing the government to repeal controversial agricultural reforms.

The latest round of protests began on Wednesday, when farmers from Haryana and Punjab started marching to Delhi. They say the government did not keep promises made during the 2020-21 protest, and also have demands including pensions and a debt waiver.

But their most important demand is a law guaranteeing a support price for crops.

India introduced the MSP system in the 1960s – first for only wheat and later other essential crops – in a bid for food security.

Supporters of MSP say it is necessary to protect farmers against losses due to fluctuation in prices. They argue that the resulting income boost will allow farmers to invest in new technologies, improve productivity and protect cultivators from being fleeced by middlemen.But critics say the system needs an overhaul as it is not sustainable and will be disastrous for government finances. They also say that it will be ruinous for the agricultural sector in the long run, leading to over-cultivation and storage issues.

Since last week, federal minister Piyush Goyal and other government officials had held four rounds of talks with the farmers. On Sunday, Mr Goyal told journalists that the discussions had been “positive” and that the government was devising an “out-of-the-box” solution to benefit farmers, consumers and the economy.

But on Monday, farmer leaders said they were dissatisfied with the way the talks were being held, claiming that there was no “transparency”.

Presentational grey line

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Pakistan needs a plan – Asia Times

Pakistan is a vast country of 231.4 million people. It’s one of only nine countries in the world with nuclear weapons. It’s located in South Asia, which is now one of the world’s most dynamic and fast-growing regions. It has generally favorable relationships with both the United States and China.

It has a long coastline in a generally peaceful region of the ocean. It has plenty of talented people, as evidenced by the fact that Pakistani Americans, on average, out-earn almost all other ethnic groups in the US.

And yet despite these natural advantages, Pakistan is one of the world’s biggest economic basket cases. It’s a poor country, and its income is growing only very slowly; it has now been passed up by India and Bangladesh, despite starting significantly richer:

If recent growth rates hold, Pakistan is projected to fall far behind its South Asian peers.

And it gets worse. Pakistan isn’t just poor and stagnant; it’s also in a huge amount of debt. In order to make its citizens feel just a little less poor, Pakistan has borrowed quite a lot of money over the past few decades. Mostly, this money was borrowed from the International Monetary Fund.

But because its economy is poor and stagnant and it’s not very good at collecting taxes, Pakistan generally hasn’t been able to pay the money back.

Its solution has been to borrow even more money from the IMF in order to cover the debt that it already owes. As you might expect, this strategy led Pakistan’s foreign debt to increase relentlessly over the years.

More recently, though, Pakistan started borrowing a lot of money from other countries as well — from Saudi Arabia and UAE, but especially from China. Much of the debt from China was related to the Belt and Road project, which was supposed to build new high-quality infrastructure in Pakistan, but…didn’t.

Now Pakistan, like many of the Belt and Road borrowers, is discovering that all those Chinese loans weren’t contingent on whether the projects actually worked out. Shehad Qazi, managing director at China Beige Book, explains:

And Brad Setser provides some additional context, declaring that “Pakistan’s leaders should panic a bit more.”

The IMF has bailed out Pakistan many, many times, but that was when it was the IMF itself that Pakistan mainly owed money to. The organization will probably be less willing to lend Pakistan money to cover its Chinese debt, as this would make the Chinese government whole while leaving the IMF holding the bag.

And China is unlikely to extend Pakistan a neverending string of bailouts, as the IMF has done. As the Pakistani American economist Atif Mian puts it, “the country is bankrupt.”

What this means is that Pakistan is in ever greater danger of a classic emerging-market currency crisis, in which a country’s currency gets so cheap that the only ways to pay off foreign debt are either by default or by high inflation — either of which hurts the real economy a lot. Already, the Pakistani rupee has lost a lot of its value:

And inflation is pretty high:

Already, some are talking about the possibility of a Pakistani default.

Pakistan had elections earlier this month. Although the party of the recently ousted Imran Khan won a plurality, Khan’s opponents made a parliamentary coalition and thus managed to take control.

The government is negotiating with the IMF for yet another bailout, which probably won’t alleviate the Chinese debt problem much, but would at least provide some breathing space. Mian, however, is not optimistic that the new government is really serious about solving the country’s long-term problems:

If Mian is right, and Pakistan’s elites have little or no interest in solving the country’s problems, then that’s the whole ball game — Pakistan is doomed, and only a revolution will replace those elites with someone who actually cares enough to take decisive action.

But a revolution would be very likely to either break up the country or burden it with an ideological, totalitarian regime, which would also spell doom. So Pakistan’s leaders have a very large incentive to prove Mian wrong and to make a concerted effort to fix their country’s economy.

Escaping the debt trap is obviously job #1. An IMF bailout will replace old debt with new debt, so it’s just a delaying tactic. A better idea, as Samir Tata writes, is a privatization program — selling off government assets to pay down debt:

The key to escape Pakistan’s sovereign debt trap is hiding in plain sight – deleveraging…[P]rivate holders (e.g., portfolio investment funds, sovereign wealth funds, and corporate investors) of existing Pakistani sovereign debt denominated in foreign currencies would swap such debt for shares of state-owned enterprises that are to be privatized…

Privatization would have two objectives: raising cash via the sale of state-owned assets and reducing the budgetary burden of supporting poorly performing loss-making state-owned enterprises…An example of an individual transaction to transfer control of an SOE to a foreign company could be the sale of Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) to a foreign airline company.

That trick would really only work once — you pretty quickly run out of SOEs to privatize — but it would give Pakistan a single golden opportunity to escape from the crushing cycle of foreign debt that has characterized the last forty years.

So how can Pakistan take advantage of that one-time opportunity? The answer, in broad strokes, is that it needs to invest more.

Right now, Pakistan builds very, very little new capital. Whereas Bangladesh and India are reinvesting 32 and 29% of their GDP each year, respectively, Pakistan is reinvesting only 14%:

As I put it in a post back in 2021, this means Pakistan is a low-income consumption society:

Pakistan is eating its proverbial seed corn instead of planting it in the ground. Bangladesh and India, in contrast, are planting their seed corn — foregoing current consumption in order to build productive capital and be richer tomorrow…Pakistan is behaving like a lot of natural resource exporters behave — but without the natural resources. Instead of a middle-income or high-income consumption society, it’s a low-income consumption society — keeping its people barely treading water, with lots of help from external largesse.

How can Pakistan increase investment? Obviously, when the government is so strapped for cash, it can’t do much.

A privatization program, coupled with bailouts, might get it out from under the debt burden, but it would still have to figure out how to tax the economy more effectively. That’s a worthy goal, but one that will probably take a lot of time and effort.

In lieu of government investment, Pakistan will have to rely on the private sector. Pakistani businesses will invest more if the country is both politically stable and macroeconomically stable. The former is something that Pakistan’s elites have to work out for themselves, while the latter mainly requires reducing the foreign debt burden and curbing inflation.

But that leaves one important actor: foreign investors. FDI is a tried-and-true strategy that has lifted countries like Malaysia to near-developed status, and which helped Bangladesh grow quickly in the 2000s and 2010s.

The most important type of FDI for Pakistan, by far, will be greenfield investment in export manufacturing.

This is when companies come to set up factories in Pakistan to make stuff to sell elsewhere. This kind of export-oriented investment can help narrow a country’s trade deficit, even as it also provides employment, raises productivity, and pumps money into the country’s financial system.

Pakistan has low wages, but by itself, that’s not typically enough to attract a bunch of FDI. Foreign companies need more than just low wages — they need water and electricity and transport infrastructure, they need government assistance in setting up their business, they need cheap financing, and they need low regulatory and tax burdens.

But most of all, they need security. They need to know they aren’t going to lose their business. There are basically three kinds of people who can destroy or appropriate your business assets — the government, rebels/terrorists, and criminals.

If Pakistan’s government is serious about attracting FDI, it’ll avoid expropriating foreign businesses’ assets; instead, it’ll roll out the red carpet and give them what they need.

Rebels and terrorists are a bigger threat, as Pakistan has both. Baloch separatists have attacked Chinese workers and projects. And various Islamist terrorists, including the Taliban, have attacked Pakistani cities. They might conceivably try to blow up foreign factories.

Crime is also a problem. Karachi, the country’s biggest port, is beset by chronic gang warfare, and for a while was considered one of the world’s most dangerous cities. There has been a big effort to clean it up, but high violence rates persist.

Yet Pakistan has shown that it’s capable of creating pockets of public safety, if it really wants to. The capital, Islamabad, is generally viewed as an extremely safe city.

So the best approach for Pakistan is to make heavy use of special economic zones. SEZs are places where foreign businesses can cluster and find qualified workers easily. But they’re much more than that — they’re places where governments in poor countries can create pockets of stability and good infrastructure.

Within a designated factory zone on the coast, Pakistan’s government can use the army and police to provide security from terrorists and criminal gangs. And even its meager resources are probably enough to provide those small areas with electricity, water, roads, port infrastructure, and so on.

Pakistan already has a few SEZs, many of them created as part of Pakistan’s economic partnership with China. These should be upgraded and expanded, if possible. But more importantly, these existing SEZs and some new SEZs should be opened up to countries other than China.

Companies in the US, France, South Korea, and other developed democracies are eager to de-risk their operations by moving them out of China; right now they’re moving to India, Vietnam, and Mexico, but Pakistan could make itself another contender. All it has to do is to encourage developed democracies to come set up shop in its special economic zones, right alongside their Chinese rivals.

Pakistan has been playing the developed democracies off against China for a while now, using its possession of nuclear weapons and its strategic importance in fighting terrorism to pressure both sides of Cold War 2 into letting it borrow cheaply and in large volumes. Now it’s time to use that same strategic importance to encourage FDI instead of loans.

There are a couple of other ingredients Pakistan will need in order to take advantage of FDI. One is education. No country is an attractive base of operations without a large base of workers who can read, write, and do basic math.

Pakistan scores notoriously poorly on international measures of education, with much lower literacy rates than Bangladesh. Indices of human capital place Pakistan more on a level with the very poor countries of Sub-Saharan Africa.

This obviously needs to change, and quickly. Simply spending more on public education is clearly the solution here. The government is strapped for cash, but if foreign debt can be reduced and tax collection improved, then there will be some money to invest in quality public schooling for the mass of Pakistanis.

The final thing Pakistan needs is peace with India. This idea will doubtless ruffle some feathers in the Pakistani military and the more nationalistic elements of Pakistani society, who view resistance to India as their country’s national purpose.

But it’s time to face facts — Pakistan has gone to war against India four times, in 1947, 1965, 1971, and 1999, and it lost every time. India is just way too big for Pakistan to ever beat.

The old adage goes: “If you can’t beat ‘em, join ‘em.” Pakistan has failed to defeat India in more than 70 years of trying, and it’s time to stop. Pakistan should recognize that it controls part of Kashmir, and India controls the other part, and that’s how it’s going to stay.

A lasting rapprochement between these two countries may sound like an unrealistic pipe dream, but it happened to Germany and France, and it’s now happening to Japan and Korea, so maybe it could happen to Pakistan and India as well.

Instead, the focus should be on opening up trade links and economic cooperation between the two countries. This will improve Pakistan’s security because it will free up military resources to provide security for special economic zones and foreign investors.

It could also improve Pakistan’s fiscal position since it would allow decreased spending on the military. And most importantly, trade with India would give Pakistan’s economy a direct boost.

This is South Asia’s moment to shine in the global economy. Pakistan needs to take advantage of that moment before it’s too late. If it misses the window, it’ll end up being a poor, dysfunctional backwater, while India and Bangladesh advance confidently to middle-income status and beyond.

Success will require determination, pragmatism, compromise, dogged purposefulness, and some smart planning on the part of Pakistan’s elites. But the alternatives are just too awful to contemplate.

This article was first published on Noah Smith’s Noahpinion Substack and is republished with kind permission. Read the original and become a Noahopinion subscriber here.

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China is not turning Japanese – Asia Times

Days and nights in Kyoto

Days and nights

Night and days

In Kyoto

Welcome to information retrieval

– Michael Kamen, Brazil

As the threat of deflation stalks China’s economy, the China-watching herd has resurfaced an old question from the rotation: Is China turning Japanese? The well-known script, in the words of a media-anointed analyst: 

China’s economic growth has followed what’s sometimes called “the Japanese model.” In Japan and other Asian countries, this model has proved extraordinarily successful in the short term in generating eye-popping rates of growth – but it always eventually runs into the same fatal constraints: massive overinvestment and misallocated capital. And then a period of painful economic adjustment. In short: Beijing, beware.

According to the narrative, China is now facing a Japan-style reckoning with its property sector stuck in the doldrums for over three years. Of course, the above quote was written in 2010 when China’s economy was less than half its current size and annual investment in residential property would still triple. Some people just like to be early.

Japan is sui generis. No nation’s economy has underperformed so lamentably for so long after outperforming so spectacularly for even longer. It’s just not true that every country that has followed “the Japanese model” has had to suffer long periods of painful economic adjustment – at least nothing approaching Japan’s malaise.

None of the four Asian Tigers (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore) have experienced multiple decades of stagnation. And all of their per capita GDPs, coming from far behind, now exceed Japan’s on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis.

South Korea shook off the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, reformed its chaebols and moved up the value ladder. Taiwan integrated its economy with the mainland and became the world’s leading producer of semiconductors.

While Hong Kong’s recent decade has been lousy, it was the result of underinvestment in housing and, at the end of the day, the trade and financial hub still outperformed Japan. And Singapore is just a rocket ship with a per capita purchasing power parity GDP now 2.6 times that of Japan’s.         

While the Asian Tigers’ birthrates started declining about ten years after Japan, they fell more precipitously and at lower per capita GDP levels. Taiwan’s birthrate has just about fallen to Japan’s level while South Korea’s has sunk far below. Singapore and Hong Kong population charts look no better despite immigration being a viable option.

What did not happen in any of the Asian Tigers is the hoary “getting old before getting rich” canard. Collapsing birthrates did not, in fact, prevent any of the Asian Tigers from catching up to and exceeding Japan’s per capita GDP.

While the night is still young and the consequences of disastrous-looking population charts may still catch up with the Asian Tigers, falling birthrates since the 1980s may have perversely allowed two generations of Asians to devote themselves to career and commerce, fueling decades of growth.

China’s birthrate had been comfortably higher than those of Japan and the Asian Tigers until surging university enrollment and Covid lockdowns (see here) caused a nosedive in recent years.

Still, China’s population under 20, at 23.3%, is considerably higher than its Asian counterparts (16-18%) and in line with the US (25.3%) and Europe (21.9%). The country’s 65 and older population, at 14.6%, is also lower than that of the developed world (20.5%).    

While China will not lack young workers for another two decades, it remains to be seen whether births bounce post-Covid and as university enrollment plateaus.

Compared to the Asian Tigers, China is the least likely to suffer Japan-style economic stagnation as a result of demographics, which, in any case, none of them has (yet).

The underappreciated cause of Japan’s lost decades is the degradation of its human capital. In 2022, Japanese universities produced as many science and engineering grads as they did in 1990, despite a doubling of enrollment rates at four-year universities.

Starting in the mid-90s, as the youth population dwindled, four-year universities in Japan started to dip into the junior college bench, which enrolled 14% of Japanese post-secondary students in 1995.

By 2013, junior college enrollment fell to 5% while four-year college enrollment increased from 31% to 55% in the same period.

At the same time, those choosing to study science and engineering fell from 24.5% in 1971 to 18.1% in 2016 as Japanese STEM students gravitated towards medicine, in which enrollment saw a threefold increase in percentage terms.

The combined effect of dipping deep into the bench and losing STEM students to fields like medicine can only have lowered the quality of scientists and engineers that Japan did manage to produce.    

With college graduates having plateaued in the 1970s, Japan is long past the era where its universities are adding educated employees to the workforce.

Japan, like the rest of the developed world, is now in replacement mode and, given the dwindling youth population, is forced to graduate students of ever-decreasing ability.

China, in contrast, has not yet plateaued in enrolling students in higher education. From single-digit university enrollment rates at the turn of the century, in 2022 China enrolled 34% of its 18-year-old age cohort into four-year degree programs and 29% into junior colleges.

If college enrollment plateaued today, China’s college-educated workforce will increase fourfold over the next 30 years.

The proportion of Chinese students majoring in science and engineering at four-year universities was 41% in 2015 (the last year of reported data), more than twice Japan’s level. At the junior college tier, 43% of students were studying technical fields (and 13% in healthcare.)

While China’s surge in higher education over the past two decades drove its industrial and technological growth, Japan has been retrenching along with its human capital.

With births declining for decades and college enrollment long plateaued, Japan’s educated workforce peaked in the late 1990s. We are now witnessing a long sunset.  

Japanese patent applications have fallen 44% from their 2000 peak. Its annual domestic patents filed fell from over 25% of the world’s total to 3% in 2022. Japan published over 9% of the world’s scientific papers in the late 1990’s and only 3.4% in 2020.

From second to the US, Japan’s scientists have fallen to 10th place in the publication of the top 1% of papers by citation. Similarly, Japan’s share of global manufacturing output has fallen from over 20% in 1995 to 6% in 2021.

China’s surge during Japan’s decades of slow decline is well known. All China charts for the past four decades look the same – upwards and to the right at a 45-degree angle.

What is more intriguing is South Korea’s charts. Even as birthrates plummeted, South Korea was able to increase patents filed as well as scientific papers published, more or less matching Japan with less than half the population.

Similarly, South Korea has maintained its percentage of manufacturing value-added even as the China juggernaut swallowed up market share from everyone else.

The terrifying secret behind South Korea’s success is the nation’s savage dedication to education. For the past two decades, South Korea’s gross enrollment of its 18-year-old age cohort in higher education has been around 100% with some years exceeding 100%.

What this means is that South Korea has run out of 18-year-olds and is enrolling older students in universities to produce the workers it needs.   

Analysts tend to attribute Japan’s economic malaise to financial mismanagement with demographics looming in the background like a chronic disease. It’s more complicated than that.

Japan never recovered financially, economically or socially after the US kicked its legs out from under it in the 1980s and 90s with the Plaza Accord, the evisceration of Toshiba and humiliating “voluntary” export quotas on cars.

Mismanaging an asset bubble, shielding the service industry from competition and keeping zombie companies on life support certainly didn’t help. But given the Plaza Accord’s constraints on the yen and the neutering of leading industrial giants, it’s not surprising that Japan retreated into a pot much smaller than the one it had occupied and once imagined for itself.

Japan suffered from nothing less than a loss of vitality as a bonsai’ed people dealt with lowered ambition by withdrawing from society (hikikomori), becoming “herbivores” (celibate) and marrying their kawaii anime pillowcases.

Despite dipping into the junior college bench and educating a larger proportion of the population, Japan just could not offset its declining and demoralized youth by making them higher-quality workers. And as such, the country fell precipitously down the science, technology and industrial league tables. 

South Korea, on the other hand, with a smaller population and similar demographic profile, has heroically outcompeted Japan in semiconductors, consumer electronics, chemicals and shipbuilding. The country’s contribution to global scientific papers and patents has continued to increase and its per capita GDP surpassed that of Japan in 2018.  

In the past two decades, South Korean youths have become the world’s most educated with over 70% of the population between 25 and 34 having completed tertiary education (versus 50-60% in other highly educated OECD countries).

While seemingly succeeding, the cure may be exacerbating the disease. Korean youth have an educational experience that reformers liken to child abuse.

Koreans appear to have taken education to whole new levels of Asian madness. For-profit cram schools (hagwons) were established decades ago for remedial test preparation. Today, they have taken over the education system, enrolling the majority of Korea’s five-year-olds.

The upshot of outrunning demographic decline through intense education, which South Korea has apparently succeeded in doing, is that an overworked and educationally ground-down population are now having even fewer children.

South Korea’s 2023 fertility rate per woman was a catastrophic 0.72 (with 2.1 necessary to maintain current levels of population). What this all means is that while South Korea has outrun “Japanification” for the time being, the eventual reckoning threatens to be catastrophic.

Today, like in 2010, commentary on China’s Japanification is far off the mark. China bears only superficial similarities with Japan, namely a property bubble, which in China’s case is so far a controlled demolition rather than chaotic collapse.

China’s human capital upgrade is just beginning to hit its stride while, in the 1990s, Japan’s was peaking. China’s college-educated workforce will not peak for another 30 years. To prevent education from eating its young, China recently outlawed the entire for-profit tutoring industry.

In the next two to three decades, China will be flooding its workforce with newly minted scientists and engineers to staff companies you never heard of just a short while ago – CATL, BYD, DJI, miHoYo, BOE.

There will surely be more. Attributing Japan’s lost decades to financial mismanagement is to mistake the symptom for the disease. Japan failed to upgrade the quality of its workforce after the Plaza Accord; it was simply outcompeted by China and South Korea, both of which did.

Analysts who obsess over Chinese property developers’ balance sheets, investment/consumption balances and local government debt are missing the forest from the trees.

How it’s all financed is of tertiary importance. China, like Japan, South Korea or any other economy, has always been a human capital story. It’s people all the way down.  

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Second committee to vet digital wallet

Second committee to vet digital wallet
Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin on Nov 10 last year explains the new criteria for the government’s 10,000-baht digital wallet programme. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)

The government has defended its decision to have a new sub-committee vet the digital wallet scheme, saying that it is treading carefully with the plan following Move Forward Party (MFP) list-MP comments that the delay might disrupt the economy.

Kittirat Na Ranong, chief adviser to Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, said that it is normal to have a sub-committee to work inclusively on this kind of project. He added that the government is not merely trying to buy time, as it has been publicly accused of recently.

A new committee was formed on Thursday to study feedback as the scheme’s details are finalised and passed to related agencies to scrutinise over the next 30 days, as suggested by the Council of State and the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC).

Mr Kittirat said that the sub-committee would thoroughly study the policy and its budget as the 10,000-baht handout has not been included in the budget for the 2024 fiscal year.

During Thursday’s meeting, Mr Srettha said he wanted the scheme to be more transparent and beneficial for the public.

As many were concerned about the economy still being more sluggish than it had been before the Covid-19 pandemic, Mr Srettha said that other policies to help reduce people’s expenses, increase their income and suspend debt, as well as stimulate foreign investment and the tourism sector, are also under consideration.

Sirikanya Tansakul, MP-list for the Move Forward Party (MFP) and its deputy leader, had earlier commented that repeated delays to the digital handouts might lead to economic uncertainty.

Ms Sirikanya stated that the government should get the ball rolling and decide on its next move more quickly.

Democrat MP Jurin Laksanawisit also criticised the “continually” revised deadlines, which he suggested could result from government doubts over its legality. He said nobody wanted a reoccurrence of the notorious rice-pledging scheme of the Yingluck Shinawatra government.

Mr Jurin doubted if the first reading of the scheme would make it to the House on time, as the general meeting sessions will end on April 9.

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