US debt moving toward  trillion isn’t whole story – Asia Times

WASHINGTON – The most disturbing thing about forecasts that the US national debt will hit $50 trillion by 2034 is that the true figure surely will be much bigger.

The Congressional Budget Office noted that the federal debt will hit 122% of gross domestic product a decade from now, dwarfing America’s fiscal position after World War II. Funding the biggest drivers – defense, social safety net outlays and giant tax cuts unmatched by revenue increases – will only become costlier over time. Never mind if a deep recession or serious military conflict further alters this trajectory.

This slow-motion economic disaster could be sped up by political squabbling or by de-dollarization efforts among top emerging markets.

Case in point: the November 5 US election. Even if Donald Trump loses to current President Joe Biden, there’s a zero-percent chance the former US leader and his army of supporters go away quietly. The risk of a Capitol Hill insurrection 2.0 looms large. The earlier one, on Jan. 6, 2021, provoked Fitch Ratings to revoke Washington’s AAA rating. Might the next prod Moody’s Investors Service to yank away the last AAA?

Nor are Biden’s China tariffs buttressing global faith in the dollar or US Treasury securities, of which Beijing holds nearly US$700 billion. Those tariffs include a 100% tax on China-made electric vehicles.

Such moves won’t prod Detroit to make the better automobiles that consumers in Europe, Asia or even many Americans want. They won’t raise America’s innovative game. They won’t increase Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s desire to work with Washington on climate change, military-to-military communications, counternarcotics, AI-related risks or even just basic economic cooperation.

Biden has intensified Washington’s sharp mercantilist pivot since 2017. Then-President Trump slapped huge tariffs on Chinese goods and on global steel and aluminum. When Biden arrived, he left Trump’s trade war in place — and continued to add new layers of China-targeted curbs.

Now, as Trump threatens 60% tariffs on all Chinese goods, Biden is trying to out-do Trump. This trade-tax arms race is drawing retaliation threats from Xi’s government. It also has Global South countries viewing the US less and less as an adult in room when it comes to economic and geopolitical affairs.

The most obvious example of disillusionment over US fiscal excesses is the pivot away from the US dollar. The predicament is made worse by the bull market in political polarization in the halls of Washington power as the US debt hits $35 trillion.

“The current fiscal trajectory could eventually push the debt-to-GDP ratio to a point where stabilizing it would require a fiscal surplus of a size that has rarely been sustained historically,” says economist Manuel Abecasis at Goldman Sachs. “And while the conditions for a fiscal consolidation to succeed are currently in place in the US, there is little political momentum for deficit reduction.”

Abecasis adds that “the outlook for US fiscal sustainability has become more challenging over the last five years. Higher expected future interest rates in particular have substantially worsened the trajectories of the debt-to-GDP ratio and of real interest expense as a share of gross domestic product.”

Goldman’s economics team reckons that the US debt-to-GDP ratio will hit 130% by 2034 from 98% now – fully 8 percentage points higher than the CBO estimates. But could it end up being far higher than that?

In a June 18 op-ed for the Free Press news site, historian Niall Ferguson views America’s debt trajectory through a variety of financial prisms, both past and present. Most interestingly, he considers parallels between the collapse of the Soviet Union and the hubristic belief in Washington that titanically huge deficits don’t matter.

Historian Niall Ferguson. Photo: LSE

As Ferguson writes: “A chronic ‘soft budget constraint’ in the public sector, which was a key weakness of the Soviet system? I see a version of that in the US deficits forecast by the Congressional Budget Office to exceed 5% of GDP for the foreseeable future, and to rise inexorably to 8.5% by 2054. The insertion of the central government into the investment decision-making process? I see that, too, despite the hype around the Biden administration’s ‘industrial policy.’”

Economists, Ferguson explains, “keep promising us a productivity miracle from information technology, most recently artificial intelligence. But the annual average growth rate of productivity in the US non-farm business sector has been stuck at just 1.5% since 2007, only marginally better than the dismal years 1973–1980.”

At present, he says, “the US economy might be the envy of the rest of the world today, but recall how American experts overrated the Soviet economy in the 1970s and 1980s.”

As the CBO admits, the share of GDP going toward interest payments on the federal debt will increase to twice the amount Washington spends on national security by 2041. That’s partly thanks to the rising cost of the debt squeezing defense spending down from 3% GDP, now to a closer to 2.3%, 30 years from now.

“This decline,” Ferguson says, “makes no sense at a time when the threats posed by the new Chinese-led axis are manifestly growing. Even more striking to me are the political, social and cultural resemblances I detect between the US and the USSR. Gerontocratic leadership was one of the hallmarks of late Soviet leadership, personified by the senility of Leonid Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko.”

By today’s US standards, the later Soviet leaders weren’t so old, Ferguson argues. Nor was the Soviet population, by some measures, appreciably less healthy than Americans today, he says. “The recent data on American mortality are shocking,” Ferguson says.

Life expectancy, he notes, “has declined in the past decade in a way we do not see in comparable developed countries.” He cites, too, a “striking increase” in deaths “due to drug overdoses, alcohol abuse, and suicide, and a rise in various diseases associated with obesity.”

The credit rating of the globe’s biggest economy – and printer of the reserve currency – don’t normally turn on such considerations. But, as Fergison argues, America is on a dangerous financial and socioeconomic course that few saw coming just a few years ago.

“I still cling to the hope that we can avoid losing Cold War II – that the economic, demographic and social pathologies that afflict all one-party communist regimes will ultimately doom Xi’s ‘China Dream,’” Ferguson says.

But, Ferguson adds, “the higher the toll rises of deaths of despair – and the wider the gap grows between America’s [elite] and everyone else – the less confident I feel that our own homegrown pathologies will be slower-acting. Are we the Soviets? Look around you.”

In the short run, the Federal Reserve’s reluctance to cut rates is prolonging the “higher for longer” era for US yields.

“The harmful effects of higher interest rates fueling higher interest costs on a huge existing debt load are continuing, and leading to additional borrowing,” says Michael A Peterson, CEO of the Peter G Peterson Foundation. “It’s the definition of unsustainable.”

Nassim Nicholas Taleb is even more worried. The author of the 2007 best seller The Black Swan: The Impact of the Highly Improbable thinks that a US debt “spiral,” coupled with political dysfunction in Washington, is a “white swan” risk in plain sight that could cost Washington its last AAA credit rating.

“The risk is right in front of us,” Taleb says. “If you see a fragile bridge, you know it’s going to collapse at some point.” Taleb adds that “a debt spiral is like a death spiral. We need something to come in from the outside, or maybe some kind of miracle.”

Last November, Moody’s Investors Service warned it might yank away America’s only remaining top rating. That came three months after Fitch Ratings downgraded the US to AA+ as Republicans and Democrats brawled over funding the government. And 12 years after a Standard & Poor’s downgrade amid partisan bickering over the debt ceiling.

“So long as you have Congress keep extending the debt limit and doing deals because they’re afraid of the consequences of doing the right thing,” Taleb says, “you’re going to have a debt spiral.”

As US political polarization hits a fever pitch, there seems little scope for a pivot toward fiscal sobriety. As Biden runs for reelection, his Democratic Party has zero plans for debt reduction. Nor do Republicans loyal to Trump, who are telegraphing giant new tax cuts.

“This makes me kind of gloomy about the entire political system in the Western world,” Taleb explains.

Former US Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin warns that fiscal challenges put the economy in a “terrible place.” Rubin tells Bloomberg that “the risks are enormous and some of them are materializing already, like higher interest rates.”

Rubin earned his fiscal bona fides in the early 1990s. Back then, as President Bill Clinton’s economic czar, Rubin struck a deal with the Fed: debt reduction in exchange for rate cuts. That led to a balanced US budget. Surpluses, too.

Now Rubin worries that the three-percentage-points surge in longer-term US yields is just the beginning. The fiscal outlook has darkened and inflation remains elevated. Rubin cautions that when markets are “out of sync with reality,” things “correct savagely.” 

Sadly, the political climate on Capitol Hill leaves little reason for hope lawmakers can head off catastrophe.

“Looking forward, we’re having to deal with both spending and taxes,” Rubin notes. But “when you get realistic about it, I think you’re going to have to” focus largely on the tax side to increase revenues.

As Rubin sees it, “there’s a lot of talk, but the talk is always divided politically between the Republicans, who refuse to raise taxes, and the Democrats, who won’t do entitlements.” His conclusion about Congress or the White House tackling the deficit is that “I wouldn’t bet on it.”

Nor is it safe to bet on the US debt only rising to $50 trillion a decade from now. As the real figure exceeds even the worst expectations, global markets could be in a world of hurt. And Washington will make it easy for Global South nations hoping to sideline the dollar.

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Budget will “jump-start” growth

PM stands by modern bag, despite value

Budget will 'jump-start' growth
Srettha Thavisin, the prime minister, defends the 3.75 trillion-baht budget costs for the 2025 fiscal year to resuscitate the slow business.

As the House of Representatives squatted its three-day conversation, Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin presented the 3.75 trillion-baht resources costs for the 2025 fiscal year with a plan to jump-start Thailand’s weak economy.

According to Mr. Srettha, the funds aims to aid the country’s market in reaching its full potential. The economy is expected to grow 2.5 % to 3.5 % in 2025, with inflation projected at 0.7 % to 1.7 %, he said.

Mr. Srettha expressed confidence in the third quarter earlier this month, but the government is now focusing on how to boost economic development in the second quarter.

He told the House the state recently launched its” Burn Thailand ‘ ‘ perspective for the nation that aims to leverage its strengths to come as a regional hub in eight key sectors: aviation, tourism, wellness and health, agriculture and food, logistics, potential mobility, digital economy and finance.

This perception may function as a guide for 2025 resources saving control, the prime minister said.

However, he noted that the world economy still faces restrictions and risk factors brought on by trade protectionionism and geopolitical tensions, which could be detrimental.

Additionally, Mr. Srettha assured that 50 million qualified people would receive 10, 000 baht as planned for the government’s designed digital wallet program in the final quarter of the year.

The “digital budget scheme” may trigger financial whirlwinds to boost the country’s economy from the ground up.

” It will drive spending, generation, and work, which in turn will provide tax revenues to the government to invest in projects to improve the country’s competitiveness”, Mr Srettha said.

The 2025 budget’s funding comes from an estimated 2.88 trillion baht of tax revenue and a payment to make up for the estimated 865 billion baht of budget deficit designated for the 2025 fiscal year.

Even though the budget deficit is higher than the current fiscal year’s, the government has set aside 908 billion baht for investment, representing 24.2 % of the total budget and a 27.9 % increase from the 2024 fiscal year, he said.

The first three months saw economic growth of 1.5 % year over year, which was lower than anticipated and surprised some observers.

The NESDC now anticipates a year-long GDP growth rate of between 2 % and 3 %, which is slightly below its previous projection of 2.2 % to 3.2 %. Last year’s growth was 1.9 %.

On May 28, the government approved a budget costs for 3.75 trillion baht for the 2025 fiscal year, starting Oct 1 and ending Sept 30 next month. Some 152.7 billion ringgit was earmarked to finance the president’s 500- billion- baht electronic funds handout scheme. Additionally, a proposal to use 122 billion baht from the fiscal budget for 2024 to finance the scheme was approved by the cabinet.

Of the 122 billion baht, 111 billion baht will come from a budget deficit while the rest will be diverted from the other parts of 2024’s spending, according to the Budget Bureau.

Previously, the government said it also planned to use funds from the Bank for Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives ( BAAC ), worth 172 billion, as one of the three main sources of funding. However, getting a loan from the BAAC to finance the scheme will face legal difficulties. According to the law of the BAAC, the bank can only provide financial aid to farmers, which presents a challenge.

During the debate, Chaithawat Tulathon, leader of the opposition Move Forward Party, criticised the budget bill, saying the government’s loan plan to offset the budget deficit of 865 billion baht almost reach the borrowing ceiling allowed by law, with only 5 billion baht that can be borrowed.

He claimed that only about 163 new projects have received budget funding for the 2025 fiscal year, which is less than the budget funds that were allocated in 2024.

Mr. Chaithawat also criticized the ruling Pheu Thai Party’s digital wallet initiative, claiming that the government has been working to promote the project regardless of its potential effects on the economy.

The government plans to draw some 152.7 billion, or about 18.9 % from the 2025 budget’s 805- billion- baht central fund to finance the scheme, he said. The government’s funding decisions to finance the scheme will put the nation at risk of financial issues. The government’s debt repayment burdens will also increase”, Mr Chaithawat said.

The government is trying to spend as little as possible in the current fiscal year, according to Jurin Laksanawisit, a member of the Democrat Party list, to use the rest to fund the wallet scheme.

Opposition leader Chaithawat Tulathon takes to the microphone to criticize the government’s outdated and misguided budget bill. Photos: Chanat Katanyu

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Digital cash handout carries high financial risk, warns opposition

Budget discussion live in congress

Digital cash handout carries high financial risk, warns opposition
Srettha Thavisin, the prime minister, gives the 2025 Budget Bill to the legislature on Wednesday. ( Photo: Chanat Katanyu )

As the macroeconomic 2025 Budget Bill discussion arose in parliament on Wednesday, the criticism warned the government of the high financial risk of excessive loans, mainly due to the planned 500 billion baht online income handout.

Criticism and Move Forward Party chief Chaithawat Tulathon said the 3.75- trillion- baht budget tabled in parliament by the excellent minister&nbsp, included 865- billion- baht in borrowing, which almost reached the borrowing ceiling of the government.

The state would have little room for further loans, just 5 billion baht. Planned borrowing for fiscal 2025 was off 7.8 % on the past year, the biggest increase in 10 years, Mr Chaithawat said.

” If the government needs to make an immediate payment or make a significant investment in the future, the burden on the government will become heavier and the economic room left to the government may shrink,” he said.

The president’s president claimed that because the budget bill included money that was spent on the government’s digital wallet handbook, it posed financial risks. The one-time pay, which came from the president’s contingency fund, was referred to as spending for economic growth and development, he said.

“Economic return may be dependent solely on the growth of short-term consumption,” the statement goes. This investing does not match the regional condition”, Mr Chaithawat said.

” The budget allocation is the riskiest… The’ Ignite Thailand ‘ plan turns out to be Ignore Thailand”, he said.

Jurin Laksanawisit, the leader of the Democratic Party, predicted that the digital wallet initiative would boost public debt. The state reportedly cut spending in governmental 2024 to allow for the digital budget plan.

He claimed that this spending policy may restrict the growth of the gross domestic product this year.

Prime Minister Srettha stated in his introduction that the 2025 expenditure was intended to see the country’s economy grow at its fastest, in line with the government’s plan to” Burn Thailand.”

He claimed that the 10,000-baht digital wallet flyer may reach 50 million recipients later this year and support the economy at the local level.

The nation’s foreign reserves, which were totaling US$ 224.48 billion as of December 31, 2023, were reported by the prime minister as being materially sound.

The 2025 resources included 908.22 billion ringgit in funding, which formed 24.2 % of the total expenditure and was the highest levels substantially in 17 times, Mr Srettha said.

Opposition head Chaithawat Tulathon speaks in the House of Representatives&nbsp, on Wednesday. ( Photo: Chanat Katanyu )

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China’s GDP troubles point to need for bolder reform – Asia Times

Due to Asia’s largest economy’s unsteady state, China’s home crisis is once more in the news for all the wrong reasons.

One of the catalysts that helped China become a global superpower was the country’s estate boom. Xi Jinping is currently facing the most difficult problem of his ten years as Chinese president due to the cover slump.

According to data from May, Xi’s inner circle had hoped that the government’s stimulus efforts to date were n’t gaining the support they had hoped. After falling 3 % in April, new home sales decreased by roughly 4 % last month. It’s the worst work for the business in roughly 10 years. &nbsp, Property investment&nbsp, is over 10 % since the start of the time compared to the January- Does period a year ago.

This data additionally supports the property industry’s continued dominance of growth this year, according to Lynn Song, ING Bank’s chief greater China economist, adding that Beijing if “ring some alarm bells.”

The Third Plenum conference scheduled for this month is set to be illuminated by all of this in a better than ever light. This meeting takes place every five times to examine big-picture reform ideas.

The event was actually scheduled for October 2023, but it was postponed due to uncertainty in the physical economy. However, the meet is a fantastic opportunity for Xi to rekindle his reformist momentum and discuss how steps can be taken to stop the property crisis.

At the moment, says Fitch Ratings analyst Brian Coulton, “domestic desire has weakened in China as the&nbsp, property&nbsp, industry decline worsens and personal intake growth remains sluggish. However, exports have rebounded, which has helped true GDP, and governmental policy is being relaxed. Negative pressures are, nonetheless, widespread”.

An apostrophe is required for all the engines currently propelling China.

The ultra-long special sovereign bonds Beijing began selling in May have the potential to support the country’s gross domestic product of 1 trillion yuan ($ 138 billion ). The goal is to achieve China’s 5 % yearly growth target by reducing public debt and funding for equipment.

According to scholar Louise Loo at Oxford Economics, “unconvincing onshore action speed outside of the “new” companies in May suggests that the current increase in house and fiscal stimulus has not yet improved buyer and investor sentiment.”

The physical sector, however, is even more questionable, yet if mainland exports are on a break. In spite of the escalating US-China trade tensions, overseas shipments increased by 7.6 % year over year at their fastest rate in more than a year.

According to Tatiana Orlova, an economist at Oxford Economics,” We anticipate that the Chinese trade value recession will provide a valuable tailwind in the battle to bring emerging market inflation back to destination.”

Problem is, the international scene is awash in winds. In the US, the Federal Reserve’s reticence to relieve means the “higher for more” time for provides may persist indefinitely. At the same time as the Bank of Japan is considering a rate increase, Tokyo is avoiding recession once more. Europe is muddling along as Germany stagnates.

What’s urgent is a renewed effort to rebalance growth engines and incentives. Short- term stimulus is plenty needed, as evidenced by the marked downshift in mainland&nbsp, demand.

Many people anticipate Beijing to increase its efforts since April to encourage businesses and households to upgrade outdated machinery with government subsidies, with an emphasis on automobiles.

” The upcoming implementation of the trade- in replacement scheme will positively impact household and business demand, hopefully inducing demand- led inflation somewhat” ,&nbsp, says Kelvin Lam, an economist at Pantheon Macroeconomics.

The main point will be however, how Xi and Premier Li Qiang’s plans to speed up structural upgrades are to be discussed.

” The Third Plenum may conclude with a pledge of comprehensive reform in areas spanning the private sector, manufacturing, innovation, social security, economic management and more”, says Mark Williams, chief Asia economist at Capital Economics. That may give rise to significant change, but the Party believes that it has engaged in comprehensive reform for the past ten years.

Carlos Casanova, economist at Union Bancaire Privée, adds that “while nobody can know the scope of reforms ahead of time, we expect to see changes to&nbsp, housing&nbsp, sector policies. More cities are announcing a complete end to macroprudential restrictions on investment properties. The central government has so far remained silent, suggesting a more formal pivot during the summer. Stay tuned for more”.

That “more” could include Beijing going further than it has to date to help highly indebted property developers, regardless of “moral hazard” risks.

In order to maintain growth at 5 %, Xi’s top priority in 2024 is encouraging consumers to spend more and save less. That entails boosting incomes and creating stronger social safety nets to encourage spending. It implies developing more reliable capital markets so that the typical Chinese can invest in both stocks and bonds, not just real estate.

Until now, Beijing’s extreme focus on juicing consumption time and time again is counterproductive, many economists say. It makes China vulnerable to boom-and-bust cycles that necessitate urgent attention at the expense of reinvigorating the economy. And China’s heavy reliance on exports leaves the economy vulnerable to Washington ‘s&nbsp, trade- sanction antics.

Part of the strategy is accelerating and broadening China’s evolution as a high- tech powerhouse, development experts agree. And indications are, this is precisely the pivot Xi and Premier Li Qiang are making as 2025 approaches.

Xi’s” Made in&nbsp, China 2025″ vision has Beijing investing aggressively in making China the dominant power in 5G, electric vehicles, semiconductors, artificial intelligence, renewable energy and other dominant “future” industries. &nbsp,

Yet unless China tends to cracks in its economic foundations, boom- bust cycles will remain a challenge for Xi’s inner circle. Lau notes that a robust increase in domestic demand will require bold actions to address” the current economic malaise” in the real estate sector and rising local government debt levels.

” The&nbsp, property&nbsp, sector is a major problem”, says&nbsp, Wei He, &nbsp, economist at Gavekal Dragonomics. Policymakers announced new support measures in the middle of May, but the lack of improvement in daily sales figures suggests that they will almost certainly need to do more to restore consumer confidence.

Odds are, He says, “policymakers may opt to wait, at least for now. They are not complacent about economic growth, as the Politburo’s call in April for more support demonstrated. However, they may not feel any urgency either because real GDP growth is likely running above the full-year target of around 5 %.

To be sure,” that prospect is unwelcome to market participants”, He adds. Equity and commodity markets have slowed since late May, according to the statement from the Politburo meeting, which started in late April.

There are no obvious catalysts for a change in market sentiment until further policy support is found, he asserts, or the upcoming Third Plenum results in an unexpectedly market-friendly outcome. ” Unless the economic data worsen, policymakers may keep markets waiting”.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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ICAEW: Q1 2024 economic growth in Southeast Asia and Malaysia buoyed by electronics exports, but cautious outlook remains

  • Indonesian exports are anticipated to grow as the electrical cycle bottoms out.
  • In the second quarter of 2024, Malaysia is anticipated to take advantage of the electronics treatment.

ICAEW: Q1 2024 economic growth in Southeast Asia and Malaysia buoyed by electronics exports, but cautious outlook remains

The electronics sector is a positive force for Southeast Asia’s economy, according to a report from Oxford Economics that was commissioned by the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales ( ICAEW). The region is projected to grow by 4.0 % in 2024 and 2025. Nevertheless, this is below the pre-pandemic average of 5 % in the previous five years, mostly as a result of anticipated difficulties in private use as interest rates rise more.

ICAEW: Q1 2024 economic growth in Southeast Asia and Malaysia buoyed by electronics exports, but cautious outlook remains

The report argues that Southeast Asian electronics-focused exporters gained a better grip in Q1 2024, in large part as a result of the technology sector’s bottoming out. It said the treatment in global silicon sales, which saw a 15.3 % year- on- yr increase in Q1 2024, has mainly benefited Vietnam, where export growth soared to an estimated 16.8 % year- on- year. Singapore also experienced a rise in non-oil home exports in April with an estimated 9.4 % month-on-month growth, which is a good turn after two consecutive weeks of collapse, intermittently adjusted.

Given its position farther down the electrical value chain, Malaysia is anticipated to benefit from the gadgets healing in the second half of the season. However, Southeast Asia’s electronics industry’s enhance is still less encouraging than those of Taiwan and South Korea, two other major Asian silicon players.

ICAEW: Q1 2024 economic growth in Southeast Asia and Malaysia buoyed by electronics exports, but cautious outlook remains

International tight monetary policies are likely to measure down additional need for the region’s exports, making recovery reasonable, the report stated, adding that the global growth forecast of 2.6 % for 2024, lower than pre- pandemic levels, did likewise lessen local export growth.

On the positive side, Southeast Asia’s tourism sector has experienced steady visitor growth since November 2023, partially as a result of various visa-free travel arrangements with China. This has resulted in more frequent intraregional travel within Southeast Asia. However, supply- side constraints, such as limited flight capacity and a shortage of hotel rooms, could hinder the region’s ability to fully meet resurgent tourist demand. As a result, the recent rapid growth in tourist arrivals is likely to decelerate.

Domestic consumption faces near- term challenges

In the report, domestic consumption in Southeast Asia was stronger than anticipated in Q1 2024. However, it is unlikely to spur economic growth in the upcoming quarter because regional tight monetary policy is anticipated to restrain consumer spending.

Southeast Asian central banks ‘ options for easing monetary policy are likely limited by the persistent weakness of local currencies in relation to the US dollar. The strong US dollar, driven by the Federal Reserve’s high interest rates, prevents local central banks from cutting rates without risking further currency depreciation. In Q1 2024, Bank Indonesia was even forced to raise rates to arrest the rupiah’s decline.

Due to the tight monetary policy in place, debt servicing and borrowing costs will continue to be high, likely limiting private consumption. Additionally, the research found that many consumers and businesses are continuing to consolidate as they are recovering from the pandemic and are likely to concentrate on quickly rebuilding their savings or refining their balance sheets.

Governments are coordinating at the same time to reduce spending and raise taxes in order to offset pandemic-related fiscal payouts. Indonesia is planning to raise taxes in 2025 after Singapore and Thailand both raised taxes this year. Malaysia intends to change the second half of the year’s RON95 subsidies from a blanket policy to a more judiciously targeted approach.

With the US Federal Reserve’s forecast for rate reductions in Q3 2024, there is still a glimmer of hope. This could lessen regional currency pressure, allowing Southeast Asian central banks to ease their monetary policies.

Malaysia: Q1 2024 economic growth buoyed by electronics exports but cautious outlook remains

In Q1 2024, Malaysia experienced a notable economic upturn, with GDP expanding from a revised 2.9 % year- on- year in Q4 2023 to a robust 4.2 %, coupled with a remarkable 1.4 % quarter- on- quarter growth in seasonally adjusted terms, effectively reversing the 1.0 % contraction observed in the previous quarter. This positive momentum, however, faces challenges in sustainability.

The remarkable rise of 9.7 % quarter over quarter in exports, primarily fueled by the resurgence of Chinese tourists during the Chinese New Year holiday in February, was a significant driver of growth. This resurgence can be attributed, in part, to the bilateral visa- free arrangement initiated in December 2023. Nonetheless, there are doubts regarding the longevity of this surge, as initial boosts tend to fade over time.

Retail sales volumes also experienced a notable recovery, rising 4.4 % month over month in February after four consecutive months of decline. However, this resurgence appeared to lose steam in March, with retail sales growing only by 0.7 %. Despite a strong labor market and historically low unemployment rates, there are beginning signs of softness, as evidenced by stuttering new job growth and slowing wage growth, which could point to a potential future moderation in consumer spending.

According to the research, domestic demand is anticipated to remain flat or even decline, as demonstrated by recent budget plans that intended nominal spending reductions. In addition, fuel subsidies are being reduced to reduce the deficit in order to increase the public debt-to-GDP ratio. Investment, particularly within the industrial sector, is likely to face constraints amid the prevailing uncertain external environment. &nbsp,

Exports are expected to grow modestly in the external sector in 2024, despite a subdued global demand. Malaysian exports are anticipated to benefit from the anticipated bottoming out of the electronics cycle, but this impact may not be fully realized until the second half of the year as a result of the country’s position within global supply chains.

The significant discount of the Bank Negara Malaysia’s ( BNM) policy rate in relation to the US Federal Funds rate was a major contributor to the Malaysian ringgit’s struggles in Q1 2024. The currency’s weakness hinders BNM’s ability to ease policy, which has been hovering below 2 % for the past six months and showing little sign of significant increase. This issue persists until the US Federal Reserve starts making rate cuts, which are anticipated to occur in Q3, easing the ringgit’s pressure and potentially allowing policy rate adjustments. &nbsp,

While Malaysia’s Q1 2024 GDP growth showcased resilience, primarily supported by robust electronics exports, the economic outlook remains cautious due to challenges in both domestic consumption and external demand. Although there are still questions about global economic conditions and domestic policy responses, Bank Negara Malaysia is confident that there are upside risks from greater spillover from the tech upcycle, more robust tourism activities, and faster implementation of existing and new investment projects. However, the Malaysian economy is expected to experience modest growth throughout 2024.

ICAEW: Q1 2024 economic growth in Southeast Asia and Malaysia buoyed by electronics exports, but cautious outlook remains

In summary

  • Malaysia’s GDP grew by 4.2 % year- on- year in Q1 2024, supported by electronics exports.
  • Due to challenges in domestic consumption and the state of the world economy, the outlook for sustained growth is still uncertain.
  • Government decisions and supply-side constraints continue to have an impact on Malaysia’s economic dynamics.

&nbsp, Other findings from the Economic Update Q2 2024 include:

Singapore: Trade- weighted economy will remain subdued

  • Singapore’s GDP grew 2.7 % year- on- year in Q1 while seasonally adjusted Q1 GDP grew slightly by 0.1 % quarter- on- quarter.
  • Singapore’s economic momentum is likely to be subdued, despite strong electronics exports.
  • This year’s overall growth will likely remain slightly below the previous year’s trend, as evidenced by soft domestic demand.

Indonesia: Shift in monetary policy likely to be delayed

  • Indonesia’s economy grew by 5.1 % year- on- year in Q1 2024, up from 5.0 % in Q4 2023.
  • Domestic consumption, both in the private and public sectors, continues to drive resilience, with the latter likely bolstered by election- related spending.
  • The external sector will be a drag, given soft global growth. Lowering external demand and sideways trade figures will also impact business investment.
  • Bank Indonesia is anticipated to hold rates until Q4 2024, with a potential 25 basis point rate cut following the US Federal Reserve’s rate cut.

Vietnam: A soft 2024, but a bright medium- term outlook

  • Vietnam’s real GDP grew by 5.6 % year- on- year in Q1 2024, down from 6.7 % in Q4 2023.
  • Exports remained robust in early 2024, driven by electronics and agriculture.
  • Poor sentiment, capital deployment, and consumption are expected to remain drags, with credit growth at its joint- slowest in 10 years as of March. Year- to- date credit growth, or the amount of loans from commercial banks, was only at 1.3 % year- on- year in March after two months of negative figures.
  • As Vietnam benefits from the reshuffling of the structural supply chain from China, which will likely increase economic momentum gradually in H2 2024, it is likely to experience a gradual improvement in economic momentum, which will draw in foreign direct investment.

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Analysis: Why more than half of ASEAN states are set to miss Ukraine’s peace summit in Switzerland

ASEAN Visitors

Dr Ian Storey, Senior Fellow at the ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, told CNA that Singapore, the Philippines and Timor- Leste have all taken a sturdy stand over Belarusian aggression against Ukraine, so it’s not astonishing they may attend.

Singapore is the only local nation to have imposed punitive sanctions against Russia of the nations that have confirmed their presence. &nbsp,

Singapore’s Prime Minister Lawrence Wong made a statement earlier this month that Sim Ann, the city’s top foreign affairs minister, would travel to represent the nation at the peace conference. &nbsp,

In his first trip to the land, Mr. Zelenskyy personally invited Asian President Bongbong Marcos to participate in the conference on Jun 3, Mr. Zelenskyy traveled to the Philippine capital Manila. He claimed that Mr Marcos confirmed his enrollment, according to press reports. &nbsp,

” Your ( Philippines ) voice is very important. This area is very important”, Zelensky said, as quoted in localized media platform PhilStar.

But, about a week later, Mr. Marcos confirmed that he would be represented by Carlito Galvez Jr., the president’s spokesman for peace, peace, and cohesion.

The president’s absence from the event has not yet been addressed by the Presidential Communications Office (PCO ).

Thailand has confirmed that Russ Jalichandra, its assistant foreign secretary, will represent it at the conference.

Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, a major NATO person in the Russia-Ukraine issue, met with French President Emmanuel Macron, who confirmed Thailand’s cooperation during his May meeting with the paper. &nbsp,

Thailand late abstained from two UN resolutions and casts a ballot in favor of four of them.

Indonesia has also confirmed that it will take its embassy to the mountain.

Dr. Alan Chong, Senior Fellow at Singapore’s S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, noted that both the Israeli-Palestinian militant group Hamas and the approaching president Prabowo Subianto have spoken out against another present conflict, &nbsp.

Mr Prabowo just held a conference on Jun 11 with major US envoy Antony Blinken&nbsp, in Jordan to discuss&nbsp, attempts to find a peaceful answer to the Israel- Palestinian issue.

Dr. Chong thinks Indonesia’s attitude toward the upcoming peace conference has been influenced by this.

“( It ) wants to take the moral high ground, and speak out against all aggression”, he told CNA. You ca n’t say you condemn Israel but not Russia, you know.

He continued,” It- Leste is using the conference as a political light” to demonstrate that it has democratic allies outside the regional union. &nbsp,

” It is trying to get into ASEAN, but it wants to play hard to get”, he said.

” President ( José ) Ramos- Horta is using this event as a signal to ASEAN to say’ we’ve got friends elsewhere ‘”.

THE LIKELY ABSENTEES

Hun Sen, the former Cambodian prime minister, announced on June 7 that the nation would never attend because Russia had not been invited, and the event is not anticipated to be successful. His son, Mr. Hun Manet is currently the country’s prime minister.

Secretary of State and top Cambodian national Kung Phoak emphasized that the selection had no bearing on Cambodia’s position on the battle at the” Cambodia’s Foreign Policy in the ASEAN Context” Discussion Forum.

According to him,” A sovereign state has the right to decide whether all of the problems will contribute to the effort to find a solution that leads to lasting serenity,” he said, adding that it cannot be regarded as a change in Cambodia’s place.

In his remark published a moment earlier on ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute’s Fulcrum page, Dr Storey had written that Cambodia’s reaction may be interesting to watch.

He noted that when the invasion occurred, Mr. Hun Sen had resisted Chinese pressure to withdraw from the UN General Assembly’s commitments regarding Ukraine. &nbsp,

” As Zelenskyy has charged, but China has denied, Cambodia may well have come under pressure from Beijing to stay ahead. If Prime Minister Hun Manet does come to Switzerland, it suggests he is determined to preserve Cambodia’s corporate autonomy”, Dr Storey wrote.

Malaysia is the next ASEAN nation to turn away from attending. Anwar Ibrahim, the prime minister, has spoken out more about the Gaza War, but he has abstained from the peace conference in contrast to his Indonesian peers. &nbsp,

Some ASEAN nations that are deemed unfit to go have long-standing ties to Russia, according to Dr. Storey. &nbsp,

Myanmar has gotten closer to the Kremlin in a bid to stable Russian military equipment since the military seized control of the nation and ousted a democratically elected government in February 2021. &nbsp,

Since the coup, defense relations between Russia and Myanmar have been at an all-time high, according to a political scientist from Yangon who was quoted in Nikkei Asia. &nbsp,

According to a Finnish think tank SIPRI, quoted in Fulcrum, between 2021 and 2022, Russia provided Myanmar with US$ 276 million in military products.

Myanmar and Russia celebrated the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations in February of last year. Russia was the only significant authority to recognize the Tatmadaw government’s 2021 power get. &nbsp,

Similarly, Myanmar was the only ASEAN associate state to embrace Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine and to deliver defense supplies to Russia’s military forces.

Vietnam has so far taken a more natural position on the battle in line with its commitment to “bamboo diplomacy.”

Vietnam has historic ties to Russia, despite the Taiwanese government’s donation of US$ 500, 000 to global reduction organizations during the first year of the conflict in Eastern Europe. &nbsp,

One of the biggest arms imports in the world over the past few decades has been Vietnam, which has sourced a lot of equipment from Russia, but according to local media, the Southeast Asian nation placed no considerable orders last yr. &nbsp,

Vietnam voted against the movement to reduce Russia from the UN Human Rights Council on April 7, 2022, and voted against four UN General Assembly resolutions that condemned Russia’s invasion on Ukraine between 2022 and 2023. &nbsp,

Like Vietnam, Laos equally has forged ties with Russia in the past. Russia made the decision in 2003 to rescind 70 % of Laos ‘ national debt and offer favorable terms for the country’s$ 378 million US debt over the course of 33 years.

More recently, a number of business communities have been held in both Laos and Russia to promote teamwork in the online market, smart cities, training and commerce.

Russia has reportedly stated that it will support the modernization of Laos ‘ healthcare system. In 2021, it provided US$ 12 million to upgrade the Mittaphab Hospital in Vientiane.

Vietnam and Laos are close ally of Russia, and they are not going to the summit. Both nations are still indebted to Moscow for the significant support the Soviet Union gave them during the Cold War. Both nations rely on Russia to keep their armed forces, which are equipped with Russian weapons, in place, according to Dr. Storey.

President Putin is also scheduled to travel to Vietnam from June 19 to June 20, and Hanoi wo n’t want to offend the Kremlin during the course of his visit.

Brunei is still deliberating on the invitation, although Dr Storey believes that” they appear to have declined the invitation”, citing his sources in the Brunei government. &nbsp,

The summit will have one unifying factor of importance to all its members, according to Dr. Storey as ASEAN leaders weigh up various factors that are used to make their decisions. &nbsp,

The discussions on food security will be the most crucial part of the summit from the perspective of Southeast Asia, he told CNA.

The war’s biggest effect on the area is that it has caused rising food and energy costs. Because Russia and Ukraine are both major exporters of food and fertilizers, Southeast Asia has been negatively impacted by the disruptions to their exports.

However, others take a bleaker view. &nbsp,

James Chin, a professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania, said he has no idea whether the summit will have any lasting effects. &nbsp,

” This is more a PR exercise than anything else”, he said. No one believes that any outcome of the Global Peace Summit will be achieved without the assistance of all of the major powers.

Additional reporting by Ericssen.

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Evergrande liquidation law firm probing PwC, others for potential claims, sources say

HONG KONG: Doctors appointed by the trustees of China Evergrande Group are investigating some of the house company’s service providers including its original accountant PricewaterhouseCoopers, to likely recoup losses for creditors, three sources said. Evergrande, after China’s largest property developer, was ordered to be liquidated by a Hong Kong judgeContinue Reading

European debt now a better bet than US Treasuries – Asia Times

As relationship expert Bill Gross sparkles a bright spotlight on a rapidly evolving threat to US Treasury securities, the November election, Janet Yellen the n’t become happy.

The former Pacific Investment Management Co ( PIMCO ) chief investment officer has mentioned European debt as a ready substitute for securities that were sold by US Treasury Secretary Yellen’s team in recent interviews.

” As we move to November, and everything becomes more clear as to who may or who might not win, the doubt plus the potential legislation implications may affect Treasuries significantly”, Gross told Bloomberg.

Gross’s apparent move to Europe comes even after the electoral debacles in Berlin and Paris. Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz faced opposition in the European Parliament elections on June 9.

As President Macron called a snap election in a bid to consolidate power, French bond yields reached their highest level since November. German and Italian bond prices plunged, too, as traders assessed the fiscal policy implications of the elections.

Gross notes, political surprises coming from the continent, and other significant events in India, Mexico, and South Africa that put many bond investors at risk due to market reactions. Could the US election pitting Democrats for Republicans against President Joe Biden be the next market snob?

” What we’ve seen the last few weeks is a reaction to uncertainty, in terms of not only the party that’s dominating, but uncertainty as to what their policies will be”, Gross explains.

As such, Gross adds,” there’s coming a point where European bonds are more attractive than Treasury bonds, in my opinion. In terms of attraction, the spreads for German and French 10-year bonds have decreased significantly over the past month or two in relation to Treasuries and today as well.

This is how US electioneering may cast a serious shadow over the attractiveness of the dollar, the linchpin of global finance and trade, written between the lines in bold font. And the difficult task Team Yellen must complete in order to stop the US government’s debt from rising worldwide.

Adding to Yellen’s challenges, a US national debt approaching US$ 35 trillion just as Washington politics become increasingly toxic.

A US debt run might be in the offing. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Extreme polarization is already imperiling Washington’s credit rating. Last August, when Fitch Ratings yanked away America’s AAA&nbsp, credit score, it cited the polarization behind the January 6, 2021 insurrection among the reasons.

Additionally, Fitch cited political conflict involving raising the statutory debt ceiling and funding the US government as risk factors for the credit rating of Washington. Such clashes might worry Asia less if not for the fact Washington’s debt is&nbsp, twice the size&nbsp, of China’s annual GDP and more than eight times Japan’s.

Combined, Tokyo and Beijing hold about$ 2 trillion of US government debt. That vast pool of savings could be at risk if Moody’s Investors Service revokes Washington’s last remaining AAA rating. Surging US yields would affect global markets in unanticipated ways.

America’s sharp mercantilist pivot since 2017 is another worry for Asia’s export- reliant economies. Then, President Trump imposed severe tariffs on global steel and aluminum as well as Chinese goods.

When Biden arrived, he left Trump’s trade war in place— and added new layers of China- targeted curbs, most targeting China’s access to semiconductors, chip- making equipment and other vital, cutting- edge technologies.

Now, Trump’s plan to slap 60 % taxes on all Chinese goods is catalyzing something of a tariff arms race, one that’s drawing retaliation threats from Xi Jinping’s government. The EU followed this week with 38 % of its own tariffs after Beijing just imposed a 100 % tax on China-made electric vehicles.

Never mind that “policies are more likely to hurt than help the lower- and middle-income Americans they purport to benefit,” asserts economist Kimberly Clausing of the Peterson Institute for International Economics, a think tank based in Washington.

Stock markets everywhere could be in harm’s way as trade war risks increase and uncertainty surrounds growth prospects. According to Gross, the US’s “equity market is valued at historically high levels if looking at current 21-times ‘ price to earnings ratios” are considered. If GDP slows, he notes, there could be” a problem in terms of valuation at the moment for many stocks”.

That goes, too, for Europe’s economic prospects as the region’s biggest economy, Germany, fends off recession risks. With a narrower electoral mandate, Chancellor Scholz ‘ Social Democrats and its progressive coalition partners are now free to stimulate growth.

Macron is smarting in France now that he lost to Marine Le Pen’s nationalist far-right party in parliamentary elections. The surprise snap election he announced overlaps with Macron’s hosting of the Paris Summer Olympics. Macron’s instinct to fight contrasts with Belgium’s Alexander De Croo, who resigned instead.

Macron urges French citizens to cast ballots the same way they did this weekend for the European Parliament, which has long been seen as a protest vote, according to Mujtaba Rahman, an analyst at Eurasia Group.

Macron “believes he can defy the polls by having to choose between the pro-EU, pro-Ukrainian, and centrist status quo” and the existential risk of a far-right government,” he said.

It’s quite a gamble on France’s future. Polls, Rahman says, suggest Macron’s centrist coalition will fail to win a majority, and if Le Pen’s National Rally picks up the most seats.”

That means” France will be in uncharted waters,” Rahman explains”. Le Pen has stated that she will partially withhold EU funding, impose stricter immigration laws, violate the EU single market by putting French business before French aid, and impose restrictions on aid to Ukraine.

Italy’s Giorgia Meloni had a much better week, continuing her pivot from far- right to mainstream. Along with a solid election showing, Meloni’s government will host the Group of Seven ( G7 ) in the days ahead.

Centrist European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen also appears to have reclaimed the far-right trend and been given another five-year term. She will likely be forced to make concessions to immigration and environmental policies to advance the agenda.

Ursula von der Leyen, the EC president, has been hawkish about China trade issues. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP / Dursun Aydemir / Anadolu Agency

What all of this means for EU fiscal dynamics is a ripe subject. Another wildcard is the outlook for US rates. The core consumer price index dropped to its lowest level in more than three years in May.

Despite May’s lower CPI, the US Federal Reserve’s guidance seems” roughly unchanged,” says economist Dominique Dwor- Frecaut at advisory Macro Hive”. Cuts continue to be the best case scenario until the Fed has increased its confidence in the disinflationary outlook.

Will Denyer, economist at Gavekal Dragonomics, adds that” even though they had this softer inflation data in hand, Fed policymakers still pared back their rate cut expectations for the year.”

The global implications are uncertain. The belief that the Fed is” committed to its 2 % inflation target” in the foreign exchange market implies that any increase in US inflation has a tendency to cause the dollar to rise while slower inflation causes the US currency to contract, according to Denyer.

As a result, May’s softer CPI release saw the dollar ease against most currencies. However, it’s still unclear whether this focus will continue to be the main force behind the world’s exchange markets in the coming days and weeks.

Denyer contends that worries about the outcome of the French parliamentary election could devalue the euro. A potential drop in the Bank of Japan’s asset purchases could increase the yen. The main story is, however, May’s moderate US inflation and what it implies for US policy and global markets.

Not the whole story, though, as election- year shenanigans heat up in the US. Global markets will continue to be tense as Biden and Trump battle it out in the polls. &nbsp,

According to Kelvin Wong, an analyst at OANDA, the 10-year yield spread premium between US Treasury notes and Japanese government bonds has reduced Japanese insurance companies ‘ ability to invest in fixed-income securities, which may result in higher odds that the long-term JGB yields will likely trend higher.

According to Wang,” These potential upcoming fixed income portfolio adjustments from Japanese insurance companies may provide some support to halt the major yen’s weakness against the US dollar.”

However, as Gross points out, European debt will soon be popular with global investors as Yellen’s team struggles to maintain demand for a US Treasury debt market that appears to be in decline.

” Relative to the US, we see support for European bonds due to smaller fiscal deficits,” says Ann- Katrin Petersen, investment strategist at the BlackRock Investment Institute.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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Fret not Delhi, Dhaka’s surely not in Beijing’s orb – Asia Times

For years, Sino- American competition for influence over Bangladesh has been a tough- driving pressure in South Asia’s geopolitics. As a cousin of India and a coastal state of the Indian Ocean, Bangladesh has often been embroiled in the conflict, and consequently, both Beijing and New Delhi have sought to expand their control over the country, often at the other’s expense.

Since the late 1950s, Bangladesh, known as East Pakistan between 1947 and 1971, has been a geopolitical battleground between the dragon ( China ) and the elephant ( India ). East Pakistan was in the Foreign circle at the time that Pakistan and China forged close relationships.

But, after Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, the country’s international policy was based on the maxim “friendship to all, malice towards none”, and adopted a no- aligned, non- aggressive and positively natural foreign policy. So, the nation has successfully balancing and maneuvering their strategic competition with both India and China while maintaining rational and cooperative relations with both.

Despite this, many American analysts <a href="https://www.oneindia.com/international/chinas-growing-role-in-bangladesh-raises-concerns-for-india-us-3722347.html”>have expressed concern about the potential integration of Bangladesh into China’s sphere of influence. However, this is a total interpretation of Dhaka’s foreign policy, so it is necessary to respond to this claim from a balanced and objective perspective.

Second, under customary international law, Bangladesh is a sovereign, independent state, and as a result, it is fully able to conduct its international politics without interference.

Bangladesh has complete freedom of action over its foreign policy, both legally and morally, as long as its actions do n’t violate any of the UN’s ( UN) Charter’s provisions. No other state has the legal authority to obstruct negotiations between Bangladesh and any other country, including China, and Bangladesh has the right to do so.

Although Bangladesh has complete freedom to pursue its foreign policy, it is apparent that India may make an effort to increase its security and therefore feel a certain way about China’s involvement in its immediate vicinity. However, New Delhi may know that Dhaka’s collaboration with Beijing is not directed against any other condition, including India.

Bangladesh’s partnership with China aims to meet its own development needs, and it is solely concerned with its inside development. The Indians should keep in mind that Dhaka has consistently demonstrated its civility to New Delhi while taking into account India’s safety concerns.

For instance, Dhaka has interdicted north Indian rebel leaders to India, extradited them to India, and resisted putting the strong seaport project in Sonadia Island, which is supported by China, into operation.

American analysts frequently classify certain Chinese initiatives and projects as potential risks to Indian interests. These include the possibility of providing US$ 5 billion in Chinese loans, Chinese-backed infrastructure projects, the development of a Chinese-financed underwater center in southwestern Bangladesh, and the upcoming Sino-Bangladesh military training.

When you examine these tasks and activities closely, it becomes clear that none of them are directed at India or interfere with American security or other interests.

First, Bangladesh wants to borrow$ 5 billion ( at an interest rate of 1 % ) from China to pay for its expenses and the purchase of raw materials. American passions are unaffected in any way by this. Because China is the only state that will lend to Bangladesh at for a low interest rate, Dhaka is requesting this product from Beijing.

Dhaka would have been happy to accept India’s credit if it had been willing to lend a$ 5 billion loan to Bangladesh at a 1 % interest rate. Some researchers may worry that Bangladesh is falling into a “debt trap” in China, but another foreign experts contend that Dhaka has a wealth of knowledge and minimal risk of default.

Next, some Indian experts worry that China is developing network in Bangladesh close to the Siliguri Corridor to defame India. These problems, too, are false. It should be remembered that Bangladesh is an” India- locked” position and among 64 Bengal towns, 30 share edges with India.

Bangladesh, it is undoubtedly entitled to all of its border districts to have equipment projects, and it has the right to choose which state to invest in them. Additionally, none of the jobs China is implementing in Bangladesh’s border towns are focused on the defense.

Additionally, China does not have the right to stop soldiers or military technology on Bangladeshi place, and upon the completion of these projects, these infrastructures may become controlled by Bangladeshis, not the Chinese.

Additionally, there is no treaty signed between Bangladesh and China regarding Chinese troops ‘ use of Bangladeshi territory during combat. Accordingly, in case of a war between China and India, China would not be able to use these infrastructures.

In addition, Bangladesh has shown goodwill toward India by providing the country with transit and transshipment facilities because the Siliguri Corridor does not allow India to access its northeastern territories in sufficient numbers.

Other Indian analysts are concerned about China’s$ 1 billion investment in the Teesta River Comprehensive Management and Restoration Project. It should be noted, however, that the Indian- implemented Teesta Barrage Project has created a serious water crisis in Bangladesh, and Dhaka’s efforts to resolve the issue diplomatically has met with failure.

However, the river has a significant economic impact for five northern Bangladeshi districts that have 22 electoral constituencies and have more than 10 million residents. Therefore, the restoration of the river is a significant internal political issue that affects the careers of numerous local politicians. This project, in no sense whatsoever, represents a threat to Indian interests.

Third, China has been Bangladesh’s largest source of military equipment since the late 1970s, primarily because of the low cost, ease of maintenance and relative efficiency of Chinese weapons. This, in itself, does not pose any threat to India.

Bangladesh also imports weapons from a number of other states including Russia, Turkey, the United States, the United Kingdom, Italy, France and Serbia, and is currently looking to further diversify its sources of arms. Bangladesh has also stated that it wants to purchase some military equipment from India.

Fourth, China has contributed money to the construction of Cox’s Bazar’s first submarine base, the BNS Sheikh Hasina, which will have the capacity to house six submarines and eight warships. Bangladesh has purchased two Ming-class submarines from China and is likely to purchase more naval vessels from the nation, so China has provided funding for the project.

The Bangladeshi government’s” Forces Goal 2030″ includes the transformation of the Bangladesh Navy into a ‘3D force, as well as the construction of the base and the acquisition of submarines. This is crucial to ensuring Bangladesh’s maritime security, and it is again no threat to India because of both Bangladesh’s hostile intentions toward any of its neighbors and India’s significantly larger submarine fleet.

The Chinese People’s Liberation Army- Navy ( PLA- N ) will not be able to enter the base, despite China having funded the construction of the base. Moreover, Bangladesh opted for Chinese submarines because of their low price. Bangladesh reportedly had negotiated with India and Russia for the acquisition of submarines before engaging in negotiations with China.

Interestingly, India did not sell submarines to Bangladesh but later sold a Kilo- class submarine to Myanmar. Therefore, Bangladesh’s purchase of Chinese submarines and China’s financing of a Bangladeshi submarine base are purely commercial transactions unrelated to India.

Finally, the potential Sino-Bangladesh joint military exercise is a logical extension of the two states ‘ already-existing defense partnership and does not pose any real threat to India. It is its sovereign prerogative to conduct similar exercises with China and regularly participates in joint military exercises with India, the US, and the UK.

Last but not least, the Indian media has implied that Bangladesh’s positions on Tibet, Taiwan and the South China Sea is a result of Chinese coercion. Nothing is further from the truth, however.

It is illogical to suggest that Bangladesh does the same owing to Chinese coercion since Tibet itself recognizes Tibet as a part of China and adheres to the” One China” policy. Bangladesh does not have a significant stake in the disputed region in terms of the disputes in the South China Sea. Accordingly, its Indo- Pacific Outlook suggests ensuring peace and prosperity throughout the region.

Dhaka’s foreign policy is examined carefully and objectively to determine whether it intends to achieve its goals of maximizing its internal development through foreign policy initiatives while preserving its sovereignty and independence from external influences.

Dhaka, as always, has no intention or interest in provoking any other state, not least one that is close to India. Instead of embracing the dragon and the elephant, Bangladesh is open to developing and maintaining positive relationships with both.

Md Himel Rahman is a freelance analyst with a focus on international and strategic affairs based in Dhaka. His articles have been published in The Interpreter, The Diplomat, South Asian Voices, The Geopolitics, Eurasia Review, The Daily Star, The Daily Observer, Dhaka Tribune, and other platforms.

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