Commentary ,Asia (Page 4)

IMPLEMENTATION OVER IDEOLOGY

I interviewed Widodo twice, the last time during his 2019 re-election campaign, in an airport lounge. He was returning from one of his blusakans, a visit to the villages to listen to voters, and showed up dressed in an inexpensive-looking shirt and sneakers.

He emphasised “implementation” over “ideology” and the need for flexibility in a leader. He described himself as willing to play any role – director, producer, actor, “even the audience”. The frontrunner to replace him, former general Prabowo Subianto, has recast his image in a similarly approachable mould.

Throughout his tenure, Widodo made a priority of containing the deficit, which averaged less than 3 per cent of gross domestic product during his terms.

He inherited a plan for universal healthcare and pushed it hard, extending coverage from 56 per cent to 94 per cent of the people in a population of 280 million. That’s the largest programme of its kind in the world, yet public health spending still comes in at barely 1 per cent of GDP.

Widodo was also very conscious of keeping inflation low, saying rising prices hurt the poor the most. Food price inflation, a scourge that has toppled many a leader, trended steadily down on his watch.

But during his time in office, the economy did not enjoy the 7 per cent growth he had promised. Indonesia grew at a rate of 4 to 5 per cent a year, faster than most emerging nations certainly, but no faster than its Southeast Asian neighbours.

One of his top advisers told me that he kept urging Widodo to run a bigger deficit, in order to push growth faster, but the president remained cautious, choosing stability over a dash for growth. This might be explained by the way that 1998, the year riots provoked by the Asian financial crisis left Jakarta in flames, still lingers in the minds of many Indonesians.

Stability seems to suit them. In a 2023 Edelman survey of leading developed and developing nations, 73 per cent of Indonesians said they expected to be better off in five years – among the highest readings for any country.

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WHAT ABOUT THIS TIME AROUND?

So what are the prospects for women’s representation in the upcoming elections?

The barriers to women’s election have not changed and are unlikely to change in the short term. As a result, incremental progress is the best that can be hoped for.

Several women politicians were instrumental in the passage of the Anti-Sexual Violence Bill that passed last year. It’s possible that this increased visibility will give women a bump.

On the other hand, gender issues have not been central to the presidential or legislative campaigns so are unlikely to be uppermost in voters’ minds.

In fact, we may have reason to be more pessimistic. A seemingly minor change to the regulations on quota implementation means that for the first time in three elections, the requirement for a 30 per cent candidate quota will not be applied in every electoral district party list, but instead for the total number of women candidates of each party.

The changes date back to a controversial regulation issued by the Indonesian Electoral Commission (KPU) in April 2023. The regulation allowed rounding down when assessing the number of women a party has on a candidate list. For example, in electoral districts with eight seats, 30 per cent is 2.4 candidates. Previously, a party would have had to field three women candidates. Now, fractions can be rounded down if under 0.5, so in our example, parties are only required to field two women candidates.

A coalition of democracy and gender activists appealed against this regulation to the Supreme Court, and they won. But the electoral commission has indicated it will not enforce the court’s decision in this election. Democracy activists say that this means almost 18 per cent of party lists do not meet the requirement for 30 per cent women candidates.

It could be that these changes will have little impact. After all, we know that most candidates are elected from the first position on the list.

However, it sets a worrying precedent for women’s representation going forward. Our research shows the 30 per cent candidate quota for women is widely supported in Indonesia. Yet, it has effectively been watered down without public discussion and against the advice of the Supreme Court.

The actions of the electoral commission, apparently at the direction of a male-dominated parliamentary commission, underline again how the foundational institutions of Indonesian democracy are being eroded by the political elite.

Sally White is research fellow at Australian National University. This commentary first appeared in The Conversation.

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NEW DELHI: On Thursday, February 8, Pakistanis did cast their ballots for a new National Assembly. The country’s potent military was widely believed to have put its big fingers on the political scales in order to enhance its preferred candidate, former cricket star Imran Khan, during the last vote, which took place in the summer of 2018.

Past three-time prime minister Nawaz Sharif, Khan’s primary enemy, had been removed from office and imprisoned for corruption.

Not much has altered. Except that Khan was imprisoned for alleged bone and removed from office in 2022 this time. He still has to deal with lots of new legal charges, each of which has wildly different significance and trust.

While his reputation as a “prisoner not.” In Attock prison, 804″ had already barred him from running, so last month, as if to lock and triple-lock his mobile, he was found guilty in three additional cases: one for corruption, one of leaking state secrets, and one in marrying his second wife in an “un-Islamic” way.

The supporters of Khan are understandably incensed by what they perceive as a coordinated effort by the military, court, and political opposition to maintain their fiery leader out of office. They find it more difficult to understand that, two decades after he began a political career known primarily for profound anti-Americanism and repeated political failure, it was the judiciary and the defense that initially propelled him into office.

Sharif, whose nephew Shehbaz held the position of prime minister for 16 months prior to Khan’s removal and the establishment of a pre-election caretaker government, is nevertheless hoping to run for office again. If the commanders are in fact on his side, promise has somewhat triumphed over experience. All of Sharif’s past term as prime minister ended with the martial ousting him, once through a coup d’etat.

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DEEPFAKES HOW TO SPOT

For the most part, this is unknown country, but here’s what the Hong Kong target might have done to place the scam and what we’ll all need to perform moving forward for private video calls.

To determine who you are speaking to, primary employ visual cues. If you’re unsure, ask your video conference partner to write a word or phrase on paper and record it for the camera. Deepfakes still ca n’t perform complex movements in real time. Deepfakes may find it challenging to reality imitate in real-time gestures like touching their ears or waving their hands, so you might ask them to choose up a local book or do something special.

Next, pay attention to the teeth. Watch out for eyelid updating discrepancies or odd facial expressions that go beyond the usual connection hiccup.

Third, use multi-factor verification. To ensure that members are who they claim to be, consider holding a secondary talk during delicate sessions via email, SMS, or an id game.

Fourth, utilize additional safe channels. You and the other attendees of important meetings could use an encrypted messaging apps like Signal to ensure your personalities or validate decisions, such as financial dealings, through those same channels.

Update your application, second. If your video conferencing software has security features to find deepfakes, make sure you’re using the most recent version. ( Zoom Video Communications did not respond to inquiries about whether it intends to provide its users with access to such detection technology. )

Avoid unidentified video conferencing platforms, fifth. Use well-known platforms with somewhat robust security measures, such as Zoom or Google Meet, especially for sensitive meetings.

Seventh, keep an eye out for unusual behavior and action. Some tactics have stood the test of time. Be wary of last-minute meetings that involve important decisions, urgent requests for money, or changes to someone’s tone, language, and speaking fashion. Beware of any attempt to jump a decision because swindlers frequently employ stress techniques.

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As EARLY TO ANNOY A PRABOWO SUCCESS

It is still too early to say that he will unquestionably win the presidency in the first round for at least two factors, despite the main experts ‘ estimates.

First of all, a ballot is just that—a small sample of respondents used to forecast the tastes of the entire population.

It is unlikely that reliable polling institutions like Indikator and LSI have gotten their techniques wrong based on their performances thus far. Instead, they have taken every precaution to obtain the most precise benefits.

However, because electors are so erratic, they might not be able to accurately represent the larger image.

A national survey is only an accurate snapshot based on a small sample of voters, in contrast to what crime theorists may imply about the reliability of polling places in Indonesia. There is a margin of error because of this.

Consider Indikator’s forecast of the Prosperous Justice Party ( PKS) support in the upcoming legislative election. Indikator predicted that the PKS may get 6 % of the voting nationwide a few weeks before the poll. In the end, the group received 8.21 %.

Indikator’s prediction was accurate to within the margin of error of 2.9 %, indicating that the model functioned as intended.

PKS is in favor of Anies in this year’s vote. Anies ‘ share of the votes may actually be higher than what the polls show because PKS voters are concentrated in a number of places. As a result, Prabowo’s full vote may differ enough to stop him from winning the election handily.

Furthermore, even at this point, a sizable portion of voters ( about 5.78 percent nationally and 12.1 percent in East Java ) still have unresolved preferences.

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Third, it is thought that the group management is developing a Xi Jinping Thought on National Security to supplement the general social philosophy, which has been incorporated into the state constitution and party contract.

China has already announced six arches to further Xi’s philosophy, including his views on society, law, diplomacy, the defense, and the environment. The Ministry of State Security may be planning to mobilize support for the new wall, which is thought to be one of several innovative ones to emerge in the months or years to come.

INVESTORS FROM AROUND THE WORLD ARE NERVOUS

To be fair, the ministry did n’t start using social media to reach more people until much later. In June 2014, the CIA launched its Twitter and Facebook records. The mind of the UK Secret Intelligence Service, also known as MI6, has a personal Twitter account where he tweets advice and reposts official media releases.

However, foreign investors are now quite uneasy due to China’s increased efforts to examine companies and investments with connections abroad. The agency’s abrasive remarks might render them worse.

For example, the government published posts criticizing those with ulterior motives who were pessimistic about China and “badmouthing” its economic growth prospects after China’s monthly meetings on economic and financial position late last year, claiming that all those attempts were intended to undermine the confidence of foreign investors and cause financial unrest in China.

Additionally, it claimed that these actions presented fresh difficulties for China’s efforts to maintain economic stability.

In the economic and financial spheres, the government is anticipated to actively participate in the development of national security protection. What are the meanings of all these remarks? Is the department attempting to imply that it is ready to pursue those who are skeptical of China’s financial guidelines? To begin with, there are too many of them.

The ministry should be more aware of the potential effects of its normal musings in order to increase its public reach. It is a covert company, after all.

Past South China Morning Post editor-in-chief Wang Xiangwei. He currently teaches media at Baptist University. The earliest version of this commentary was released on&nbsp,SCMP.

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REASONS FOR Decline

There may be a number of reasons for the decline, even though the board’s internal discussions will remain private. Given that Najib is a top social figure who continues to enjoy strong support within his group, UMNO, the first would be the spirit of peace.

Given that Najib is also from Pahang and belongs to that country’s aristocracy, the next may be connections between the king and him. However, by merely reducing Najib’s sentence rather than granting a total pardon, the departing monarch avoids any further embarrassment should the former prime minister be found guilty of any of his outstanding charges and given another custodial sentence.

Beyond this, several parties are likely to react favorably to this legal denouement.

First off, even though UMNO supporters have been clamoring for a complete pardon, this choice at least partially satisfies their needs. The group, a part of the unity government, has been lobbying for decades and has at least some demonstrable results to show. This will reduce the possibility of angry group officials tipping the apple vehicle.

Next, the decision has angered and enraged inhabitants across the country, who have questioned the procedure and justification for the partial relief.

Najib is also incarcerated, though, and there are other, more serious cases against him. In fact, he is accused of abusing his position of authority and robbing 1MDB of a remarkable RM2 billion in cash. Najib has so never gotten off lightly, and his legal battles are far from over.

The former prime minister could have resumed his political career if he had received a full pardon ( and his other circumstances had mysteriously disappeared ). Najib will, nonetheless, be excluded from voting for at least one electoral cycle as a result of his limited pardon.

This is due to the previous perfect minister’s five-year suspension from holding political office following his release. Therefore, if Najib were to be elected in August 2028, the upcoming general election, which is scheduled for soon 2027, would already be over. In fact, he would n’t be able to run for office until August 2033.

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MORE FROM INTER MIAMI IS NEEDED BY FANS

It appears that David Beckham’s treatment charge from the football group he co-owned is as low as what debts you anticipate from Evergrande. &nbsp,

Inter Miami has a waiver of liability. According to local media accounts, it had been decided that Messi would play for at least 45 days unless he was injured. And no, the organisers&nbsp had stated in December that supporters would n’t receive a refund if the person left the game. &nbsp,

One may contend that Inter Miami adhered to the agreement’s language but not its nature.

Messi is traveling from Saudi Arabia to Tokyo for the summer, making a stay in Hong Kong. He continued to play in the team’s final 14 days against Al Nassr in Riyadh despite being injured, dribbling the game and making quick runs to friends.

Fans in Saudi Arabia enjoyed the light jogging, though it was n’t much. The spectators at the Hong Kong area deserved that. &nbsp,

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