Commentary: Quiboloy’s arrest – when self-proclaimed ‘Son of God’ plays politics

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HELP FROM POWERFUL FRIENDS

Collusion between Quiboloy and political figures should n’t come as a surprise. Without the assistance of powerful politicians, starting from his native Davao to the presidential palace, Quiboloy and KOJC would n’t have been able to achieve this notoriety.

He is, after all, a near ally, companion, and” religious assistant” of Rodrigo Duterte, who ruled Davao for nearly three decades as its president before assuming the presidency in 2016. Following the arrest of the pastor, the former president took over the goods of Quiboloy and the KOJC.

Duterte stated that he would reject donations from Quiboloy, including physical possessions and cars, but that he would accept them. Recently, a journalist said that Quiboloy may likewise gift ladies to Duterte and other authorities.

Their marriage reached its peak in 2016 when Quiboloy backed Duterte’s political campaign. Duterte’s get presumably fulfilled a 1998 desire of Quiboloy’s, which prophesied the president’s rise to the president.

However, this was not the priest’s first venture into national elections. In 2004, Quiboloy claimed that he heard” a message from over” saying that former president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was chosen to lead the land. Arroyo took over as president Joseph Estrada after being ousted, winning a full six-year name.

Quiboloy gave his blessing for the 2010 votes to Gilberto Teodoro, Arroyo’s defence minister and the management prospect, as he was the Almighty Father’s “appointed” one. Teodoro placed a distant third in the same year that his niece Benigno Aquino III was elected.

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Commentary: DAP party polls in Penang reveal acrimonious internal politics

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ACRIMONIOUS INTERNAL POLITICS

Despite this, inner conflicts within the DAP in Penang have recently been bitter. Between DAP regional president Lim Guan Eng, who served as the country’s main minister from 2008 to 2018, and his son as the state president Chow Kon Yeow, who has been in charge for a long time, there has been a secret battle for influence.

Lim’s command of Penang was active, with an all-out push to get funding and galvanise the state’s economy. Critics, however, point to a totalitarian bias, regular encounters with civil society organizations, and a preference for large infrastructure projects.

Likewise, Chow’s control design is more lawful. That said, he has been often criticised as to low-profile and yet silent.

The shift from Lim to Chow was generally smooth, mainly due to the former’s continued service as Finance Minister under Pakatan Harapan 1. 0. But, Lim has never held a substantial national place since the Sheraton Move of February 2020, even after the transfer of PH to national control in the late 2022.

He has continued to be effective in Penang’s elections as a result of his concurrent positions as the state representative for Ayer Putih and Member of Parliament for Bagan. Unfortunately, Lim has earned the reputation of de facto leader of the opposition due to his criticisms of the Chow administration regarding water provide and managing the government’s finances.

This fight and Lim’s position within Lim’s regional party led to rumors that Chow did not seek reelection. Unfortunately, a late endorsement by the DAP member collection commission for Chow in the ad hoc state election in August 2023 was expected.

In the end, Chow was elected and was chosen to run for office again. Chow’s social money was squandered as a result of the DAP’s continued control of all of its seats, despite atypical squabbles over candidacy and state cabinet positions.

This is Chow’s last name as a result of a 2018 article to the state law that forbids any assemblyperson from running for a second term. However, he was expected to challenge for the State Committee in next week’s elections. But, on Sep 4, Chow announced that he would not get running, properly ending his 25-year leadership of the party in Penang.

In September, 1, 452 group members from 296 trees cast their votes for 15 council members out of a total of 31 individuals.

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Commentary: Sri Lankans want change. They deserve continuity

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Premadasa appears to have taken the majority of the UNP’s citizens with him when he left in 2020. Many people are concerned that he has also abandoned his financial democracy. If he wins, relationships with the IMF will certainly get more difficult, despite the fact that he may never completely scuttle the transformation plan. &nbsp,

His closest rival, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, heads the left-wing Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna ( JVP ) party. He is running for a coalition of events rather than the JVP as an independent, identifying himself as an independent.

Usually for such makeovers, there is a black previous Dissanayake wants voters to ignore. A classic example of Sri Lankan financial populism, ethnic supremacism, and maoism are combined into the JVP platform. The area is dominated by the Sinhala racial group, and the left of its social spectrum has always had a sense of Sinhala majoritarianism about it.

Dissanayake has attempted to make himself appear to have moderated his economy and accepted the need to increase exports in order to cover goods. However, he has vehemently sought the support of those who accuse Wickremesinghe’s reforms of causing a drop in living standards, despite the fact that the crisis ‘ scarring, especially the persistent effects of high inflation, is largely to blame.

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Commentary: Malaysia’s economy is improving, but there is another mountain to climb

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HAS MALAYSIA TURNED A CORNER?

With the new leadership prioritising anti-corruption, economic development, and global cooperation, investors have taken notice of the method- and long-term possibilities.

However, regular Malaysians have been slower to follow suit because there has n’t been much trust in government officials in recent years.

Governments are perceived as much less qualified and honest than corporations and non-governmental organizations, according to the Edelman Trust Barometer 2024. Granted, this is not exclusive to Malaysia.

In light of a more polarized earth, international trust in governments and institutions has been reduced over the past few years. What is certain to Malaysia, however, is its record of bribery, which has eroded open confidence over the years.

Studies have found that there is a link between bribery and institutional believe, whether it be in post-Soviet places, Latin America, or Asia. Corruption has a unique ability to” sand the wheels” ( as opposed to “lubricate them” ), and its detrimental effects on the development of institutions and civil society are difficult to reverse right away.

Some change governments, like Malaysia, went through the same period, and the chances of politics either breaking over, stagnating, advancing or eroding is never certain. In a review of third-wave change governments, between 1974 to 2012, only 23 out of 91 situations advanced their governments. The vast majority broke down, fallen or eroded completely.

Malaysia’s transitional democracy also has a special quality. One of the longest decision coalitions in the world was Barisan Nasional before the first state turnover in 2018. Efforts at changing the government before 2018 were unsuccessful, albeit exceedingly shut, which bred feelings of disappointment and incredulity.

Predictably, the 2018 churn was pleasant for Malaysians, who raised their faith in corporations and reduced perceived corruption. However, as the country engaged in infighting that produced the highest amounts of political turmoil with three cabinet changes in less than five years, the post-election joy quickly turned into despair.

When Anwar Ibrahim became excellent minister in November 2022, it was a belated re-democracy for Malaysia’s next spring. But the joy of 2018 is tempered, and the nation’s skepticism, stacked through the years, is its landscape. This is not to say that the people’s trust ca n’t be repaired, but it at least provides an explanation to the people’s lethargy despite external excitement for the country.

Even when the numbers actually look better, a nation that has been let down several times may be afraid to think so easily. It is an apparent means of self-preservation. The new positive information is the foundation for the day when people will accept the risk of believing once more, and trust takes time to rebuild.

James Chai is a journalist, social scientist, and author of Sang Kancil for Penguin Random House.

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Commentary: To hold Big Tech accountable, focus on the harms

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NOT AS SIMPLE AS FREE SPEECH VS CONTENT Restraint

Even though it’s difficult to imagine someone may say that trolling a girl online with threats of violence would entail free speech, it’s unclear how licence social media would stop the kind of abuse that led to Esha’s death.

We have to start there. Malaysian&nbsp, politicians are looking into criminalising cyberbullying&nbsp, and finding way to up the responsibilities of websites –&nbsp, even without the licensing rules.

Authorities said TikTok pledged to look at what went wrong with Esha’s&nbsp, event and give full support, including increasing the number of livestreaming and Tamil language&nbsp, editors. More than anything, it seems that plain action could’ve helped prevent&nbsp, the problems on&nbsp, the influencer&nbsp, the most. &nbsp,

The&nbsp, fight is a sobering warning that these systems –&nbsp, now&nbsp, so large and powerful – cannot be relied on as the primary vehicles of political discourse. They operate from businesses with development strategies that are essentially hostile to social cohesion, certainly printing presses or city squares.

Divisive, material that incites resentment frequently outperforms more complex or dull truths. No matter how many times Is comments this and then orders his employees to make it worse, it’s not as straightforward as free talk versus content moderation.

Policymakers should light in on the real harms&nbsp, as they build rules. &nbsp, Malaysia’s lively culture has shown endurance in rebuffing attempts to control talk, but mounting internet abuses have also exposed a need for more protections. How this fight develops might provide additional nations with a starting point. &nbsp,

Where to get support:

Samaritan of Singapore Hotline: &nbsp, 1767

Institute of Mental Health’s Helpline: 6389 2222

Singapore Association for Mental Health Helpline: &nbsp, 1800 283 7019

You can also find a list of global helplines&nbsp, around. If someone you know is at quick risk, visit 24-hour emergency health services.

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Commentary: Can PM Anwar satisfy Sabah and Sarawak’s demands as he approaches third year in office?

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REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT

Another important issue is the return to the Sabah and Sarawak composition’s one-third structure, as mandated by MA63.

Back in 1963, Malaya had 104 votes in the then 159-member national parliament, while Sarawak, Sabah, and Singapore were given 55 tickets, or 34.6 per share. When Singapore left the league in 1965, Singapore’s 15 political tickets were never redistributed to Sabah and Sarawak. Therefore, both states ended up with just a third of seats in Parliament.

Sabah and Sarawak are in a negative place because a successful legal article requires a two-thirds majority in the legislature. In other words, only Peninsular Malaysia has the authority to amend the law without the Malay says ‘ assistance.

Sarawak has officially submitted a proposal to the federal government to increase the number of votes from Sabah and Sarawak to 35 %. This may involve a legal act. Some people oppose this because they think it will give the Malay states too much electricity.

Mr Anwar, in people at least, has been motionless, suggesting that there is no discussion. If the Malay says get the 35 per share, this will ultimately change the nature of federal-Borneo connections. After that, Putrajaya will need to read with Kuching and Kota Kinabalu regarding any legal problems.

SABAH’S Profit

The legal requirement to payment Sabah 40 % of the gross income received from the state is the second major issue.

The law centralizedizes revenue collection at the governmental level, including all types of taxes. Based on their people, the federal government finally distributes a portion of this to the state.

From the early 1970s, the federal government stopped paying. The Sabah government at the time was very timid politically to do this issue. The latest standoff is brought on by disagreements over the exact sum plus the arrears, known as the “lost years.”

The federal government has its own solution, while the Sabah position state has some suggestions. No matter which formula is used to calculate the amount, it will at least be in the region of RM20 billion ( US$ 4.6 billion ), money the federal government does not have.

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Commentary: A mistake got ex-Malaysia PM Muhyiddin a sedition charge. Will it cost him a coalition?

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Did PAS GO SOLO?

The most recent addition to the rebellion cost against the Bersatu president may provoke PAS to reconsider the government’s continuity.

As soon as it acknowledges that the alliance partners no longer disadvantage them, PAS is accustomed to doing this, just like they did with UMNO under Muafakat Nasional in 2022 and with Pakatan Harapan under Muafakat Nasional in 2015.

The only thing keeping PAS from succeeding is whether it can bridge the command space with its leaders, such as Syahir Sulaiman and Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, to stop it from reverting to a regional party.

How PAS sees this alliance relationship working out, even if it was lost, was revealed by the new Nenggiri by-election.

Nenggiri was an incumbent Bersatu couch, but PAS parachuted its member and marginalized Bersatu’s suggested brands. It also dropped the PN symbol in favour of its brand green-and-white.

A weakened criticism would be the end result of a PN separation or dissolution, making a general election political turnover more difficult than it already is.

James Chai is a journalist, social scientist, and author of Sang Kancil for Penguin Random House.

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Commentary: Mahkota by-election has far-reaching consequences for Malaysia government

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MAHATHIR-ESQUE POLICY

PN leaders have generally been silent on the president’s initiatives in southern Johor, including the suggested Special Economic Zone with Singapore and the Forest City Special Financial Zone. However, PN will assuredly support a more Mahathir-like monetary policy in Johor that is more separatist in character.

&nbsp, Dr Mahathir Mohamad is, after all, the assistant to the four PN state institutions of Terengganu, Kelantan, Kedah and Perlis. Mahathir has been critical of advances in southern Johor and, most just, has criticised the Johor Bahru-Singapore RTS Link.

Despite holding no recognized position, Mahathir’s notes are often seen to require a reply from the authorities. His new assertions that Malaysia has been subcontracting Singapore’s water source have compelled the government to declare that it is reviewing the appropriate agreements.

The emerging of old controversial bilateral problems, if not managed properly, will destroy the administration’s plans for the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone&nbsp, and the Forest City Special Financial Zone.

The Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone&nbsp and Forest City Special Financial Zone are both in bad health because of Mahathir, not the only factor. PN chairman and Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin’s stronghold is in Pagoh, in northern Johor.

As prime minister, Muhyiddin launched the Pagoh Special Economic Zone in 2021. In the Johor state elections in March 2022, the PN’s manifesto for strengthening the Pagoh Special Economic Zone also included this. Since the federal government’s transition in November 2022, little has been known about the Pagoh Special Economic Zone.

The actions of PH and UMNO leaders following the Mahkota by-election will determine the viability of the PH-BN partnership and the legitimacy of the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone&nbsp and the Forest City Special Financial Zone.

Adib Zalkapli, a public policy consultant, helps businesses navigate Asia’s political challenges. This commentary first appeared on ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute’s blog, Fulcrum.

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Commentary: Indonesia’s new capital of Nusantara shouldn’t be rushed

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PRABOWO’S Passions

Jokowi has handed him a finances that’s in good condition. The deficit&nbsp, for 2025 is projected to be 2.5 per cent of gross domestic product, safely within the 3 per cent legal limit, the government announced on Friday ( Aug 16 ). &nbsp,

During his ten years in office, the retiring head is regarded as having implemented a sound fiscal policy. Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who is well-known by foreign shareholders, has assisted Jokowi in this endeavor.

The central company’s immediate purchase of bonds from the government, a crowdfunding of bill, was the one truly dangerous shift at the height of the crisis. That was a practice much shunned in polite economic&nbsp, lines. In a more regular atmosphere, such a stage may not be so quickly forgiven.

Prabowo, a former top basic, has bristled at wasting constraints and has pledged a big increase to&nbsp, economic development. He wants an annual increase in GDP of 8 per share, the figure has been closer&nbsp, to 5 per cent over the past century.

It’s unclear whether he truly believes this is possible or if it’s just an appearance of his passion. &nbsp, Every occasion Prabowo expresses anger at Indonesia’s narrow path, assistants clean up the mess by expressing loyalty to the rules and tamping down&nbsp, business stress. His choice of finance secretary may be crucial. &nbsp,

The president-elect has promised to end Nusantara, the initial period of which was scheduled for execution this year. By 2045, Jokowi projects there will be close to 2 million residents and workers that. How serious is this determination?

” I’ve told him Nusantara advancement will take 10, 15, 20 times”, Jokowi told reporters last month. ” He said’ that’s never hard enough for me- I want four, five, six times.’ It’s off to him”. Taken at face value, this puts pressure on Prabowo’s personal mission, including a$ 29 billion vow of free lunches for children. &nbsp,

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Commentary: How long Paetongtarn Shinawatra stays Thai PM depends on how she carries baggage of being Thaksin’s daughter

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Taking ON THE Elegance

Whether Ms Paetongtarn will succeed in business until the next general election, expected by 2027, is another matter entirely.

She inherits substantial economic and political issues from her short-lived father, Srettha Thavisin. The digital wallet handout scheme, Pheu Thai’s premier economic stimulus program, continues to be content in terms of its fiscal viability and effectiveness, while economic growth continues to be slow.

The fact that Mr. Srettha was ousted by the Constitutional Court just last week underscores how determined conservatives are to fight against Thaksin’s attempts to influence state decisions more directly.

Furthermore, Ms Paetongtarn carries the special bag of being a Shinawatra family part. While some people doubted that Thaksin was always in power when Mr. Srettha became prime minister, the latter could at least rely on his trail history as a businessman to support the honesty of his opinions.

Ms Paetongtarn, who has made no effort to disguise her eagerness to find her father’s counsel in guiding, will be given even less benefit of the doubt than Mr Srettha actually was.

And perhaps this indicates how she will manage tensions with the conservative conservative camp for the rest of her time, no matter how brief they may be. No Pheu Thai prime minister can ever hope to escape its long-division, enable only his own blood and flesh. But why test?

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