US Navy betting big on next-gen DDG(X) destroyer – Asia Times

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This month, multiple media outlets reported on the US Navy’s evolving plans for the next-generation DDG( X ) destroyer, emphasizing its advanced capabilities and challenges. But while the US Navy bets on the DDG( X )’s futuristic concept to outpace China ’s naval surge with advanced tech, logistical and industrial hurdles loom large.

Notable design changes for the DDG( X ) include removing the traditional Mark 45 main gun, which implies integrating directed-energy weapons like lasers and microwaves and a new vertical launch system (VLS ) layout.

Designed to replace the aging Arleigh Burke-class destroyers, the DDG( X ) will incorporate state-of-the-art weapons, radar systems and a powerful Integrated Power System ( IPS) to meet the high-energy demands of next-generation combat. But, steep costs, technical uncertainties and technological limitations present fierce obstacles to the program’s success.

The DDG( X ) will feature hypersonic and directed-energy weapons, the AN/SPY-6 radar, enhanced stealth and increased payload capacity. This technological step is critical for countering evolving challenges like robots, hypersonic weapons and advanced naval platforms. The ship’s IPS, adapted from the Zumwalt-class ships, promises unparalleled power generation essential for supporting its high-powered techniques.

However, these advancements come with a significant price tag: the DDG( X ) is estimated to cost US$ 4. 4 billion per fleet, far exceeding its forebears. Structure will begin in 2032, with a three-year overlap alongside continued Arleigh Burke-class production to maintain business continuity.

Directed-energy weaponry promise infinite magazine level, low-cost engagements and rapid strikes against different threats ranging from drones to fast weapons. Nevertheless, they require significant storage, power and heating. Also, atmospheric disturbances and collection restrictions pose challenges to light tool success.

The US Navy’s aging Ticonderoga-class cruisers and maxed-out Arleigh Burke-class destroyers cannot meet these demands, underscoring the importance of the DDG( X ) in the US Navy’s future surface fleet. Directed-energy weapons may also alleviate the US Navy’s rely on expensive fighter missiles, freeing area for anti-ship missiles essential for high-end conflicts, particularly against China.

China ’s marine development poses a major challenge to US sea dominance. According to the US Department of Defense’s ( DOD ) 2024 China Military Power report, China now fields over 370 ships and submarines, including 140 major surface combatants, outpacing the US fleet numerically.

Moreover, China ’s People’s Liberation Army-Navy ( PLAN ) has achieved over 50 % of the US Navy’s vertical launch system (VLS ) capacity, with nearly 4,300 VLS cells on 84 principal surface combatants, compared to the US Navy’s 8,400 cells on 85 ships.

In an article for the International Institute of Strategic Studies ( IISS), Johannes Fischbach highlights that China ’s construction of high-end platforms, such as Type 052D destroyers and Type 055 cruisers, further narrows the VLS gap.

The Type 052D battleship has 64 Vocabulary, while the Model 055 ship has 112 VLS. In contrast, the Journey IIA and later Arleigh Burke-class warships have 96 Vocabulary, while the Ticonderoga-class ships have 122 VLS.

Despite that power gap, the PLAN’s quick shipbuilding—producing 3. 1 Model 052D ships every compared to the US’s 1. 6 Arleigh Burke destroyers—illustrates the size of China ’s business benefits.

The DDG( X ) is designed to address this disparity, offering greater operational range and reduced logistical needs, vital for countering the “tyranny of distance ” in Pacific operations.

US Navy Secretary Carlos Del Toro has emphasized the critical need for the Transferrable Reload At-Sea Method ( TRAM ), which enables at-sea VLS reloading. Properly tested in October 2024, The War Zone information Metro addresses a major logistical challenge by minimizing the moment warships spend out of action for disarming.

This ability is essential for sustaining a ahead existence during conflicts, especially with China, where rearming at distant foundations like Guam may become impractical and dangerous. By integrating TRAM with the DDG( X )’s design, the US Navy aims to bolster combat readiness and mitigate the presence gap created by extended resupply periods.

Despite its promise, the DDG( X ) program is hampered by systemic challenges hounding US shipbuilding. Post-Cold War expenditure cuts significantly reduced the number of naval architects and engineers, creating obstacles in both design and production.

Over 60 % of US Navy ship repairs are not completed on time, reflecting inadequate infrastructure and outdated practices. Also, US factories cannot match China ’s industrial production.

China ’s civil-military fusion strategy—which combines military and civilian shipbuilding facilities —has enabled unmatched efficiency and surge capacity. In comparison, the US’s scattered approach and selection of big ships over smaller, cost-effective vessels slow development efforts.

US politicians, including Representative John Moolenaar, warn that without striking policy changes and important investments, the US cannot hinder or succeed in a possible conflict with China, as quoted by the Associated Press.

Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi underscores the disparity, noting that China can produce 359 ships for every US ship made annually. He has emphasized the need to revitalize the US defense industrial base to maintain global stability.

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China’s ‘iPhone city’ Zhengzhou braces for uncertainty as Trump returns to office

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Despite speaks that Foxconn may depart Zhengzhou, there have been new indicators that the condition may be improving.

The technology producing large brought in around 50,000 workers in its latest getting rampage in August. It also promised to invest 1 billion yuan ( US$ 137 million ) to build a new business headquarters in the city.

Foxconn did not respond to CNA’s ask for opinions on its Zhengzhou plan.

TRUMP AND Taxes

Trump’s taxes pose a significant risk not only to the town ’s market, but also to the livelihoods of many workers who rely on those sectors. The flutter effects extend to the areas where these staff live, potentially disrupting regional economies and social security.

However, the influence of Trump’s industry plan on China may be felt beyond its technologies sector, said businesses.

For example, Jungle Tiger, a Zhengzhou-based company that sells outdoor experience products such as camping tents, tents, and pan, is worried it may be affected.

The business ’s items are listed on e-commerce programs like Alibaba and exported to overseas buyers.

Its leader Zhang Gaofeng said the company started selling to the US in 2018, and managed to buck the trend in Trump’s first name because it principally targets the high-end business.

The company exports mainly to Europe and America, with the US being its largest industry, accounting for about 40 per cent of its imports.

However, Zhang said he is not putting all his eggs in one basket, especially after Trump’s challenges to hit further tariffs on Foreign items.

“We are now entering areas in the Middle East and Southeast Asia. The Middle East accounts for 20 per cent of our sales, ” he added.

“As US laws evolve, we are diversifying our business target. We are likewise exploring Russia due to its potential and proper relations with China. ”

Authorities said many companies still need to supply components or components from China.

“Redirecting funding to Vietnam, to India, is not as red. The business environment may not be able also to compare with Zhengzhou, ” said Liu Baocheng, director of the Center for International Business Ethics at the University of International Business and Economics.

“The important matter is that China has a pretty strong professional cluster. For some of the little devices or parts, you still need to supply within mainland China. ”

Chinese President Xi Jinping recently reaffirmed China’s devotion to more open up its business and align itself with global trade rules, warning that business wars produce no winners.

But whether that is enough to encourage Trump that China is in for good business remains to be seen, said spectators.

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16 dead, 5 missing in Indonesia landslide: Officials

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JAKARTA :  At least 16 people have been killed and five more are missing after a landslide triggered by heavy rain in Indonesia’s Central Java province, local police and disaster officials said on Tuesday ( Jan 21 ). ” Sixteen persons were confirmed dead. For injured patients, 10 have beenContinue Reading

Trump’s executive orders all about power and theater – Asia Times

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In a piece of real social theatre, Donald Trump began his next president by signing a host of professional requests before a euphoric crowd of 20,000 in Washington on Monday.

The directions immediately reversed expanses of Biden administration policy and basically began what Trump christened a “golden years of America ” in his inaugural address.

But there are limits to what Trump may reach through for purchases. And they face a deeper necessity for the new supervision over how to deal with possible Republican in-fighting and a frantic people frightened for change.

What did Trump get?

Executive purchases are commonly used by US president at the beginning of their terms to immediately start implementing their plan.

Important orders signed on Trump’s second time included:

Here’s a summary of the remainder.

Because they are legally bound, professional orders are a powerful tool. Democratic and Republican leaders everywhere have been accused of despotic goal over their usage.

However, executive orders remain constrained by the authorities, Congress and public view. Birthright citizen, in specific, is protected by the 14th Amendment to the Constitution, but Trump’s get will undoubtedly encounter legal challenge.

Perhaps most important, executive orders can be swept away by a leader. Trump did this in dramatic fashion by revoking 78 Biden-era commands, many of which dealt with national diversity, equity and inclusion activities.

The limits of executive orders have been tested in recent years and surely will be repeatedly by Trump.

But there is political worth in issuing orders to show action, even if they are inevitably ineffective, reduced in scope or reversed. That was the situation with the legal wrangling over Trump’s travel restrictions on citizens of Muslim-majority places in 2017 and Biden’s student loan debt forgiveness plan.

Trump presumably recognized this in the dance of his executive commands on Monday. For example, the order aiming to “restore freedom of speech and end federal censorship ” is heavy on political rhetoric, but may have little practical effect.

Is the honeymoon next?

Trump is relishing his highest preference assessments and the usual post-election getaway enjoyed by most leaders.

But this aid was easily vanish if his followers ’ high expectations are not met rapidly. In this context, the executive orders were the fastest way to indicate progress on vital interests to an anxious state.

Across much of the US, fears over prices and failing facilities remain high. Less than 20 % of the land is satisfied with the direction of the country.

For a country hungry for change, there was tremendous appeal in Trump’s election promises to promptly stop foreign wars, curb rising inflation and tackle illegal immigration. But for campaign promises have frequently been short on details from Trump so far.

Half of Americans expect the price of everyday things to occur down during his administration– including almost nine in ten of his followers. Three-quarters even expect him to carry out large arrests.

However, the public remains divided on other parts of the Trump plan or does n’t know them.

The rapid and serious nature of professional orders are, therefore, an appealing option for Trump. He may show he is taking steps to meet his election promises while buying himself time to figure out thornier problems.

However, he runs the risk of losing people assist if the orders do not generate substantial shift. For this, he may have major legislative actions from Congress.

Uncomfortable alliance with Congress

Republicans power both chambers of Congress, as well as the White House. But the previously narrow margin of Republican power in the House of Representatives and the persistent thorns of the Senate filibuster could harm Trump’s legislative plan.

Until three intended jobs are filled in the House, the Republicans may not be able to obtain a second diplomat in a party-line voting. House Speaker Mike Johnson is now encountering barriers in consolidating help behind an all-encompassing “MAGA bill”, which he hopes to offer to Congress later this year.

In 2017, when Trump had a similarly pleasant Congress with a far more pleasant ratio, Republicans still struggled to unite behind a parliamentary plan. Big tax breaks were passed, but modifications to Obamacare and other objectives failed amid celebration bickering.

This paved the way for sweeping Democrat increases in the 2018 midterm elections — a pattern that could be repeated in 2026 depending on Republicans ’ progress in the next two years.

Like Barack Obama before him, Trump does turn to professional requests to avoid Congress, especially if Democrats lose control of the House in 2026. However, his executive order to halt the TikTok restrictions bypasses a bipartisan law passed by Congress last year and just upheld by the traditional Supreme Court.

For moves can produce friction with legislators– even those in his own party.

As late as Sunday, Johnson insisted the US “will enforce the law ” against TikTok. And two Democratic lawmakers warned against offering TikTok any type of improvement, which they claimed may include “no constitutional basis. ”

Groups between Republicans are also apparent over the possibility of taxes and the future of Trump’s immigration scheme.

For today, these tensions may get put off amid the ongoing opening euphoria. But they will eventually reemerge and could also result in a returning to congressional gridlock and inaction. Such delays could find much patience among Americans troubled for quick solutions to insurmountable problems.

Samuel Garrett is exploration affiliate, United States Studies Centre, University of Sydney

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original post.

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The Access Group appoints Lim Chee Gay to lead Kuala Lumpur operations, reaffirming commitment to Malaysia expansion

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  • Most recently, the world main human resources officer at TDCX
  • The new release aims to create over 1,000 careers in Kuala Lumpur by 2027

The Access Group appoints Lim Chee Gay to lead Kuala Lumpur operations, reaffirming commitment to Malaysia expansion

The Access Group, one of the UK’s largest business management software providers, has appointed Lim Chee Gay ( pic ) as the new managing director of its Global Operations Centre ( GOC ) in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, effective 1 January 2025.

n a speech, the business said this interview marks a major breakthrough in its regional and global development plan. Following the launch of its fresh GOC in November 2024, the centre, along with other Access GOCs worldwide, will support 40 % of the Group’s global staffing needs and deliver quality in product architecture, customer support, consumer success, sales, selling, and activities.

Lim’s appointment reflects the group ’s ambition to build a worldwide network of innovation hubs that empower customers, get best talent, drive improvements in goods and AI, accelerate revenue growth, and deliver operating excellence. Through the recently launched GOC, Access expects to produce over 1,000 new jobs in Kuala Lumpur by 2027, aligning with Malaysia’s present services goals to build an efficient and experienced native talent pool and create 500,000 high-value online jobs by 2025.

Driven by a passion for innovation, Lim brings extensive experience in scaling operations and driving transformation in dynamic industries. Most recently, he served as global chief human resources officer at TDCX, a Singapore-based business process outsourcing leader, where he helped grow the company from 3,000 to 19,000 employees and established 10 new operational sites within seven years.

With a 29-year career spanning leadership roles at organisations such as AIA, Samsung, T-Systems, and Intel, Lim has been instrumental in driving growth, innovation, and transformational initiatives. Recognised as one of Southeast Asia’s HR Icons, he is also an adjunct professor and advisory board member at several universities, reflecting his commitment to nurturing future talent.

Commenting on his new role, Lim said: “Access has a clear vision as a premier technology solutions provider, delivering exceptional value through operational excellence and innovation. This is an exciting time to join Access, following the outstanding local response in Malaysia and the wider APAC region to our launch.

“We have a strong foundation to build upon, and now is the perfect time to deepen our community connections and deliver even greater value to our customers. I am committed to making our new GOC world-class and look forward to working with our talented team to grow the business and attract the best talent across APAC, ” he added.

Chris Bayne, CEO of The Access Group, said: “Our GO Centres in Loughborough, Timișoara, and Kuala Lumpur are instrumental in driving innovation, enabling faster M& A integration, and delivering exceptional customer experiences on a global scale. We are delighted to welcome Lim to the group. Under his leadership in Kuala Lumpur, we are confident he will further strengthen its position as a critical hub in our global network, fostering collaboration, innovation, and excellence. ”

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Indonesia minister Satryo denies allegations of abuse, unfair staff dismissal, following civil servant protests

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JAKARTA: Indonesia’s Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology has denied allegations of abuse and cruel termination which fuelled civil servant demonstrations in Central Jakarta.  

Satryo Soemantri Brodjonegoro held a meeting with civil servants who staged a demonstration on Monday ( Jan 20 ), following dissatisfaction with his handling of employee rotations and allegations of verbal abuse, as well as alleged dismissals without due process.    

“We told them our purpose, which is to realize President Prabowo Subianto’s ask and I explained that such a movement process is expected for any company, ” Satryo said, as quoted by Kompas Television on Tuesday.

Satryo was referring to a meeting that was held with the legal workers who were demonstrating at his ministry’s office tower in the cash.

Previously, he had said that common reshuffling of his department was necessary to improve productivity and job collaboration, emphasising his determination to ensuring a fulfilling career for his staff, Kompas reported.

“We are making significant adjustments as the government is then divided into three parts and the reform is in line with the senator ’s phone to be more efficient with the finances, ” he was quoted as saying on Monday by media company Jakarta Globe.  

President Prabowo Subianto has divided the Education and Cultural Affairs Ministry into three separate entities- the Primary and Secondary Education Ministry, the Higher Education, Science and Technology Ministry as well as the Cultural Affairs Ministry.  

On Monday, hundreds of civil servants from his ministry reportedly gathered outside the ministry’s office building in Central Jakarta holding banners that read” We are civil servants, paid by the state, working for the state, not slaves of the family,” fuelled by concerns of the rotation and the abrupt dismissal of several employees.

This included a staff member who was fired, allegedly after a minor incident involving a piece of office furniture.  

The civil servants were dressed in black and sang the national anthem during the demonstration.

“State institutions are not Satryo and his wife’s private companies, ” another banner said.  

“Mr President, please save us from an angry minister who likes to slap and fire employees, ” a separate banner said.  

In a voice recording that had circulated online, a voice similar to Satryo’s could be heard allegedly scolding and slapping one of his ministry’s vendors because of some water issues at his house.  

Satryo denied allegations that he had anger issues and had slapped his employees.

“That is not my voice, ” he said, as quoted by Tempo.

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Malaysia seeks gag order on talk of jailed ex-PM’s bid to reveal royal document 

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The former king’s palace has issued a letter saying the document does exist, but Malaysia ‘s  law department said it has no history of it, its house secretary has denied understanding and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has said” we did not hide anything”.  

Bernama on Monday quoted Shamsul Bolhassan, deputy chief of the chambers ‘ legal department, as saying the joke get request had been filed to a judge. The national had previously said the situation touched on delicate problems, according to Bernama.    

Najib was found guilty in 2020 of legal breach of trust and abuse of power for illegally receiving cash misappropriated from a system of state investment 1Malaysia Development Berhad. He is on trial for corruption in several other 1MDB-linked situations and denies wrong.

Najib this quarter hailed as “one move ahead” the Court of Appeal’s decision to reject the departure of his attempt to access the report. The situation may go back to judge to get heard by another judge.

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Latin America can and must resist Donald Trump – Asia Times

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President Donald Trump begins a second word that promises to become important for Latin America. Much has been said about his 2024 victory, his probable international policy and his unconventional individual characteristics. Most specialists in the United States and the place predict a pretty stormy sky, warning about the incredibly delicate condition that may develop.

Throughout history, there have been difficult times – also significant ones—regarding the relations between the United States and Latin America. The latest is Trump’s danger to seize the Panama Canal, which he said he would do while criticizing China ’s part in managing the trade route in his January 20 annual address.

I aim ok to point out what Latin America has done to solve these challenges despite the existing imbalance of energy and Washington ’s repeated practice of employing “sticks. ”

At the beginning of the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan launched his “low-intensity conflict ” in Central America, in response to which, by 1983, governments in Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela created the Contadora Group ( which was later joined by Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and Uruguay as a Support grouping ).

Contadora, which had the support of the European Community of the time, contributed quickly to peace in Central America.

In 1996, the US Congress approved the Helms-Burton Act, whose concept of independence sought to prevent Cuba’s economic relations with international businesses and investments. The recently created Rio Group ( the four from Contadora, the four from the Support group, plus Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Bolivia, a representative from Central America, and another from the Caribbean ) requested that the Inter-American Juridical Committee of the Organization of American States examine the Act. The Committee noted that the Helms-Burton was not in accordance with international law.

On September 11, 2001, in response to the terrorist attacks in the United States, Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith proposed in a September 20 draft memo a surprise attack in South America ( allegedly, the Argentine-Brazilian-Paraguayan Triple Frontier ). In response to this, in 2002, with the active role of Buenos Aires, the “3 ( Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay ) plus 1 ( United States ) ” format was designed: the intelligence findings of the three countries would be shared with Washington.

The main problem was to avoid the tri-border place from becoming a phase for the “war on terrorism, ” to maintain a margin of freedom, and to ensure the trust of the United States.

In 2003, at the UN Security Council, Chile and Mexico, with various controlling partnerships, maintained a principled place based on their respective national attention in the face of the United States attempting to use a 1991 decision to start a subsequent invasion of Iraq.

Finally, Washington eluded a defeat at the Council and organized the so-called “coalition of the willing ” to attack Iraq. In the end, there was no retaliation from Washington, as the Executive finally signed an Investment Incentive Agreement with Mexico that year and Congress approved the Chile-United States free trade agreement.

In April 2008, the Pentagon decided to relaunch the Fourth Fleet, which had been deactivated in 1950. In response, at the initiative of Brazil, the South American Defense Council was created in 2008 to establish a regional security community and to curtail a US military expansion of forward operation locations in South America.

These examples show how, under difficult conditions and amid highly challenging issues, the region acted; it gave concrete answers to US declarations, laws and measures.

The use of institutionalized multilateral and ad hoc minilateral ( the multilateralism of the few ) fora was fruitful. The different ideological nature of the governments did not affect the possibility of identifying common interests, whether for altruistic or instrumental reasons.

By now it looks like the incoming Trump administration will focus the inter-American agenda on issues such as tariffs, migration, drug trafficking and the use of force. Perhaps on the tariff question, Latin American action could be taken with Europe, China, and India at the World Trade Organization to restrict Washington ’s arbitrariness.

Regarding migration, the rules of international law, the record of decisions by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the resolutions by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights that prohibit mass expulsions could be invoked, as well as recourse to the International Organization for Migration, the International Court of Justice and the Inter-American Juridical Committee to prevent and condemn the abuses of Trump’s announced “mass deportation. ”

In 2025, on the 25th anniversary of the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, some countries in the region could call a summit to address the issue that affects the entire continent and, at the same time, urge the United States to ratify the 1997 Inter-American Convention on Firearms given the lethality generated in Latin America by the trade in small arms from the US.

Finally, there is the issue of the use of force. It is essential not to attract international conflicts or tolerate violent pronouncements about the region by senior US officials: the long inter-state peace period in Latin America is an asset that has been achieved and there is no excuse for putting it at risk.

In addition, most nations in the region have managed their bilateral relations with China both prudently and pragmatically. Washington ’s fixation with Beijing is due to a traditional conundrum of great powers: the dilemma between resources and commitments.

During the Cold War, the United States deployed multiple resources ( investment, aid, trade ) in the area and thus claimed anti-Soviet Union and anti-communist commitments at the diplomatic, military and material levels.

Today, and in relation to China, the US provides quite fewer resources while demanding more commitments.

As the countries in the area are unwilling to break trade, financial and assistance ties with China, one of the region’s top foreign investors, Trump’s second administration only dangles threats and sanctions. His latest threat concerns taking control of the Panama Canal.

Preceding experiences should help conceive actions for the future. There will be nations that want to act together, sometimes many, other times few. But President Trump will most probably encounter less resignation and more resistance from Latin America if he tries to coerce the region with such a negative agenda.    

Juan Gabriel Takatlian is professor of international relations and former provost ( 2019-2023 ) at Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

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Trump has few good options to stop Iran from getting the bomb – Asia Times

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The management of novel US President Donald Trump is reportedly considering different options to stop Iran from being able to develop a nuclear weapon.

These include renegotiating a second atomic package, pursuing a policy of “maximum force ” against Tehran by ramping up sanctions and conducting strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities.

These discussions follow a report released in November 2024 by the UN’s nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency ( IAEA ), which found Iran was dangerously close to enriching uranium to weapons-grade levels.

The statement also said that Iran was planning to fit more than 6,000 new centrifuges to enrich more uranium. There are, nevertheless, problems associated with each of the three options available to Trump.

1. Renegotiating the radioactive offer

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA ), also known as the Iran nuclear deal, was negotiated under the administration of Barack Obama in 2015. Signed by Iran and several world powers, the offer placed limits on Iran’s nuclear programme in exchange for sanctions relief.

Iran was required to minimize its uranium stash by 98 % and maintain its levels of uranium enrichment at 3. 67 %. This is substantially below the amount needed to create a weapon.

However, Trump withdrew from the Iran deal during his first term as president, saying it was “horrible ” and “one-sided. ” He argued it lacked identification steps and did much to suppress Iran’s support for extremist groups. He also remarked that it failed to address the regime’s growth of nuclear weapons capable of delivering nuclear weapons.

There is help for a renegotiated deal within several policy lines in Washington. But there has been a sharp increase in anti-American attitude in Iran over recent decades, which has reduced the likelihood of Tehran returning to the negotiating table.

Opinion surveys released after Trump’s departure from the Iran deal in 2018 showed that 70 % of Iranians thought Tehran does not make any more concessions to the US for a potential nuclear deal.

The death of Iranian military chief General Qasem Soleimani in January 2020 has more eroded Trump’s picture in Tehran. Soleimani, who the Pentagon said was “responsible for the deaths of thousands of American and coalition company members”, was killed by an American drone attack near Baghdad International Airport in Iraq.

This anti-American attitude has been exacerbated through blazing remarks from Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He vowed “severe revenge ” on those responsible for Soleimani’s death and pronounced the US as “criminals. ” In the past, Khamenei has even labeled Trump’s behaviour as “ugly and nasty. ”

2. Ramping up punishment

Iran has a deep-rooted historic dislike to Western and, more particularly, American identity. Since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, Iran has cemented a foreign legislation view of viewing the “American-led imperial order ” in terms of “global pride. ”

This concept has been reflected by the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, which controls Iran’s nuclear programme. In a social media post in 2020, it said Iranian nuclear experts were “ready to experience the force and unilateralism of the US federal relating to the use of atomic energy. ”

Trump’s plan of highest pressure on Iran during his first term only strengthened Tehran’s thinking on American hegemony. Various Iranian officials condemned the US-led sanctions as “economic terrorism ” and criticized Washington ’s “thirst for war. ”

The Iranian government has also frequently used the punishment to attract public assistance for its authority. In April 2024, Khamenei urged the Persian people to view sanctions as an attempt to force Iran to cooperate with “colonizing, imperial plans ” and submit to “tyrannical needs. ”

There are some indications that this communications has worked. In a 2024 survey of 2,280 Iranian citizens, more than 69 % of respondents expressed support for Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. Imposing additional sanctions is likely to strengthen Iran’s antagonism to the US, complicating efforts to revise a nuclear deal.

The plan will probably be undeterred by the returning of Trump’s maximum-pressure strategy, even if it leads to new restrictions from other countries. Iran’s nuclear programme has demonstrated extraordinary endurance over the years.

Tehran now has more than five kilograms of improved uranium at its disposal. And the US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, estimated in July 2024 that Iran is now capable of producing “one bomb’s fair of fissile material ” in “about 12 weeks. ”

3. Dramatic Persian services

The last option being considered by Trump’s group is proactive strikes on Iranian nuclear services. This option may reflect a departure from the historic US scheme of containing Tehran through financial coercion. It would also likely result in a major escalation of conflicts between the two countries.

To understand the risks associated with US defense activity in Iran, consider the events of the past several decades. In October 2024, Israel carried out a series of attacks on Iran in retribution for a storm of Egyptian attacks on its place. This involved a hit on a nuclear arms research center near Tehran known as Taleghan 2.

The Egyptian rulers were quick to respond with some aggressive political claims. Ayatollah Khamenei vowed “a tooth-breaking response ” against Israel and its ally, the US. His assistant, Kamal Kharrazi, stated that “if an philosophical risk arises, Iran may modify its nuclear theory. ” Khamenei issued a fatwa, or spiritual judgement, against the use of nuclear weapons in 2003.

US strikes on Iranian earth are definitely not out of the problem. In October 2024, Trump expressed aid for Jewish retaliation against Iran. He urged Israel to attack Iran’s nuclear system first and “worry about the rest later. ” Scares like these simply encourage Iran to tear from its spiritual order of no producing and using nuclear arms.

More than debating hardline policies to prevent Iran’s nuclear programme, America’s approach should be to watch and wait. This would be important in assessing whether Iran, whose business has been crippled by sanctions, leans towards China and Russia for business or comes up to the negotiating table for a minute nuclear deal.

Aniruddha Saha is young research fellow in Politicians, University of Oxford

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original post.

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