Sure A Not

Kim Jong-un, the head of the North Korean Workers Party, late presided over a meeting of the Korean Worker’s Party Secretariat, which oversees the party’s policy of proper behavior and ensures that party members follow it. The group’s standard newspapers, Rodong Sinmun, reported that this meeting was convened to target several shortcomings in discipline ( tangnaegyuryurŭlranp’ok )– including binge eating by some celebration officials.

The conference was particularly concerned with two party control violations. Party officials in Onchon County ( about 60km west of the capital, Pyongyang ) were accused of making inadequate preparation for their local party meeting, which – as a result – was held in a “grossly formalistic]hyŏngshikchŏkŭro] way”.

In the early days of North Korea’s social record, there were accusations of formalism related to overly horsing foreign governments and their socialism strategies. However, when used in reference to Onchon County officers, it meant going through the motions and never displaying much genuine enthusiasm and commitment to the democratic process.

This lack of intellectual zeal was apparently reinforced when 40 of the officials engaged in a “drinking rampage,” an action that was viewed as directly in opposition to the group’s policy of upholding discipline. In the English-language edition of the Rodong Sinmun media post, these officers were branded as a” crooked group”. But in the Korean-language version, they were more colorfully condemned as a “rotten group” ( ssŏgŏppajin muri ) and an “arrogant rabble” ( pangjahan ohapchijol ).

Kim responded by saying that the actions of the party leaders were a “political and social” violence that had harmed the foundations of the Korean Workers Party. In consequence, the Onchon County group committee was disbanded, and the 40 police officers involved in the obscene merriment were designated for punishment. Although no word was given as to the kind of punishment the officials would be subject to, it is likely that they will at the very least be subject to intellectual re-education.

In North Korea, accusations of intoxication and alcohol as a means of demonizing and purging group officials are not new. In December 1955, Pak Il U ( then the minister of post and telecommunications ) was accused of leading a depraved lifestyle and being an alcoholic. This was done to tarnish his reputation, support his ejection from the Korean Worker’s Party and imprison him.

It isn’t improper to ingest in North Korea. Beer has a solid cultural presence. It is used on official events to honor ceremonies, ease grief during burial, and remember the birthdays of leaders.

The nation has actually promoted its adult products on postage stamps in recent years. The government issued a mark in 2022 showcasing three Taedonggang beer varieties, which have been produced since 2002 at a state-owned local brewery. The beverage is named after the Taedong valley, which runs through Pyongyang.

The next year, a mark depicting Pyongyang Soju was issued. Since 2009, this grain and corn-based beverage has been produced at a state-owned shop. With an alcohol content of 25 %, North Korea’s soju has a higher alcohol content than South Korea’s best-selling version, Jinro Chamisul Original ( 20.1 % ABV ).

Pyongyang Soju was named the nation’s beverage in June 2015, underscoring that both drinking and modern society have a significant place in North Korea’s cultural heritage.

That’s not to say that North Koreans are heavy drinking when compared to their southern neighbors, who, according to pre-Covidstatistics, consume about twice as many alcohol. A gallon of beer costs roughly the same as a pound of corn in North Korea, which might explain this.

vices in politics and morality

But excessive eating is regarded, as Kim stated, as a political and moral evil. Beer and another medication taking, such as meth use, is bound up with mental illness as a mark of depravity.

Drinking, smoking, and using marijuana frequently serve as coping mechanisms for people living in North Korea because the quality of mental health care that is essentially nonexistent ( mental health conditions are correlated with ideological issues ).

In recent years, North Korea has cracked down more firmly on what is seen as the “ideological and social poison” of culture. For instance, it has been reported that people have been given lengthy prison sentences or even death sentences for consuming and/or disseminating foreign press, using international slang term, or sporting unusual clothing and hairstyles.

Those caught selling hot dogs and divorcing people have apparently been the most recent instances of people engaging in anti-state behavior and serving time in prison. The communist theory of communism, which places team needs before personal desires, is opposed by division.

Thus, the government’s criticism of excessive alcohol consumption can be seen as yet another example of North Korea’s crackdown on personal behavior that is perceived as incompatible with the ideals of how people in this communist society should act.

At the University of Central Lancashire, David Hall is a PhD participant in Asian research.

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Elon Musk holds an enormous effect in the fresh Trump presidency.

The richest man in the world has essentially unrestricted political power by cutting and redesigning the federal government as he sees fit as head of his Department of Government Productivity, or DOGE. And it has fast become apparent that he has a strong opinion of problems beyond that quick.

On one matter, while, Musk stands significantly apart from others in the circle of advisers and consultants around Trump: China. Musk is a stunning outlier in contrast to the numerous hawks calling for a tough-line policy toward China in the new Trump cupboard.

As an expert on China-US ties who has monitored Musk’s opinions on China, I don’t consider his long record of espousing pro-Chinese attitude surprising, given that he has sought throughout to get a firm hold in the country.

Given Musk’s position in the Trump presidency at a time when one of America’s biggest challenges is how to maintain its relationship with Beijing, those dilemmas are for attention.

Musk’s excursion to the East

For decades, Musk has had important business interests in China, with Tesla’s Shanghai shop, Tesla Giga Shanghai, playing a vital part in the company’s global businesses.

Importantly, Tesla was the first international manufacturer to be given the right to conduct business in China without a local partner as a result of a change in ownership rules. With the assistance of US$ 1.4 billion in funding from Chinese state-owned businesses, which were granted at suitable interest rates, the Shanghai stock was constructed.

Tesla received a lower corporate tax rate of 15 %, or 10 percentage points lower than the standard rate, between 2019 and 2023 from the Shanghai government.

The cost benefits of producing in Shanghai, which include lower manufacturing and labor costs, have more cemented Tesla’s rely on the Chinese business.

Given that Musk’s financial position is generally based on Tesla property, his financial position is significantly dependent on the bank’s fortunes in China, which may make any possible breakaway from the nation both financially and carefully difficult.

Tesla’s continuing investment in China underscores this interdependence. On February 11, 2025, the company opened its next factory in Shanghai— a$ 200 million herb that is set to make 10, 000 megapack batteries periodically. It’s the bank’s second megapack power shop outside the US..

This funding deepens Tesla’s presence in China amid a fresh wave of US-China trade tensions. China responded to Beijing’s retribution with tariffs on British fuel, liquefied natural gas, agricultural products, and crude oil on February 1, when the Trump presidency imposed a 10 % tax on Chinese exports.

A China lover

How much of Musk’s economic ties to China may actually have an impact on the Trump administration’s plan toward Beijing is still a mystery. However, Musk’s longer background of pro-China notes suggests the way the management should go.

During his visit to Beijing in April 2024, Musk praised the land, noting moreover:” I also have a lot of fans in China– also, the experience is mutual”.

His admiration may be influenced in part by his opinions of Chinese business and labor practices. In keeping with Musk’s criticism of American workers as lazy and facing US labor law disputes, while also applauding Chinese workers for “burning the 3 am oil” in a labor-heavy labor environment.

Musk has also praised China’s infrastructure and high-speed rail system in numerous posts on the social media platform X, which he owns, praised its space program, praised its leadership in global green energy initiatives, and urged his followers to visit the nation.

Despite the assertions of a sizable portion of the West that reducing US dependence on China is necessary in light of rising geopolitical tensions, Musk has also opposed US efforts to decouple from China. He has also described the nations ‘ economies as” conjoined twins.”

Musk has compared Taiwan to Hawaii, arguing that it is a fundamental part of China, and that the US Pacific Fleet has used force to thwart reunification of mainland China. This is the most dangerous flashpoint in US-China relations.

Further, Musk suggested that China could allow Taiwan to become a special administrative zone in the same way that Hong Kong would.

His remarks were shared and welcomed by China’s then-ambassador to the US, who, in a post on X, emphasized China’s so-called peaceful unification strategy and advocated for the “one country, two systems” model.

Trump’s back-channel envoy?

The big question going forward is how Musk’s financial stakes in, and stated admiration for, China will translate into attempts to influence the US administration’s China policy, particularly given Musk’s unconventional advisory role and the strong faction of anti-China hawks in Trumpworld.

Given Musk’s policy toward China, it’s difficult to see how he doesn’t try to influence the president to encourage a little more sanity in relations with Beijing.

If such counsel were heeded, it’s easy to envision Musk leveraging his deep ties to China, particularly his close personal relationship with China’s current second-ranking official, Premier Li Qiang, who was the Shanghai party chief when Tesla’s factory was built. In this scenario, Donald Trump might turn to Musk as a diplomatic backchannel to ease US-China tensions and promote bilateral cooperation when necessary.

To this point, it was, perhaps, telling that it was Musk who met with China President Xi Jinping’s envoy to Trump’s inauguration, Vice President Han Zheng, on the eve of the event.

However, it’s not at all certain whether Trump wants Musk to play that diplomatic role or whether other voices won’t win in favor of Beijing. In his first term, Trump launched an unprecedented trade war and tech blockade against China, fundamentally changing US-China relations and urging the US to adopt a “bipartisan consensus” to combat Beijing, which has existed for some time.

Trump’s tariff moves and second-term picks for key positions in trade and commerce, such as Jamieson Greer and Peter Navarro, all point to a strong commitment to decoupling from China.

Furthermore, Musk’s business interests and personal wealth tied to China could leave him vulnerable to Chinese influence. China could use Musk’s reliance on the Chinese market as a bargaining chip to pressure Trump into making concessions on issues of significant strategic importance to Beijing by tapping into his close ties with Trump.

China has a history of coercing foreign businesses into making compromises on matters important to its own national interests. For instance, Apple removed virtual private network apps from its app store in China at the government’s request.

Tesla could face comparable pressure if Beijing uses Musk as a cudgel to influence policy in the Trump administration in the future. Notably, as the head of DOGE, with access to sensitive data from multiple agencies, Musk could find himself caught between US security scrutiny and China’s strategic targeting.

It’s possible that Musk’s pro-China sentiments will turn into attempts to influence government policy if he maintains the influence he currently has with Trump. Even if this turns out to be the case, whether those efforts succeed will depend on the president and his other advisers, many of whom are pursuing an aggressive front against Beijing and are likely to see Musk as a hinder rather than ally in the fight to come.

Linggong Kong is a PhD Student at Auburn University.

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