Barbie wades into a nine-dash line political minefield
The new Barbie film starring Margot Robbie and Ryan Gosling is set for imminent release.
But according to Vietnam’s state-run Tuoi Tre newspaper the film’s release has been barred. The head of the Department of Cinema, a government body in charge of licensing and censoring foreign films, said
We do not grant license for the American movie ‘Barbie’ to release in Vietnam because it contains the offending image of the nine-dash line
Vietnam’s response to the Barbie movie’s depiction of the South China Sea shows how sensitive these matters are in South East Asia, and especially in Vietnam.
What is the nine-dash line?
The South China Sea has a long history of being contested.
China and Vietnam engaged in military clashes over the Paracel and Spratly Islands in the South China Sea in 1974 and 1988.
Those disputes were over land, but more recently the focus has turned to claims over the continental shelf (the area of seabed that extends beyond the coast to at least 200 nautical miles), and the economic zones (the area at least 200 nautical miles from the coast).
Since the late 1940s, China has promoted the so-called nine-dash line in the South China Sea. The line, also known as the “U-shaped line” or “cow’s tongue” comprises nine dashes.
As depicted in various official and unofficial Chinese maps, the line extends off the coast of China’s Hainan Island, and runs close to the coast of Vietnam, deep into the South China Sea, enclosing the Spratly Islands.
North of Borneo, near the coasts of Malaysia and Brunei, the line turns and runs to the west of the Philippines and ends just to the south of Taiwan.
The line has long been the subject of speculation as to what exactly it purports to encompass. Is it a Chinese territorial claim? Is it a Chinese claim to a maritime space? Does it extend to sovereignty over the whole area or just to resources?
China has never been very explicit as to precisely what the claim includes but it has been persistent in seeking to advance the claim.
This has especially been the case since Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have begun to advance their own claims to parts of the South China Sea, which overlap the nine-dash line.
[embedded content]
Who disputes the line?
A 2009 joint Malaysia/Vietnam submission to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf highlighted competing claims over the continental shelf in the South China Sea, which is what sparked the current controversy.
China made a formal diplomatic response to the UN claiming:
China has indisputable sovereignty over the islands in the South China Sea and the adjacent waters, and enjoys indisputable sovereign rights and jurisdiction over the relevant waters as well as the seabed and subsoil thereof (see attached map).
China attached a copy of the nine-dash line map to its formal diplomatic protest to the Malaysia/Vietnam submission and added
The above position is consistently held by the Chinese government, and is widely known by the international community.
It turned out, however, that this was not a widely known or shared view by the international community. Since then the commission has become something of a de facto legal battleground for various views regarding the status of the nine-dash line.
In addition to China continuously advancing its position regarding the legitimacy of the nine-dash line, countries including Australia, France, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, United Kingdom, and Vietnam have rebutted China’s assertions.
But the commission is not a court and is comprised of scientists who assess continental shelf claims.
It was up to the Philippines, as the other nation with possible claims on the region, to separately challenge the legality of China’s nine-dash line claim under the law of the sea. In 2016, a United Nations Law of the Sea Convention Tribunal ruled unanimously that China’s claim had no basis in international law.
That ruling was clear-cut and conclusive, and immediately rejected by China. While the Philippines conclusively won the legal argument that the nine-dash line had no basis in modern international law or the law of the sea, China refused to respect the outcome of that case and continues to assert its South China Sea entitlements.
China does this in multiple ways. It has built artificial islands in the South China Sea, harassed foreign naval and military aircraft passing through the region, intimidated Vietnamese and other foreign fishermen, asserted rights to explore and exploit maritime oil and gas reserves, and continued to publish maps depicting the nine-dash line claim.
This is why any legitimacy given to the nine-dash line, even in Hollywood movies, is so sensitive.
Why are maps so controversial?
Maps are reflective of a critical national attribute: territory.
They define the outer limits of territorial claims. Children are familiarised with their home country by maps. Maps have historically been depicted on postage stamps, buildings, and more recently government websites.
Maps now depict a country digitally and this has become contested, as highlighted by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. University students challenge their professors when maps are shown that depict disputed lands.
Maps have meaning and touch national sensitivities.
Vietnam’s response to Hollywood’s depiction of China’s nine-dash line is understandable. It demonstrates a fierce resistance to any legitimacy that China’s ongoing South China Sea nine-dash line claims may generate, even in Barbie’s fictional world.
Donald Rothwell is Professor of International Law, Australian National University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Singapore will have a K-pop international high school, in collaboration with BTS’ Jungkook’s alma mater
K-pop fans will be familiar with the School of Performing Arts Seoul (SOPA). After all, the prestigious arts school is the alma mater of multiple South Korean idols such as BTS’ Jungkook, Blackpink’s Jisoo and Ive’s Wonyoung.
Now, students from Southeast Asia can experience the learning curriculum of their favourite idols, thanks to SOPA’s collaboration with Singapore Raffles Music College (SMRC). Called SOPA-SRMC, this school will be Singapore’s first-ever K-pop international high school.
During the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) in Seoul, SOPA principal Hosung Lim said: “As an educator, I am honoured that our educational accomplishments are being recognised globally through this MOU with Singapore Raffles Music College. We are determined to further elevate the School of Performing Arts Seoul’s reputation as an exemplary educational institution not only in Korea but also overseas as an educational institution specialising in K-pop.”
In their press release, SOPA and SMRC announced that they “will identify students from Southeast Asia, primarily Singapore, and offer them specialised K-pop education”.
These students will then hone their skills and be mentored as they are “immersed in a rich tapestry of regional influences”. Additionally, SRMC will facilitate admissions for Korean students aspiring to study abroad.
SOPA-SRMC will conduct all its classes in English. The school will also have a curriculum that’s taught by faculty members from SOPA’s Education System department, which will integrate Korean and Singaporean educational systems.
Ryan Goh, executive director of SRMC said: “The college recognises the impressive achievements of School of Performing Arts Seoul in producing quality graduates with a global footprint. We see this as a unique opportunity to bring the essence of specialised performing arts education from Korea into Singapore and Southeast Asia. This will showcase the exceptional value of industry-focused education and provide the impetus to spur the industry forward regionally.”
South Korea says it respects IAEA approval of Fukushima water release
About 80 per cent of respondents in South Korea expressed concern about the release in a recent survey by Gallup Korea. That planned release has triggered panic-buying of salt in South Korea, based on fears that the Fukushima water would pollute the ocean and also the salt sourced from seawater.Continue Reading
Parliamentary vote for new PM on July 13
The parliament will convene in joint session to vote for a new prime minister at 9.30am on Thursday next week, House Speaker Wan Muhamad Noor Matha said on Wednesday.
Mr Wan, ex-officio president of the parliament, said he set the date in consultation Senate Speaker Pornpetch Wichitcholchai.
The 250 appointed senators are entitled by the constitution to participate in the vote, along with the 500 elected members of the House of Representatvies.
Mr Wan said voting on July 13 for the new prime minister may be completed immediately, or not. The new prime minister needs the support of 376 votes of the joint sitting. If there is no definitive outcome, another voting sesson will be scheduled.
“The parliament must convene until the prime minister is installed. Mr Pita [the Forward Party leader] is not the only candidate,” Mr Wan said.
“Mr Pita may be endorsed… Otherwise, a new prime minister must be picked anyway. Under the constitution, the parliament is duty-bound to elect a prime minister of the national administration. The country cannot lack a prime minister,” the House speaker said.
Mr Pita’s Move Forward Party (MFP) won the most seats in the May 14 general election and has the first right to attempt to form a government.
Based on Tuesday’s votes for MFP MP Padipat Suntiphada, elected first deputy speaker, Mr Wan said, the eight coalition parties appeared able to muster 312 votes of support for Mr Pita as prime minister next week. They needed 64 more votes to reach the required minimum support of 376.
If Mr Pita was not voted in as prime minister in the first round, the constitution did not stipulate if a previously nominated person or a new candidate should be presented to the joint sitting.
However, candidates must be from among those previously verified by the Election Commission and their names listed as prime ministerial candidates of political parties.
If all those registered fail to win endorsement from the House and the Senate, an outside candidate can be nominated, but must win at least two-thirds of the votes at a joint sitting, Mr Wan said.
“If the joint sitting is unable to decide on the next prime minister at its first meeting, the next session for a vote will depend on suitability and the opinions of relevant parties.
“The keys are suitability and readiness, especially the attendance of members (of the parliament). Unless the members are ready to attend there will be a lack of a quorum,” Mr Wan said.
MFP leader Pita is the favoured prime ministerial candidate of the eight coalition allies, but is up against complaints questioning his eligibility for political office, mainly in relation to a shareholding in iTV Plc, part of his late father’s managed estate. The constitution bans a shareholder of a media company from standing in a general election.
Move Forward Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat at parliament on Tuesday. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)
House Speaker Wan Muhamad Noor Matha announced a joint sitting to elect a new prime minister on July 13. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)
MAS to adjust tax incentives to encourage single family offices to invest ‘more purposefully’ in Singapore
SINGAPORE: The Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) announced on Wednesday (Jul 5) adjustments to its tax incentives for single family offices, such as recognising a broader range of investments in Singapore as well as overseas climate-related investments.
These changes hope to encourage single family offices to deploy capital “more purposefully to benefit Singapore and the region” and increase contributions towards environmental and social causes, said MAS chief Ravi Menon at a press conference for the central bank’s annual report.
Family offices are private organisations set up to manage the wealth of one or multiple families.
A single family office is not required to be registered or licensed by the MAS as they do not manage third-party funds. The number of such entities that were awarded tax incentives by the MAS has increased to 1,100 as of end-2022, up from 700 in 2021, said Mr Menon.
To encourage single family offices to invest further in Singapore, MAS is expanding the scope of tax incentives to recognise all investments in non-listed Singapore operating companies, including private credit.
It will recognise twice the amount invested in Singapore-listed equities, eligible exchange-traded funds and unlisted funds that invest primarily in Singapore-listed equities.
Single family offices will also be required to have at least one non-family member among the investment professionals it is hiring.
In addition, all new SFO applicants will have to meet the business spending requirement with spending solely from Singapore, unlike previously where overseas spending counted towards meeting the requirement.
The new changes will expand the pool of available jobs for professionals in Singapore, as well as channel greater benefits to Singapore-based businesses and service providers, said Mr Menon.
In tackling climate change, MAS will broaden the scope of eligible investments to cover blended finance structures and recognise climate-related investments overseas, not just those in Singapore.
“Climate change is a global problem that is not bounded by national borders,” said Mr Menon.
“As a low-lying island state, Singapore is particularly vulnerable to climate change. We should thus recognise all efforts made to address climate change issues.”
COEs mostly fall in latest bidding exercise; premium for smaller cars rises
SINGAPORE: Certificate of Entitlement (COE) premiums closed mixed in the latest bidding exercise on Wednesday (Jul 5). For Category A cars, or those 1,600cc and below with horsepower not exceeding 130bhp, premiums closed at S$97,000 (US$71,750), up from S$96,206 in the last exercise. Premiums for larger and more powerful cars in CategoryContinue Reading
Torrential rains kill at least 15 in southwest China
Scientists say that rising global temperatures – caused largely by burning fossil fuels – increase the likelihood of extreme weather events such as the flash floods and heatwaves experienced in many Asian countries in recent weeks. The floods coincided with record heatwaves in other parts of China, with the country’sContinue Reading
Singapore urges all parties to de-escalate tensions amid violence in Israel and West Bank
SINGAPORE: Singapore “remains deeply concerned” over the recent escalation of violence in Israel and the West Bank, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) said in a statement on Tuesday (Jul 5). “We are saddened by the loss of civilian lives and urge all parties to de-escalate tensions and take theContinue Reading
Indonesiaâs mineral export bans face hot global fire
JAKARTA – Indonesia is under rising fire at the World Trade Organization and by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for the government’s seemingly haphazard policy of banning mineral ore exports, a market intervention Jakarta insists is just and necessary to maximize its economic and industrial growth.
In a sharply worded statement accompanying its 2022 country report, the IMF called for Indonesia to phase out the restrictions and not extend them to other commodities. “The increasing use of trade measures and industrial policies may destabilize the multilateral trade system,” the IMF said.
The Joko Widodo administration has so far been unyielding, insisting that Indonesia is well within its rights to add value to its minerals, specifically nickel, bauxite, copper and tin, to become a newly industrialized state.
Nickel exports were banned in January 2022 and bauxite shipments followed on June 10. Tin and copper bans are scheduled to come next. “We have to dare to take these steps,” Widodo, a fervent advocate of the value-added policy, said last year.
Economic Coordinating Minister Airlangga Hartarto has described efforts by developed nations and international organizations to push for controls on other countries’ export policies as a form of modern-day colonialism that will inhibit Indonesia’s economic growth and development.
The WTO ruled last November that Indonesia’s restriction on mineral exports violated Article XI of the 1994 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, but US opposition means there is no mechanism to enforce the decision through the organization’s dispute resolution panel.
The European Union (EU), which brought the complaint to the WTO, said the nickel ban had unduly and illegally restricted EU access to raw materials needed for stainless steel production and, in doing so, had distorted the world market production of mineral ores.
The WTO panel has argued that Indonesia’s measures didn’t fall under the exemption for prohibitions or restrictions temporarily applied to prevent or relieve critical shortages of products essential to Indonesia. What happens next isn’t clear, but Indonesia has made it clear it isn’t backing down.
Despite Indonesia’s large volume of mineral exports, the mining sector contributed only 5% to gross domestic product (GDP) in 2019. After the government introduced the nickel ban, the mineral’s value-added increased from US$1.1 billion to $20.8 billion in 2021 alone.
Predicting that figure would rise to more than $30 billion, Widodo said: “That is just one commodity. The government will continue to consistently carry out down-streaming so that added value is enjoyed domestically for the advancement and welfare of the people.”
He estimates the industrialization of bauxite, mainly found in West Kalimantan, will see revenues increase from $1.3 billion to $4.1 billion due to the value-added impact of the ban. Eight bauxite smelters currently under construction will boost existing production from 4.3 to 9.1 million tonnes.
But progress has been painfully slow and the government’s loss of patience in imposing the export ban may be because bauxite ore exports earned only $500 million in the first nine months of 2022, or 20% of the value of copper concentrate exports, which are already 95% refined metal.
Progress on copper giant Freeport Indonesia’s (PTFI’s) new $3 billion copper smelter at Gresik in East Java has been equally slow and is now due to be commissioned in May next year, the deadline for the export ban to go into force.
PTFI is alsomajority owned by the government, which in 2018 took a controlling interest from US mining giant Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold, still the operator of the hugely profitable Grasberg mine in Papua’s Central Highlands.
Indonesian-owned Amman Mineral Nusa Tenggara is about halfway through building a third copper smelter at the site of the Batu Hijau copper and gold mine on the island of Sumbawa.
Critics of the policy point out, however, that one mineral ban won’t necessarily work for another. While it welcomed Indonesia’s value-added efforts, the IMF said they should be accompanied by comprehensive cost-benefit analysis and designed to minimize cross-border spillovers.
Brazil, Canada, China, Japan, South Korea, India, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Turkey, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates and the US have all joined as third parties in the EU’s nickel dispute at the WTO.
America’s 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, marking the most significant action Congress has taken on clean energy and climate change, provides up to $7,500 in subsidies for electric vehicles (EVs) that contain a certain percentage of critical minerals processed in the US.
EU President Ursula von der Leyen has also recently proposed passage of a Critical Raw Materials Act aimed at addressing the 27-nation organization’s dependence on imports of critical raw materials.
Home to 22% of the world’s nickel reserves, concentrated in Sulawesi and Maluku, Indonesia’s ban has caused major shifts in the supply chains of EVs and on other strategic products such as rocket engines.
More than 75% of nickel is processed into stainless steel, but it is also critical to the manufacture of EV battery cathodes, which currently consume only 7% of global production.
It is for that reason that car companies are seeking to secure nickel supplies from Indonesia and other suppliers like the Philippines, New Caledonia, Russia, Canada and Australia.
The world’s two largest economies, the United States and China, have only limited reserves of nickel and rely heavily on the import of nickel ore or refined nickel.
China remains the world’s largest nickel importer, but over the past decade, Chinese companies have poured $14.2 billion into three major Indonesian processing complexes aimed at locking up supplies for the foreseeable future.
While Indonesia may have the world’s largest reserves, they mainly comprise class 2 nickel, which is not suitable for EV batteries. Recent efforts have been made to develop ways to convert class 2 to class 1.
The most effective process involves high-pressure acid leaching (HPAL) of the class 2 ore to produce mixed hydroxide precipitate (MHP), which is then further refined to where it can be used for battery cathodes.
The operation is costly, however, requiring large volumes of water and considerable energy – equivalent in this case to about a sixth of the capacity of Indonesia’s main Java-Bali power grid. It also produces toxic tailings.
The two main production facilities at Morawali, Central Sulawesi, and Weda Bay, Maluku, will eventually rely on 5,400 megawatts of coal-fired power, leaving potential customers questioning whether the process meets environment, social and corporate governance (ESG) standards.
Another major ESG issue is the environmental degradation arising from nickel mining in eastern Indonesia, which has turned the sea red in some areas and destroyed coastlines.
Meanwhile, Indonesia persists in its efforts to create a global nickel cartel, similar to that of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), which seeks to coordinate the petroleum policies and outputs of member states to keep oil market prices high and stable.
Investment Minister Bahlil Lahadalia says Indonesian trade officials are in “intense talks” with three other unidentified nickel suppliers, following up on Widodo’s attempt to pitch the plan to the G7 summit in Hiroshima, Japan, where he was an invited participant.
“I hope G7 countries can become a partner in these industrial downstream policies,” he was quoted as saying on the Presidential Secretariat website. “It is time to establish an OPEC-like group for other products such as nickel and palm oil.”
Bahlil first proposed the idea of a nickel cartel to Canadian International Trade Minister Mary Ng on the sidelines of their G20 summit in Bali; Canada has two million tonnes of nickel reserves, with mine production reaching 134,000 tonnes in 2021.
The average price of nickel rose to a record $25,83418 a tonne last year, an increase of $7,000 over 2021 on the back of demand for batteries. Previously, the price had been linked to stainless steel production, peaking at $20,390 in 2012.
Noting that EV-producing countries implement their own protectionist policies, Bahlil says that Indonesia and other raw material producers want to ensure they gain the optimum added value from their inputs to the fast-accelerating industry.
New Thai House Speaker could pave way for Move Forwardâs Pita Limjaroenrat to become prime minister, but challenges remain: Analysts
“The old guard in Thailand clearly doesn’t want him, and one way or another, they want to get rid of him,” said Prof Hewison.
He said the case is likely to be sent by the election commission to the constitutional court, which has in the past been “very outspoken on dealing with people it sees as opposing the notion of democracy with the king as head of state”, noted Prof Hewison.
That process could take anywhere from a few days to a few months, he added.
Prof Thitinan said Mr Pita faces “all kinds of roadblocks” in his efforts to become prime minister.
“We’ve seen this over the last two decades. We had a sitting prime minister who was disqualified for hosting a cooking show,” he said, referring to former leader Samak Sundaravej’s ousting in 2008.
“We’ve had party dissolutions and disqualifications of top leaders, party leaders, and so on … So Pita is the next one, basically,” said Prof Thitinan, who added that the establishment forces working against Move Forward and Mr Pita are “very powerful”.
ROLE OF THE MILITARY
One of the things that the coalition parties have agreed to is to continue pursuing military reform, something which will worry the military as they undergo a change of leadership in the next few months, said Prof Hewison.