Thai chicken dishes rated
Two Thai meals are among the 50 Best Rated Chicken Dishes in the World, as ranked on the TasteAtlas global food mapping site.
TasteAtlas ranked khao mok kai (a Muslim-style dish of chicken and saffron-scented rice) at 38 with 4.3 out of 5 stars, while kai yang (grilled chicken) was at 46 with 4.2 stars.
Jujeh kabab (grilled chicken) from Iran was rated the world’s best chicken dish with 4.8 stars. TasteAtlas said the dish is a staple of Iranian cuisine and has two popular variations, one which uses boneless chicken while the other is prepared with meat left on the bone. The chicken is usually cut into larger chunks, marinated in various marinades and saffron, skewered, and then grilled.
The second-best-rated chicken dish is dak galbi (South Korean stir-fried chicken), followed by murgh makhani or butter chicken from India, tikka (roasted marinated chicken in yoghurt and spices) also from India and ayam goreng (fried marinated chicken) from Indonesia.
Ranked sixth is tsitsila tabaka (pan-fried chicken) from Georgia. This was followed by frango assado com piri piri (roasted chicken) from Portugal, tajine zitoune (stewed chicken) from Algeria, fricasé de pollo (stewed chicken) from Cuba and pollo a la brasa (roasted chicken) from Peru.
No let-up in speaker stalemate
Pheu Thai covets role as more talks loom
Pheu Thai MPs reiterated at their latest meeting that the next House speaker must be a candidate from their party and said the demand would be relayed to the Move Forward Party (MFP) during their talks on Wednesday.
This will also reportedly be among the key issues raised at a planned meeting of the eight prospective coalition parties on Thursday.
Pheu Thai executives and MPs held separate meetings to discuss the matter on Tuesday.
Party leader Cholnan Srikaew said a team of negotiators held talks with the MFP and proposed that the two parties get 14 cabinet seats each, with the MFP entitled to the prime minister’s position and Pheu Thai taking the House speaker role.
The MFP accepted the proposal for consideration but has yet to give a definitive answer, Dr Cholnan said.
He said the party’s executive committee supports the proposal, and it was presented at the meeting of party MPs on Tuesday.
Most of the MPs present agreed Pheu Thai negotiators must stand firm on the proposal at Wednesday’s planned talks, he said.
Deputy Pheu Thai leader Phumtham Wechayachai said most party MPs want the negotiators to thrash the proposal out with the MFP, even though this does not represent the party’s official stance.
Chusak Sirinil, another deputy leader of Pheu Thai, said the House speaker must remain neutral and be acceptable to all parties given the role they play in ensuring House sessions proceed smoothly.
“This is not a battle for the House speaker position. Pheu Thai still recognises the need for the MFP to establish a government with [its leader] Pita Limjaroenrat as prime minister.
“But we believe a House speaker who is a Pheu Thai-chosen candidate would be able to ensure the House meetings go smoothly,” Mr Chusak said.
According to sources at the MFP, the party decided on Tuesday that Padipat Santiphada, a Phitsanulok MP and member of the party’s executive committee, would be nominated for House speaker.
Previously three other candidates were strongly tipped for the post — deputy party leader Natthawut Buaprathum, party-list MP Parit Wacharasindhu, and Teerajchai Phunthumas, a Bangkok MP.
MFP secretary-general Chaithawat Tulathon said earlier the new House speaker should hail from the MFP, which won the most House seats in the May 14 election.
He said the two parties would act in line with the mandate of voters and work together to form a coalition government.
According to Senate Speaker Pornpetch Wichitcholchai, His Majesty the King will preside over the state opening of parliament on July 3, and the House of Representatives will convene on July 4 to select the speaker and two deputies.
Meanwhile, Deputy Prime Minister and Palang Pracharath Party leader Prawit Wongsuwon met party executives and 40 newly endorsed MPs on Tuesday at the Foundation for the Conservation of Forests in Five Adjoining Provinces at the compound of the 1st Infantry Regiment in Bangkok.
According to sources, Gen Prawit stressed the need for all party MPs not to break ranks and to vote in the same way for both the new House speaker and prime minister.
But the attendees did not discuss who should be nominated for speaker, the sources said.
Akanat Promphan, secretary-general and a party list MP of the United Thai Nation Party (UTN) — of which Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha is the chief strategist — said the party would not vote for the MFP’s candidates for either the House speaker or prime minister.
The UTN will not support any party that seeks to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code, or the lese majeste law, Mr Akanat said, referring to the MFP.
He said none of the outgoing coalition parties would nominate candidates for House speaker, to the best of his knowledge.
He also denied speculation that Pheu Thai would ask the UTN to vote for its candidate for that position in parliament.
Pheu Thai happy with councillors’ work
Pheu Thai has rated the performance of its Bangkok councillors as satisfactory over the last year as it still licks its wounds after its underwhelming showing in the May 14 general election.
The party celebrated its Bangkok city councillors’ first year in office on Tuesday and insisted it delivered some of its pledged campaign policies.
The city councillor election was held on the same day Chadchart Sittipunt, an independent candidate, was elected Bangkok governor on May 24 last year.
Of the councillor seats up for grabs in 50 districts, Pheu Thai claimed the lion’s share with 21 seats.
It was the first time the councillor and governor elections had been staged since the May 22, 2014 coup that toppled the Pheu Thai-led administration.
The councillor poll victory was initially thought to foreshadow a major victory for Pheu Thai in the capital in the upcoming national election.
However, Pheu Thai was defeated in the general election when it only won a single seat in Bangkok. The Move Forward Party (MFP) captured the rest.
On Tuesday, Phuangphet Chunlaiad, Pheu Thai’s top election supervisor for Bangkok, said the party’s overall performance in the past year was quite satisfactory after its councillors were able to ease or resolve problems faced by city residents. She was also confident the new government being formed with Pheu Thai as a coalition partner would accelerate tackling the city’s woes via smooth coordination with related ministries.
The party has proposed setting up an extraordinary committee to study the Green Line’s overdue payment of around 50 billion baht that the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) owes to Bangkok Mass Transit System Plc (BTSC).
Wirat Meenchainunt, a Pheu Thai councillor for Min Buri district in Bangkok, said Pheu Thai councillors had performed their duties as per the Public Administration of Bangkok Metropolis Act 1985 and followed up on the work progress of City Hall with the council’s 12 working teams.
In the past year, Pheu Thai councillors have made progress on all the party’s five main campaign pledges, though electric train fares have yet to be brought down pending the settlement of a legal dispute, according to Mr Wirat.
Viput Srivaurai, the party’s councillor for Bang Rak district, said the party was driving policies to inject a development fund of 200,000 baht into each community — or about 50 hospitals in 50 districts — and promoting soft power to expand Bangkok’s economic value. About 2,000 communities have participated in the fund.
10m criminal records removed
The Royal Thai Police (RTP) is in the process of cleaning up its criminal records, with about 10 million innocent people set to be removed from its database.
Pol Gen Surachate Hakparn, the deputy national police chief, said on Tuesday that the RTP recently issued a new regulation for its criminal record database to better align it with the principles of human rights.
The new fingerprint regulation was announced on April 27 and enforced on May 27.
It effectively orders the Office of Police Forensic Science’s Criminal Records Division only to retain the records of criminal convicts and remove the fingerprints of those who are accused but later proven innocent, as well as people whose cases have not yet reached a final decision, and those who are given jail terms of one month or less or who receive suspended jail terms.
“Our criminal database has recorded the fingerprints of 13,079,324 people, but with the improved regulation, only 3,708,359 criminals will be kept in our fingerprint database,” Pol Gen Surachate said.
“We have to be fair to the 10 million or so people who were not [ultimately] convicted.”
He said the previous regulation required all police to request the removal of civilians’ names from the Criminal Records Division if they are acquitted, but the process was slow and ineffective.
Pol Gen Surachate described the new rule as a top-down policy that divides the criminal records database into three groups.
The first covers criminal suspects whose cases have not yet been finalised. Their records must not be shown to the public, and they can only be used for police investigations or if the person applies to become a civil servant.
The second group refers to non-criminal offenders who are handed sentences of less than one month in prison, who receive a suspended jail term or a fine, or who committed a crime due to negligence. Their records will only be used for investigations by police or other organisations.
The third covers criminal convicts sentenced to more than a month in jail.
Commentary: No, AI alone doesnât prove the case for universal basic income
WHAT’S REALLY NEEDED
The reality is that jobs and wages likely to remain the mainstay of income for most, at least for the foreseeable future.
Given that AI, like most major innovations before it, will displace and transform a large number of jobs, what is needed most is an effective system for retraining and reskilling. In Singapore, the SkillsFuture ecosystem comprising training providers and grants, performs this role. It is a function that will be increasingly critical for individuals and society in the age of AI.
We will need stronger safety nets for temporary unemployment and perhaps even for income loss during transitions from one job to another. The plan to introduce re-employment support in Singapore is timely.
More broadly, we will need stronger assurance for citizens, particularly in a global city with high living costs. This could take various forms from housing and healthcare subsidies to wage supplements and other forms of transfer payments.
Collectively, they need to add up to a package that gives citizens peace of mind, even as we all must apply ourselves to contribute meaningfully to society in our AI future.
Terence Ho is Associate Professor in Practice at Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He is the author of Refreshing the Singapore System: Recalibrating Socio-Economic Policy for the 21st Century (World Scientific, 2021).
Brian Lim is APAC General Manager of Primer AI. He is also an industry advisor to Singapore University of Technology and Design Social AI Studio, and member of MIT Technology Review Global Insights Panel.
Commentary: Thailandâs military machinations will define post-election political manoeuvring
Prawit-loyalist Assistant Army Chief General Suksan Nongbualuang has a chance to beat out Jaroenchai as Army Commander, after which Pana would succeed him. Should Pita or Srettha become prime minister, they would likely prefer the weaker General Ukrit Boontanonda to be army chief.
But a military selection board, dominated by arch-royalist service chiefs, votes on promotions above the level of general and it is doubtful that Ukrit would get the nod. Moreover, though Pita or Srettha could try to cancel Prayut’s reshuffle, Jaroenchai, as Deputy Army Commander, would simply become the acting chief and only he or Suksan could pass the board.
The leadership of Thailand’s army-dominant military will not be obedient to progressive civilian leaders and look set to oppose any reformist measures by Move Forward or Pheu Thai.
Thailand’s progressive 2023 election winners are confronted by a gauntlet of obstacles. Move Forward and Pheu Thai face cases before the Election Commission and must pass the junta-appointed Senate.
An alternative coalition comprising only conservative parties or Pheu Thai with conservative parties could easily form, especially if the Election Commission disqualifies Move Forward MPs.
If a progressive prime minister takes office, Thailand will likely look forward to growing pandemonium. Meanwhile, caretaker Prime Minister Prayut will use the reshuffle to ensure that the military leadership remains firmly independent of elected civilian control for years to come.
Dr Paul Chambers is Lecturer at the Centre of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Thailand. This commentary first appeared on East Asia Forum.
Wissanu plays down court’s MFP query
Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam on Tuesday played down the Constitutional Court’s decision to seek an update from the Office of the Attorney-General (OAG) on a petition against the Move Forward Party (MFP) for allegedly attempting to overthrow the constitutional monarchy.
The request is standard procedure as the OAG is required to inform the court of its decision 15 days after receiving the petition, said Mr Wissanu.
The deputy premier added it is premature at this stage to discuss the possibility of the petition eventually leading to the dissolution of the MFP.
And even if the court later agrees to hear this petition, Mr Wissanu said, the case will not affect the upcoming parliamentary vote to select a new prime minister as the matter directly concerns the MFP, not MFP leader Pita Limjaroenrat individually.
This means the case would not lead to Mr Pita being suspended as an MP pending the court’s consideration of the case, said Mr Wissanu.
The MFP’s policy on Section 112 of the Criminal Code, better known as the lese majeste law, is an attempt to overthrow the constitutional monarchy and, therefore, a breach of Section 49, according to Theerayut Suwankesorn, who filed the petition.
Mr Theerayut is a lawyer already known by many for his defence of Suwit Thongprasert, an ex-activist monk formerly known as Phra Buddha Isara.
Deputy OAG spokesman Kosolwat Inthachanyong insisted the OAG had not sat on the petition.
The OAG has yet to receive a number of required documents from related organisations and agencies which may have considerable bearing on its final decision, added Mr Kosolwat.
Wissanu: Request in normal procedure
Mr Pita, meanwhile, said he was not worried about this petition at all and that the MFP will not soften its stance on amending Section 112.
He also warned senators not to use his party’s intention to amend the lese majeste law as an excuse to block his bid for prime minister because that would pit the higher institution against the people.
Mr Pita told parliament yesterday that any attempt to cite the MFP’s plan to amend Section 112 to prevent him becoming prime minister was a concern.
“That is tantamount to letting the people’s voice clash directly with the institution. It is inappropriate and dangerous,” Mr Pita said while leading his party’s new MPs to report to the House secretariat.
“Section 112 has been used as a political tool against people with different opinions, and that does no good for any institution,” he said.
The leader of the biggest party confirmed that he would maintain the system of constitutional monarchy in Thailand.
“Many parties still misunderstand. An amendment is not a repeal of the law. There have been talks with senators, and they are starting to understand that to maintain the constitutional monarchy, there must be suitable changes at a time when Thailand is in a period of transition,” Mr Pita said.
Asked to comment on senators who announced they would not vote for him as prime minister, Mr Pita said he hoped they would adhere to the principle of not going against the people’s voice. His party won 151 House seats in the May 14 general election, more than any other party.
To become prime minister, Mr Pita needs the support of a majority of the 750 members of the whole parliament — at least 376 votes, which he says he is confident of getting.
Wissanu plays down court’s MFP request
Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam on Tuesday played down the Constitutional Court’s decision to seek an update from the Office of the Attorney-General (OAG) on a petition against the Move Forward Party (MFP) for allegedly attempting to overthrow the constitutional monarchy.
The request is standard procedure as the OAG is required to inform the court of its decision 15 days after receiving the petition, said Mr Wissanu.
The deputy premier added it is premature at this stage to discuss the possibility of the petition eventually leading to the dissolution of the MFP.
And even if the court later agrees to hear this petition, Mr Wissanu said, the case will not affect the upcoming parliamentary vote to select a new prime minister as the matter directly concerns the MFP, not MFP leader Pita Limjaroenrat individually.
This means the case would not lead to Mr Pita being suspended as an MP pending the court’s consideration of the case, said Mr Wissanu.
The MFP’s policy on Section 112 of the Criminal Code, better known as the lese majeste law, is an attempt to overthrow the constitutional monarchy and, therefore, a breach of Section 49, according to Theerayut Suwankesorn, who filed the petition.
Mr Theerayut is a lawyer already known by many for his defence of Suwit Thongprasert, an ex-activist monk formerly known as Phra Buddha Isara.
Deputy OAG spokesman Kosolwat Inthachanyong insisted the OAG had not sat on the petition.
The OAG has yet to receive a number of required documents from related organisations and agencies which may have considerable bearing on its final decision, added Mr Kosolwat.
Wissanu: Request in normal procedure
Mr Pita, meanwhile, said he was not worried about this petition at all and that the MFP will not soften its stance on amending Section 112.
He also warned senators not to use his party’s intention to amend the lese majeste law as an excuse to block his bid for prime minister because that would pit the higher institution against the people.
Mr Pita told parliament yesterday that any attempt to cite the MFP’s plan to amend Section 112 to prevent him becoming prime minister was a concern.
“That is tantamount to letting the people’s voice clash directly with the institution. It is inappropriate and dangerous,” Mr Pita said while leading his party’s new MPs to report to the House secretariat.
“Section 112 has been used as a political tool against people with different opinions, and that does no good for any institution,” he said.
The leader of the biggest party confirmed that he would maintain the system of constitutional monarchy in Thailand.
“Many parties still misunderstand. An amendment is not a repeal of the law. There have been talks with senators, and they are starting to understand that to maintain the constitutional monarchy, there must be suitable changes at a time when Thailand is in a period of transition,” Mr Pita said.
Asked to comment on senators who announced they would not vote for him as prime minister, Mr Pita said he hoped they would adhere to the principle of not going against the people’s voice. His party won 151 House seats in the May 14 general election, more than any other party.
To become prime minister, Mr Pita needs the support of a majority of the 750 members of the whole parliament — at least 376 votes, which he says he is confident of getting.
Pita: Not worried about petition
CNA Explains: Why are HDB estates classified as mature and non-mature?
When it comes to buying a flat, some top considerations are property prices, transport accessibility, amenities such as malls, food centres and clinics, and nearby schools, said Mr Nicholas Mak.
“Whether the flat is in a mature or non-mature estate is not the most important factor, unless this label affects one’s eligibility to apply for the BTO flat,” said Mogul.SG’s chief research officer.
Differences in connectivity have also faded as Singapore builds more MRT lines. Professor Qian Wenlan said the much sought-after proximity to MRT stations may no longer be such a compelling selling point in future.
“Some non-mature towns – such as Sengkang, Jurong East and the Jurong Lake District – have an impressive range of facilities and amenities similar to those in mature estates. And home seekers are not oblivious to this fact,” said Prof Qian, the Ng Teng Fong Chair Professor in Real Estate at the NUS Business School.
Does it make a difference to applicants?
Popular BTO projects in Jurong East, for example, have attracted higher application rates than those of mature estates such as Kallang/Whampoa and Queenstown, Prof Qian added.
Looking at the past few BTO launches, it’s clear that the picture has become more complicated.
One example is Woodlands South Plains, which was more popular than projects in some mature estates. The project is very near an MRT station, as well as near the Woodlands regional centre.
It is still true that mature estates garner more interest from applicants, but It appears that applicants now pay more attention to the specific location of the BTO project, and not the labels of “mature” or “non-mature”.
How might the classification change?
Beyond just the mature versus non-mature distinction, the valuation of an HDB flat in future may focus more on geographical considerations, such as proximity to the city centre or major business and recreational hubs.
Dr Phang thinks that hedonic pricing models, which identify key factors determining HDB resale prices, can be a guide.
Based on several studies, geographical factors that affect HDB resale prices are: Distance to the CBD, distance to the nearest MRT station, distance to the nearest hawker centres, to greenery and water bodies.
In late 2021, the government announced the launch of the Prime Location Public Housing model, which could be an indicator of things to come.
Under this model, public housing is built in prime locations like the city centre and the Greater Southern Waterfront. This gives Singaporeans the opportunity to live in choice districts without having to fork out prohibitive sums for private homes, Prof Qian said.
As attributes become more similar across HDB estates, the inception of the Prime Location Public Housing model suggests that location will become “an even more salient differentiator”, she added.
When Miss World’s arrival in India ignited protests
Getty ImagesA recent announcement that the next edition of the Miss World pageant would be held in India has revived memories of its last visit to the country – which involved violent protests, threats of self-immolation and predictions of a cultural apocalypse. The BBC’s Zoya Mateen revisits that tumultuous time, and examines what has changed since then.
The year was 1996. India had moved away from protectionist policies a few years ago, opening its markets to the world. International brands such as Revlon, L’Oreal and KFC were setting up shop in the country, sometimes sparking tensions with local activists and manufacturers.
Beauty pageants were already popular in India by then – two years ago, Sushmita Sen and Aishwarya Rai had become Miss Universe and Miss World, respectively, and would go on to become Bollywood stars. Millions of young women aspired to follow them and embark on glittering careers, though others criticised the emphasis these competitions placed on physical beauty.
But weeks before the event, violent protests broke out – the objectors ranged from militant farmers to feminists to right-wing politicians – and made global headlines. The swimsuit round had to be moved to Seychelles for fear of the contestants’ safety.
“Defenders of the pageant – and they enjoy the sympathy of most Indians – find it hard to believe that an event so trivial has provoked such a tumult,” the Los Angeles Times wrote.
Filmmaker Paromita Vohra says that the reactions pointed to a tussle between conservative beliefs and the allure of a modern, glitzy world.
“Miss World came to India at the same time as the globalised market. It churned the culture and there was reaction to that churn,” she says.
To be sure, things have changed in India since 1996. The country has won at least half-a-dozen more international pageants and is home to a million-dollar fashion industry which is globally recognised for its imaginative work and detailed craftsmanship. Films and web shows routinely deal with risqué topics; and conversations around women’s clothes and beauty standards have become more nuanced.
The 1996 pageant was organised in India by a company owned by Bollywood superstar Amitabh Bachchan. According to reports, the firm hired more than 2,000 technicians, 500 dancers and even 16 elephants for the event.
But weeks before the show, violent protests broke out in Bengaluru (formerly Bangalore) city, the venue.
Members of a women’s organisation threatened mass suicide, saying that competitions like Miss World would “increase promiscuity and prostitution”.
“Wearing miniskirts is not part of our traditional culture,” a leader of the group told The Washington Post. One man died by suicide “in protest”, CNN reported.
The pageant was also opposed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) – which now governs India – as well as a farmers’ group which threatened to burn down the cricket stadium where the pageant would be held (it wasn’t carried out).
Many feminists also protested, with one group holding a mock pageant where contestants were given titles like Miss Poverty and Miss Homeless.
Thousands of police personnel, including several in battle gear, were deployed across the city. Some preliminary events were held on the outskirts of Bengaluru, including an air force base. And of course, the most controversial round was moved out of the country.
Former model Rani Jeyaraj, who represented India at the 1996 pageant, says she was relieved when that happened. “By then, I was already overwhelmed giving interviews to channels. It felt wonderful to be whisked away to a little island where I wouldn’t be harassed all the time.”
The contestants were sheltered from the controversy as much as possible – they were cooped up inside a luxurious five-star hotel for weeks with little outside contact. “But it felt weird to be isolated and not being able to meet friends and family,” Ms Jeyaraj says.
“There was one moment, hours before the final competition, when I almost quit because I was so tired of everything.”
This wasn’t the first or last backlash against beauty pageants and women in swimsuits.
In 1968, a feminist collective organised an event outside the Miss America pageant, where protestors filled a trash can with beauty products. Two years later, activists entered the Royal Albert Hall in the UK and threw flour and rotten vegetables at the Miss World stage in support of women’s liberation.
In 2013, the final of Miss World was shifted from Indonesia’s capital Jakarta to tourist haven Bali after weeks of protests from conservative Islamic groups – there too, the bikini round was scrapped, with contestants wearing “modest, traditional Balinese sarongs“.
In 1996, swimsuits weren’t entirely alien to India – Ms Vohra points out that some Bollywood heroines were already challenging stereotypes and wearing them by then, though it wasn’t common. Several Indian contestants, including Rai and Sen, had also participated in swimsuit rounds at pageants abroad.
But Ms Vohra says that perhaps the anxiety around the 1996 competition was also due to fears that “middle class, upper-caste women” – who usually participated in these events – would be seen wearing swimsuits in public.
But almost three decades after the protests in India, are beauty pageants still as relevant?
There was a time when they allowed women an entry point into a glamorous, economically promising world – if you became a model, you could travel the world, become an icon. Even firebrand American feminist Gloria Steinem participated in one as a teen because she said it seemed “like a way out of a not too great life in a pretty poor neighbourhood”.
In India, pageants have also been a way to enter Bollywood (though the success rate there has been mixed) and “that connection is the reason the glamour around it doesn’t reduce”, Ms Jeyaraj says.
But many young Indian women no longer see a beauty pageant as the only way to do that or consider it an empowering vehicle to achieve their dreams.
Ms Vohra says beauty pageants were never meant to be purveyors of authentic beauty or an ideal standard. Instead, she calls them an economic phenomenon “rooted in the market”.
When Miss World became popular in India, it also brought a different idea of beauty – of tiny sculpted waists, sherbet gowns and a heavily contoured face.
“For instance, women in Bollywood films 30 years ago were more voluptuous than that globalised supermodel standard of beauty,” Ms Vohra says.
But international pageants helped create a new idea of an aspirational female figure.
“And it allowed women to enter that public life only if they were like that,” Ms Vohra says, adding that Indian women today are not dependent on these competitions for opportunities.
“That’s why I think the next Miss World in India will be an event like other events. Perhaps a quaint throwback at best,” she says.
For pageant enthusiasts, though, it is still a world they deeply love and believe in, not some relic of the past.
“These competitions are not just about showing off beauty but also their intelligence and accomplishments at a global platform. It’s their passport to the world,” says fashion designer Prasad Bidapa, one of the judges at the 1996 pageant.
According to him, it is impossible to wish away the allure of beauty pageants because in the end, “everyone wants to look better and dream big”.
“Some people are talented in science, they become scientists. Some people are beautiful, they become superstars.”
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