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JAKARTA- A few months ago, Prabowo Subianto’s camp circulated rumors that he believed a possible team-up with President Joko Wido-Do would be the key element in the election for president in February of next year, effectively guaranteeing the triumph of the defense ministers’& nbsp.

Despite the controversy surrounding the crude manner in which 36-year-old Solo city president Gibran Rakabuming’s election was fabricated, that opinion appears to have persisted. The young merchant was formally introduced as Prabowo’s operating partner on October 22.

Due to the uproar of criticism on social media and elsewhere regarding the October 16 Constitutional Court’s decision allowing Gibran and various elected leaders, regardless of age, to run for president or vice president, Prabowo apparently had second thoughts.

A local online advertising, information, and research firm called Katadata claims that Prabowo rejected what it claimed to be a” immediate order” from the administration’s” best brass” to instantly name Gibran as his running mate on the day of the ruling in order to assess the potential damage.

The decision will almost certainly result in open hostilities between Widobo and Megawati Sukarnoputri, the head of the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle( PDI-P ), which the president, Gibran, and his youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, have all ostensibly belonged to up until this point.

By taking over as the leader of the small Indonesian Solidarity Party ( PSI ), which will run in February’s concurrent legislative election, Kaesang, 28, was the first member of his family to openly break with PDI – P.

Democratic activists and a large portion of the Jakarta elite were alarmed by the highest judge’s decision to change the electoral law, especially given that Anwar Usman, the chief justice who presided over the lightning-rod ruling, was Widodoks brother-in-law.

They perceive the choice as being tailored specifically for one home and posing a threat to politics. The vast majority of the public, as well as Widodi’s enormous pursuing, is unlikely to worry less given his popularity, according to objective observers.

An Indonesian Survey Institution ( LSI ) poll found that 41.8 % of respondents agreed with Gibran forming a partnership with Prabowo for his third and currently unquestionably best shot at the presidency. Ganjar Pranowo was the leading candidate for the PDI-P by 33.8 percent to 30.9 %.

As his pretended independence begins to wane, Widodok will eventually have to abandon his position. It’s doubtful that acting like a neutral observer will persuade someone. In a rare remark about his children’s political aspirations, he told reporters,” His ( Gibran ) parents’ job is only to pray and approve.”

He added that he didn’t like to sway Gibran’s decision regarding his bid for the vice president because it was his own individual problem. We shouldn’t meddle too much in matters that have been decided by our kids, Widdo advised.

But the very next moment, he was casting doubt on the entire notion. Think of his age first, he advised the young president who might be just a pulse away from winning the presidency. Additionally, he has only served as president for two years. Come on, be reasonable.

According to one source in the coalition of retired generals,” Prabowo wasn’t sure what the captain wanted or whether he was insisting on his son entering the contest.” This explains why other people continued to be considered potential running mates up until the last few weeks.

According to some analysts, Prabowo’s so-called” gold ticket” is not only intended to fight PDI-P running partner Mahfud Mahmodin, 66, and Pranowo, 54, but also to give Megawati a loss that the 76-year-old matriarch and her family will never be able to bounce back from.

Losing the national vote may be one thing, but for a party that has dominated the democratic era that began with the overthrow of dictator Suharto in 1998, PDI – P’s fortunes, which have unexpectedly properly risen in the polls up to this point, would be quite another.

She has frequently believed that maintaining her father’s legacy — founding president Sukarno and the nationalist ideology he supported— is more significant than any other presidential contest.

Prabowo, the patron of the second-place Great Indonesia Movement Party( Gerindra ), is anticipated to heavily rely on Widodok’s support as well as that of his vast network of supporters who have already pledged their allegiance.

Although he enjoys a sizable following in East Java, the Widdo name will also give him strong support in the PDI-P’s of of Central Java and other vote-rich regions that may work together to maintain the balance of power.

According to the alliance cause,” We have reached a point of no return.” The functions will engage in conflict at all levels as they descend into the settlements. There will be battlegrounds in Central Java.

In West Java, the retired general might even succeed. Former provincial governor Ridwan Hamid is now a member of Golkar, which makes up Prabowo’s Forward Indonesia Coalition( KIM ) along with the Democrat, National Mandate( PAN ), and National Awakening ( PKB ) parties.

Golkar perhaps had assisted Prabowo in making up his mind following the court ruling by quickly endorsing Gibran as KIM’s vice presidential candidate at a meeting the mayor attended on October 21.

Golkar chairman and chief economic minister Airlangga Hartarto pointed to Gibran as a representative of Indonesia’s younger generation, about 56 % of which is under the age of 40, without mentioning the controversy surrounding the Constitutional Court case or the candidate.

It is unclear how much Prabowo consulted his friends for guidance when making his last decision, but it is known that PAN backed State Enterprise Minister Erick Thohir, another Widoda follower and president of the Indonesia Football Association.

Social sources claim that due to their disagreements in the Cabinet, Hartarto was adamantly opposed to Thohir, and Prabowo appears to have had his own reservations. Despite the president not being present when the announcement was made, Prabowo ultimately declared that the choice of Gibran was” majority.”

Instead of joining his father’s prosperous equipment company, Gibran, a father of two, graduated from the Management Institute of Singapore in 2010 and started his own catering company in Solo.

Four years later, when he ran properly as a PDI-P candidate for the governorship of Solo in 2020, his personal wealth was estimated to be 22 billion ringgit( US$ 1.4 million ). He then opened several stores selling martabak, an old-fashioned stuffed pancake.

After the group’s Solo tree nominated the deputy mayor of the city for the position, Megawati had wanted Gibran to delay his move. However, Gibran persisted, the group eventually gave in, and he prevailed by a flood of 83 %.

The governorship in his town of Medan, the municipal capital of North Sumatra, was defeated by president Akhyar Nasution, 54, who had recently been supported by PDI – P, at the same time by Widjodo’s son-in-law Bobby Rasution 29, 29, who won the election.

Although it might be a big step to become vice president at this young age, economists think Gibran’s future success may depend on how long his father will continue to have an impact after he leaves office in October.

His passions and opinions on important domestic and international problems are not well known. However, it must be assumed that he will demonstrate his father’s tradition, including his ambitious plan to establish a new federal capital, to the guardian. & nbsp,

Kingdoms are not as common in Indonesia as they are in the Philippines. In fact, political history has demonstrated that voters frequently go above and beyond to stop incumbents from attempting to persuade their husbands, wives, or kids to achieve them.

In a survey conducted three years ago, it was discovered that 61 % of respondents opposed dynasties. This opinion was confirmed in 2018 when two sons and one daughter were all unable to succeed their fathers as governors of West Kalimantan, East Kalimanten, and South Sumatra.

Starting with House of Representatives Speaker Puan Maharani, 47, Megawati’s daughter and granddaughter of founding leader Sukarno, limited family dynasties are common at the federal level in Indonesia, as they are in different nations.

Then there is Agus Yudhoyono, 42, the eldest son of former president Susilo Yujhuyo and who, in defiance of his father’s wishes, left a promising military job to launch what ultimately failed to succeed in his bid for the Jakarta governorship in 2017.

The social success of Agus, who is currently the president of his father’s Democrat Party, depends on whether the party can regain the seats it lost in the 575-seat Parliament. Maharani obviously lacks the qualifications to become president.

Although her lonely boy Prananda writes the PDI-P matriarch’s remarks and her sister Puti Guntur Soekarno, 49, holds a House seats in East Java on behalf of Surabaya and Sidoarjo, none of the other three children of Megawati are politically active.

Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono, a 42-year-old man who is serving in the legislature for his second phrase without making much of an impact, is said to have been one of the reasons the former leader turned to his older brother to bring the family flag during the Jakarta presidential election. & nbsp,

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