US, Japan, Taiwan to share real-time drone intel: report

The US plans to share real-time data with Taiwan and Japan’s drone fleets, marking a significant evolution in US-led regional security minilateralism in the Pacific in its quest to contain China.

Financial Times reported this week that Japan, Taiwan and the US will share real-time data from naval reconnaissance drones, with Taiwan’s future MQ-9 Sea Guardian drones to be delivered in 2025 integrated into the same system used by US forces and Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) in the region, according to four anonymous sources familiar with the project cited in the report.

The report says the arrangement would allow the US and its partners to observe the same picture the drones capture, giving all three access to a common operating picture. The report also cites a source saying that the US and its partners will take a practical approach to the project to ensure that integration is done as quickly as possible.

At the same time, the Financial Times report quotes a senior US military official saying that including Taiwan in US interoperability structures risks provoking China, with intelligence-sharing between Japan, Taiwan, the US and also the Philippines will likely be perceived as escalatory by Beijing.

The report also says that the US Department of Defense initially refused to comment on the matter, with a spokesperson saying that the US is not currently planning to facilitate MQ-9 information sharing between Taiwan and Japan while reiterating its commitment to bilateral information sharing between the US and Japan.

The Financial Times report says Taiwan’s defense ministry stated that it had not been informed of plans to share real-time data from naval reconnaissance drones between the US and Japan.

Other reports quoted Taiwanese defense ministry as denying that its new MQ-9B drones will be part of any trilateral intel-sharing initiative. Japan’s defense ministry did not comment.

Military helicopters carrying large Taiwan flags do a flyby rehearsal on October 5, 2021, ahead of National Day celebrations amid escalating tensions between Taipei and Beijing. Photo: AFP / Ceng Shou Yi / NurPhoto

Predictably, China criticized the reputed move. Financial Times noted that China’s foreign ministry spokesperson said the US and Japan should stop creating military tensions and causing instability in the Taiwan Strait.

Integrating Japan and Taiwan into a US-led intelligence-sharing mechanism could bring the two closer to the Five Eyes intelligence alliance comprising the US, UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.

Originally founded during the Cold War to spy on the Soviet Union, its purpose has since changed and focuses largely on signals intelligence (SIGINT), which includes the interception, decryption, and analysis of encrypted messages.

While Taiwan is not a member of the Five Eyes, it purportedly maintains close links with the alliance. Focus Taiwan reported on April 2023 that Taiwan maintains real-time intelligence-sharing with the Five Eyes, with Taiwan’s National Security Bureau upgrading its computer units to a level used by intelligence units in the alliance’s member countries.

The report notes that Taiwan’s upgraded computers can be used to better connect to the Five Eyes through a secure and encrypted instant online reporting and communication mechanism.

However, several factors work against Taiwan being formally invited as a Five Eyes member. Admitting Taiwan as a Five Eyes member would no doubt infuriate China, as doing so would be equivalent to giving Taiwan legitimacy as an independent state actor.

China has also extensively infiltrated Taiwan’s military, presenting severe risks for intelligence-sharing with Taiwan. Admitting Taiwan to Five Eyes may also bring extra complexity to the organization’s decision-making processes and add a level of risk current members are unwilling to accept.

While Taiwan’s complicated international status may prevent it from formally joining the Five Eyes, Japan can potentially become the sixth member of the alliance.

In a paper for the US Air University, James Ao notes that the most immediate benefit Five Eyes can get from Japan would be information collected from Tokyo’s extensive intelligence network in East Asia.

At the diplomatic level, Ao says that Japan’s inclusion into the Five Eyes could pave the way for future multilateral security agreements, something which Japan is hesitant to enter due to until now strong pacifist sentiments. 

Ao also mentions that Japan’s membership in the Five Eyes would effectively link critical intelligence earlier to support better the Japanese leadership’s ability to present a narrative to the Japanese people relating the operational threats to Taiwan to Japan’s own survival.

Despite those upsides, Japan has remained a non-member for various reasons. Five Eyes members are Anglophone countries with a common language, legal systems, culture and history that do not extend to Japan.

Given their long history of conflict and ongoing territorial disputes, Japan’s potential accession into the Five Eyes may also inflame regional tensions between Japan, China and South Korea.

To date, a NATO-like security organization has not emerged in East Asia due to the region’s diverse political systems and interests, historical tensions between major regional powers, balance of power concerns against China and Russia, the different roles of the US in NATO and East Asia, and ASEAN’s firm adherence to non-intervention in its members’ internal affairs.

AUKUS nuclear submarine deal is already making ripples across the Indo-Pacific. Image: US Embassy in China

US-led multilateral efforts to date include the Quad Alliance encompassing the US, Australia, Japan and India, and AUKUS consisting of the US, Australia and the UK.

The emerging intelligence-sharing arrangement between the US, Japan and Taiwan may eventually evolve into a more formal agreement that can set a precedent for future similar agreements, an example of which is the “New Quad” featuring Australia, Japan, the Philippines and the US.

That new inchoate arrangement is being billed as more military-focused and anti-China in orientation.

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Countries worldwide tackle water stresses

In May, the Arizona Department of Water Resources imposed restrictions on the construction of new housing in the Phoenix area, citing a lack of groundwater. The decision aims to slow population growth in one of the fastest-growing regions in the US and underlines the dwindling water resources in the country’s drought-stricken southwest.

As water levels in the Colorado River have declined, the states dependent on it (Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah and Wyoming) are increasingly at odds over how to distribute the declining supply.

The US is not alone in contentious domestic debate over water supplies. Australian states have constantly quarreled over water rights across the Murray-Darling Basin. Disruptions to water supply or perceived misuse can cause immediate social unrest, and Iran and France have seen violent protests regarding water recently.

Constant and affordable access to fresh water is recognized as a basic human right by the United Nations. And in addition to providing a foundation for life, fresh water is crucial for industry and manufacturingenergy productionagriculture, sanitation, and other essential societal functions.

But around the world, its availability is threatened. Desertification, climate change, man-made water diversion, dam building, pollution, and overuse have seen rivers, lakes and aquifers dry up. Since 2000, the world has added almost 2 billion people, putting further strain on global water infrastructure and supplies.

Causes of water stress

Poor water management and infrastructure also play a major role in water scarcity around the world. In Iraq, up to 14.5% of the country’s water is lost to evaporation and two-thirds of its treated water is lost because of leaks and poor infrastructure. Up to 25-30% of South Africa’s water is lost to leaks, while even in many industrialized countries, up to 15-20% of water supply is lost.

Inequality can also exacerbate water stress. Amid Cape Town’s water shortages in recent years, 14% of the population has been found to be responsible for more than half of the freshwater use in the city. Across Africa, one in three people already faces water scarcity, where “the availability of natural hygienic water falls below 1,000 cubic meters per person per year.”

On top of government control of water supply and infrastructure, multinational companies such as Nestlé SA, PepsiCo Inc, the Coca-Cola Company, and the Wonderful Company LLC play a huge role in the global water industry. 

In 2013, former Nestlé chief executive officer Peter Brabeck-Letmathe was forced to backtrack after a 2005 interview resurfaced where he stated it was “extreme” that water was considered a human right.

However, water privatization has increased significantly over the last few decadesIn 2020, Wall Street allowed water to begin trading as a commodity, and now, “farmers, hedge funds and municipalities alike are now able to hedge against – or bet on – future water availability in California.”

Monetization has even seen Fiji, the world’s fourth-largest water exporter in 2021, face water supply shortages over the last few years.

Tap water remains drinkable only in certain countries, but fears of contamination can occur rapidly and incite alarm.

After thousands of liters of a synthetic latex product spilled into the Delaware River in March, Philadelphia authorities shut down a nearby water treatment plant. While it was ultimately deemed that tap water was still safe to drink, government warnings and alarm on social media led to panic-buying of water.

Contamination can also lead to longer-term damage to public faith in water infrastructure. After heightened levels of lead were found in Flint, Michigan’s drinking water in 2014 (together with the tepid government response), the local population remained hesitant to resume drinking it even after it had been declared safe.

International disputes

Water security also has a major impact on relations between countries. The US and Mexico have historically competed over water rights to both the Colorado River and the Rio Grande. Strong population growth on both sides of the border in recent decades, coupled with drought, has exacerbated bilateral tensions.

In 2020, tension over Mexico’s inability to meet its annual water-delivery obligations to the US from the Rio Grande, laid out in the 1944 Water Treaty, saw farmers in northern Mexico take over La Boquilla Dam, weeks before the deadline. While the crisis was eventually resolved, the fundamental issue of strained water flows remains ongoing.

Iraq has meanwhile increasingly accused Iran of withholding water from tributaries that feed into the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, with Iran accusing Iraq of failing to use water responsibly. Iraq and Syria have also disputed Turkey’s construction of dams and irrigation systems that have hindered the traditional flows of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers.

Relations among Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia have similarly deteriorated since construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) began in 2011. The project has aggravated regional fears over Nile River water shortages, and though outright conflict has so far been avoided, it has inflamed concern over supply in Sudan, which saw deadly clashes over water shortages this year.

China has been labeled an “upstream superpower” because several major rivers begin in that country. The construction of dams and hydropower plants on the Mekong River has caused friction with Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam, while Kazakhstan and China have often disagreed over water rights regarding the Ili River.

Fears have also arisen that India and China, the world’s two most populous countries, could come into conflict over the Brahmaputra River and Indus River. But India and downstream Pakistan have their own disputes over rights in the Indus River basin that have raised regional concern.

Instrument of war

Other countries have weaponized water as part of a wider conflict. Ukraine and Russia have both used water to harass each other since the first round of unrest between them began in 2014. Ukraine almost immediately cut off Crimea from water supply from the North Crimean Canal, shrinking the peninsula’s arable land from 130,000 hectares in 2013 to just 14,000 in 2017.

Russia reopened the canal after the start of the war in Ukraine in 2022. Additionally, Russian forces have since been accused of withholding water to some Ukrainian regions, deliberately flooding others, and targeting Ukraine’s water infrastructure. Both Russia and Ukraine accused each other of blowing up the Kakhovka Dam and hydroelectric power station on the Dnieper River on June 5, which flooded downstream communities.

Islamic State (ISIS) was instrumental in causing water shortages during its rise across Syria and Iraq a decade ago, by polluting and cutting off water supplies and flooding regions. The Taliban also repeatedly attacked water infrastructure in Afghanistan throughout the US-led occupation of the country.

Long-standing disputes between the Taliban and Iran over access to the Helmand River also resulted in deadly clashes at their mutual border this year. And in recent years, cyberattacks have increasingly targeted the vulnerable water infrastructure of the US.

Relief in sight

Fortunately, the future of water stress may be less dire than feared. Global population growth has slowed significantly over the last few decades and the population is expected to peak by the end of the century. Furthermore, regions experiencing water stresses are typically not high-population growth areas.

The global community is also taking renewed steps to address global water security, with the UN holding in March its first summit on water since 1977.

And even countries with long-standing disputes have recognized the importance of maintaining water supplies.

The 60-year-old Indus Water Treaty between India and Pakistan has largely held despite persistent tensions between them. China has initiated cooperation with downstream states on transportation and water flows, including the Lancang-Mekong River Dialogue and Cooperation forum to share data and prepare for shortages and flooding.

There have also been recent breakthroughs regarding the GERD. Sudan’s de facto leader, Abdel-Fattah Burhan, recently came out in support of the dam, noting it could help regulate flooding. Greater cooperation between Ethiopia and Egypt could see less water evaporate from Egypt’s Aswan High Dam if it can be stored in the GERD during warmer months.

And though seawater desalination remains expensive and energy-intensive, it is becoming more efficient and widespread. In Saudi Arabia, 50% of the country’s water needs are met by desalination, while Egypt plans to open dozens of new desalination plants in the coming years. Currently, 70% of the world’s desalination plants are in the Middle East.

Domestic US initiatives are also promising. California’s Orange County recycles almost all of its waste water back to the nearby aquifer through the world’s largest water reclamation plant, which opened in 2008. Arizona, California, and Nevada also agreed in May to reduce water intake by 10% over the next three years, and Arizona’s decision to suspend housing construction may mark the beginning of more restraint over domestic water consumption.

Ongoing domestic and international cooperation will nonetheless be required to resolve water disputes and create sustainable water-management practices. Preventing the use of water as geopolitical leverage or a tool of war, coupled with effective management of climate change and pollution, will be integral to avoiding wars over water in the future.

This article was produced by Globetrotter, which provided it to Asia Times.

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Enforcement action against man staying in East Coast Park shelter was ‘last resort’: NParks

SINGAPORE: Enforcement action had to be taken as a “last resort” after a man staying in an East Coast Park shelter declined repeated offers of assistance, and continued to deprive other parkgoers of its use, said the National Parks Board (NParks) on Saturday (Jun 8).

Jackson Chan Kian Leng, 46, was charged on May 30 for residing in a public park without a license and for smoking under a park shelter. He was sentenced to four days in jail after being unable to pay a fine of S$1,400 (S$1,042).

In a joint response to media queries, NParks and the Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) said authorities were first alerted to Chan’s situation back in June 2020.

He was offered shelter but declined and was “resistant to any form of assistance”, said the agencies, who noted that Chan appeared to be in good health.

In April 2021, MSF engaged him again but he refused to provide contact details or consent to be referred to social service agencies.

Subsequently, during Singapore’s COVID-19 Phase 2 (Heightened Alert) period from the middle to end of 2021, Chan was seen staying at the East Coast Park shelter, despite it being cordoned off and closed to the public.

This led to him being issued with six composition notices from December 2021 to April 2022.

“Chan was not cooperative, was hostile towards the officers who spoke to him, and had also splashed a pail of water on a security officer who was patrolling the park,” said NParks and MSF.

He was informed in August 2022 that further enforcement action would be taken if he did not vacate the shelter. 

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ChatGPT disrupts Asian property industry, but it’ll be a while before an AI agent sells you a home

Midland Realty is adopting ChatGPT for analysis of market statistics and client data to predict trends and provide personal recommendations; automation of business procedures; writing letters; analysing sales brochures; preparing sales proposals; video production; providing question-answering chatbots. The agency has organised 25 AI courses with over 2,000 attendees as ofContinue Reading

On solid foundations or shaky ground?

Pita: Has work cut out to be PM
Pita: Has work cut out to be PM

On solid foundations?

The Move Foward Party (MFP)-led alliance is conjuring up the impression that it has already assumed control of the country’s administration, according to a political source.

The surreality being created, which critics decried as counting chickens before they hatch, has given supporters a sense that a new dawn awaits the country.

Expectations surrounding the eight-party line-up were deliberately heightened to such an extent that people are being made to feel that if the parties cannot form a new government for any reason, huge and possibly unrestrained disappointment could descend into chaos on the streets, the source said.

Such a scenario could be exploited to pressure individuals or agencies, viewed by some supporters as being hostile to the MFP-led bloc, into curtailing their tough comments or impending actions.

Cases in point have to do with the Election Commission (EC) and the Senate, which hold the fate of the bloc in their hands.

The EC has yet to endorse the election of the 500 winners in both the constituency and party-list systems in the May 14 polls.

The poll regulator has made it known that it is looking into complaints filed against 20 MPs-elect who might be handed either a red or orange card. A red card means disqualification for a severe election law violation, whereas an orange card will see their election suspended for a lesser offence.

In the event of a red card, a by-election is called, with the disqualified MP-elect barred from running again. An orange card prompts a re-poll where the suspended MP-elect can enter the race.

The source said that if half, or 10, of the 20 cases saw the disqualification or suspension of MFP people and Pheu Thai, the second-biggest party, dodged a red or orange card, it would have a profound impact on the political landscape.

It could only mean the MFP, the biggest party so far, would be equal with Pheu Thai, with 141 seats each. It was reported that some MPs-elect from a big party, understood to be the MFP, failed to vote in previous local elections. As voting in elections is a duty, failure to do so incurs penalties, including their ineligibility to contest a general election.

In a tie with the MFP, Pheu Thai would be equally able to lead the formation of a new government and look for suitors, which might include parties from the current coalition, such as the Bhumjaithai Party, the Chartthaipattana Party and even the “uncle parties” namely the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) and the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party.

Pheu Thai is likely to be at ease doing business with Bhumjaithai and Chartthaipattana, parties they worked with in previous coalition governments.

The major stumbling block preventing the PPRP and UTN from being part of a Pheu Thai-led administration is Pheu Thai’s vow never to work with the two parties while they are under the control of the two former coup-architect “uncles”, a reference to Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, chief adviser of the UTN, and Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon, who leads the PPRP.

However, some observers think Pheu Thai’s stand may not be as irreversible as many believe. If the “uncles” were to step down from their posts in their respective parties, a hook-up with the Pheu Thai Party might be less awkward.

The source said that despite the MFP-led bloc’s best efforts to present a facade of “normalcy” in forming a new government, its path to Government House will be anything but smooth and leader Pita Limjaroenrat’s aspiration to become prime minister looks far from being fulfilled. The EC’s forthcoming endorsement of MPs-elect, expected soon, is the least of its worries.

The next significant hurdle is whether the MFP or Pheu Thai is willing to step aside and let the other get the coveted House Speaker post. Such a move would be an enormous concession on either party’s part since they both have refused to yield.

Also, Mr Pita will have his work cut out defending himself before the EC and possibly the Constitutional Court against the iTV share ownership allegation. The law forbids a public office holder from possessing shares in media firms on the premise that they might exert control of the media outlet for political gain while in office.

Mr Pita acquired 42,000 shares in iTV, although questions were put forth as to whether it was still functioning as a media company. However, he is believed to have now transferred his shares to someone else in his family.

Some legal experts agreed that off-loading the shares now is not enough to save Mr Pita as the legal violation was a fait accompli.

His share ownership reportedly predates his signing, as MFP leader, of MFP candidate applications to stand in the May 14 election.

If he loses the share ownership battle and is removed as MFP leader, anything he has signed as leader, including the party candidate applications, could be declared null and void, and the respective MFP MPs-elect could be red-carded as a result.

The alliance ‘is doomed’

Winning 151 seats in the general election has put the Move Forward Party (MFP) in pole position to form a coalition and its leader Pita Limjaroenrat the front-runner to become the country’s next prime minister.

Jatuporn: Thinks Pita’s legal fate is sealed

But the controversy surrounding Mr Pita’s ownership of 42,000 shares in iTV, an independent broadcaster founded in the 1990s, has thrown a spanner into the works, threatening his chances of setting up the next government and leading the country.

The shareholding issue was brought to the attention of the Election Commission (EC) by political activist Ruangkrai Leekitwattana, a former Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) list-MP candidate, who asked the poll agency to investigate the shares on May 10, a few days before the polls.

The constitution prohibits an election candidate from holding shares in a media firm, and if found guilty, Mr Pita, who contested the polls under the party-list system, will be disqualified.

In his defence, Mr Pita argues that he held the shares in his capacity as the manager of his late father’s estate, and, more importantly, iTV is not actively engaged in media operations anymore.

It stopped broadcasting in 2007, and its licence was taken over by Thai PBS. The company was delisted from the Stock Exchange of Thailand in 2014. Its business registration remains active because it is embroiled in a dispute with the government over unpaid concession fees.

While insisting he did not break any laws, Mr Pita announced that the transfer of shares to other heirs early this week was to thwart any attempts to revive iTV as a mass media organisation to attack him.

He pointed to an iTV shareholders meeting on April 26 in which one shareholder asked if iTV was still a media organisation.

“Was the question politically motivated?… Was it an attempt to revive iTV as a mass media organisation?” Mr Pita posted on Facebook to explain the share issue.

While observers are split on the issue, with several arguing that there is still legal room for Mr Pita to challenge the share complaint, veteran politician Jatuporn Prompan believes Mr Pita’s fate is sealed.

According to Mr Jatuporn, who is familiar with lawsuits and the legal process, the April iTV shareholder meeting report leaves no room for doubt that iTV is a media firm.

A number of politicians were disqualified after the 2019 general election for holding media shares. One of them was Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, the leader of the Progressive Movement.

Mr Thanathorn, then leader of the now-defunct Future Forward Party, was found to hold 675,000 shares in a publishing firm prior to running as a candidate in the polls, and he was stripped of his MP status by the Constitutional Court.

The red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) chairman reckons Mr Ruangkrai’s information source was the firm’s top management and his move is part of a plot to ensure that Pheu Thai will be the core party in forming a coalition.

However, as things stand, the eight-party alliance can muster only 312 votes among themselves and needs 64 more from other parties or senators for the coalition to materialise.

According to Mr Jatuporn, without support from one of the two “uncle” parties, the bloc cannot set up a government even if Pheu Thai became the core party.

The uncle parties refer to the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party with Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha as chief strategist and the PPRP headed by Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon. The UTN and the PPRP won 36 and 40 House seats, respectively.

In his view, the eight-party alliance cannot turn to the Senate for support due to Mr Pita’s questionable qualifications and the MFP’s policy on the lese majeste law.

“If Pheu Thai doesn’t switch camps and proceeds to nominate one of its own prime ministerial candidates for a vote in parliament, I believe the Senate won’t vote for that person, and they will have an explanation for that.

“It’s just not the time to say it now because the candidate of the hour is Mr Pita,” said Mr Jatuporn.

Pheu Thai will have a price to pay if it decides to ditch the MFP and bring in one of the uncle parties in exchange for senator votes, according to the former red-shirt leader.

Pheu Thai should expect a worse election performance in the future as those who voted for both parties to get their “dream” MFP-Pheu Thai government will seek to punish it at the next polls, Mr Jatuporn warned.

“Will Thaksin take the risk?” he said, referring to ousted former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the alleged de facto leader of Pheu Thai.

According to Mr Jatuporn, the prospect of a Pheu Thai-PPRP alliance does not look so remote given the limited choices, and street protests may also follow if the MFP is pushed into opposition.

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Southeast Asia in black and white

Hello Globe readers,

Another week came to an end and I hope that it was a good one for everybody. Before diving into the features, I’d like to remind you about our special mid-year deal. From 1 June to 1 July, you can subscribe to our annual membership for just half the price and get access to our stories. We’re an independent publication and your support is our strongest pillar, so a huge thank you from us all in advance.

Now, to the features. I should mention that we spent much of this week working on some longer-term reporting projects that you should be seeing in the coming weeks and months. As such, we ended up a little light for dailies — next week you’ll be receiving a much fuller roster. But in our latest, the Globe spoke with publisher Suridh “Shaz” Das-Hassan from Soi Books about their upcoming journal Plaza, which features street photography from around the region. There are some great photos in this one from Southeast Asian photographers documenting their societies, so check it out.

In the meantime, the extreme heat in the region hasn’t gotten any better. To mark World Environment Day this week, we featured an analysis by economist Vinod Thomas, a former director general of the Asia Development Bank. Thomas has recently authored a book titled Risk and Resilience in the Era of Climate Change and shared some insights with us about the urgent need for stronger climate mitigation strategies for the region.

That’s all for this week, may you have a wonderful weekend and enjoy the features!

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Prayut urges action on ‘Pattani State’ call

Outgoing Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha prepares to hold a press conference after the weekly cabinet meeting on Tuesday. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)
Outgoing Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha prepares to hold a press conference after the weekly cabinet meeting on Tuesday. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)

Outgoing Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha has told the National Security Council (NSC) to take action against a group of activists that called for a public referendum on whether there should be a Muslim “Pattani State” independent from Thailand.

The referendum call came in a seminar titled “Self-determination”, which introduced the “National Student Movement” or “Pelajar Bangsa” of the four southern border provinces that encouraged local residents to cast a vote for such a move at the Prince of Songkla University (PSU), Pattani campus, on Wednesday.

NSC secretary-general Supoj Malaniyom on Friday said that the NSC informed the premier about the matter and then ordered a fact-finding probe into the individuals concerned out of fears the call could lead to disunity. The NSC will hold a meeting next Monday to discuss the matter.

“The call for a public referendum on independence is apparently illegal and doesn’t benefit anyone,” said Mr Supoj.

“The security law must be imposed in the South in an attempt to prevent damages to properties and danger to people. Moreover, there is also the mechanism of peaceful dialogue which widens the chances of academics and representatives from many sectors participating in a discussion without activities that lead to societal disharmony.”

Meanwhile, Somchai Sawaengkan, the chairman of the Senate Committee on Human Rights, Freedom and Consumer Protection, urged the Internal Security Operations Command (Isoc) and security agencies to investigate the matter as he believed there might be a political party behind this pulling the strings.

Mr Somchai also urged the Election Commission (EC) to inspect certain politicians and elected MPs who attended the event. He claims he has a video clip of them.

“I believe that these students had no idea their move was illegal as there must have been adults behind this. We can respect freedom of expression, but a whole separatist movement will cause too much commotion,” he said.

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Kolkata metro: A British engineer’s unrealised India underwater train

Harley Dalrymple-HayInstitution of Civil Engineers Archive, London

When commuters in the city of Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) step aboard India’s first underwater train later this year, a Bengal-born British engineer who conceived an unrealised underground railway for the city over a century ago is unlikely to cross their minds.

Sir Harley Dalrymple-Hay envisioned an ambitious 10.6km (6.5 miles) underground railway with 10 stops and featuring a tunnel beneath the Hooghly river, to connect Kolkata with its twin city, Howrah. However, due to insufficient funding and doubts about the geological properties of the city’s soil, this grand plan never materialised.

Eventually, in October 1984, Kolkata did become the first Indian city to get a metro railway. From just 3.4 km long and five stations, it is today a busy 26 station 31-km network, half of which runs underground. Now in December, the metro will open India’s first underwater section that will cross the Hooghly.

The twin tunnels under the river are 520 metres long and part of a 4.8 km (2.98 mile) stretch of the metro rail connecting Kolkata and Howrah. It lies 52ft below the riverbed and, once open, is expected to serve more than 3,000 commuters every hour.

Kolkata Metro rake runs through a tunnel under the Hooghly river, in Kolkata, April 12, 2023.

PTI

This underwater stretch of the metro is part of a longer link between Howrah and Salt Lake in eastern Kolkata that almost mirrors Sir Harley’s 1921 design.

But Sir Harley did not design just one metro line – he designed an entire underground masterplan for Kolkata, with lines extending far north and deep south of central Kolkata.

He detailed all this in a book titled Calcutta Tube Railways. It is a rich collection of intricate, delicately tinted maps of Kolkata, drawings of the proposed metro lines and detailed cost estimates for the tube rail.

The engineer recommended the installation of escalators and fans at all stations. “The larger question of the maintenance of a comfortable temperature in trains and at the underground stations is of the greatest importance, especially having regard to the high temperature at the surface at certain seasons of the year in Calcutta,” Sir Harley wrote.

When Sir Harley conceived of his Kolkata plan, underground railways were already running in London, Paris and New York.

On 10 January 1863, the Metropolitan Railway opened the world’s first underground railway in London, between Paddington (which was then called Bishop’s Road) and Farringdon Street.

train of the East-West metro line moves along an elevated metro tracks during its first day of commercial run in Kolkata on February 14, 2020.

AFP

The world’s first under-river tunnel – the Thames Tunnel – opened in January 1943 and was built by an engineer called Sir Marc Brunel and his son Isambard to allow cargo to be transported underneath the busy river. They ran out of money though, so to begin with, it just opened as an attraction for pedestrians. By 1921, however, at least 10 tunnels were in operation under the Thames for roads, pedestrians, utilities but mainly the Tube.

So, in many ways, a tunnel under the Hooghly in Kolkata was not a big deal when Sir Harley designed it in 1921.

Born in West Bengal’s Birbhum district in 1861, he studied engineering in Edinburgh and then he joined the London Underground. He worked on the Bakerloo line, the Hampstead tube and the Piccadilly line. When the Imperial Legislative Council ruling British India at that time decided that Kolkata must have a tube rail, it gave Sir Harley the job in 1921.

Kolkata was no longer the capital of the British Raj but it was a busy hub of trade. Factories were thriving in Howrah. People streamed in from across India to work in the two cities. But public transport was scanty: the only road link between Kolkata and Howrah at that time was a pontoon bridge across the Hooghly. Boats would also take commuters across the river. The famous Howrah Bridge was opened only in 1943.

The Thames Tunnel, London, 1832. Cross-section of Marc Isambard Brunel's double-arched masonry tunnel beneath the Thames.

Science & Society Picture Library

Sir Harley designed the tube rail for the city without setting foot in Kolkata. He sent an assistant “to obtain all necessary information and to make such inquiries as would enable him to report on the question of construction of tube railway in Calcutta and the adjoining municipality of Howrah”.

The first section of Sir Harley’s proposed network aimed to connect Bagmari, an eastern Kolkata neighbourhood, to a place called Benaras Road in Howrah.

However, with a projected cost of £3.5m, the metro proved excessively expensive to finance.

In December 1947, The Calcutta Municipal Gazette published front-paged news of the end of the city’s tube rail dreams.

“Having regard to the cost involved, they thought the best thing would be to have an overhead railway,” said a municipal councillor after a meeting. There were also doubts about whether Kolkata’s “alluvial, clayey and lazy” soil would come in the way of building a tunnel under the Hooghly.

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Calcutta Corporation Gazette

So, the grand plan of India’s first underwater railway was officially buried.

Though his tube rail plan never saw the light of day, Sir Harley has left a stamp on Kolkata. In 1928, the city’s electricity supply company, CESC, asked him to build a tunnel under the Hooghly to send power cables from Kolkata to Howrah. He took up the challenge, on the condition CESC would use a contractor that he trusted. CESC agreed and in 1931 Kolkata’s first underwater tunnel came into being.

Sir Harley’s tunnel under the Hooghly remains in use to this day. Just that only power cables run through it, and not trains.

Monideepa Banerjie is a Kolkata-based independent journalist

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Agutaya archipelago doctor who cared for 13,000 people on her own

Dr Alena with Eleuthera AbusBBC/Virma Simonette

When 99-year-old Eleuthera Abus lifts her right arm, she winces as the broken bones move. It’s been six months since her fall.

“All I can do is manage her pain,” says Alena Yap, the 28-year-old doctor who is examining her on her porch. “She really needs to have the bone pinned. But the family is refusing to take her to hospital.”

Eleuthera’s daughters are not heartless. They are poor.

The nearest surgical facility is hundreds of miles away across the sea from the tiny island of Diit where they live. It’s one of a cluster of islands that make up the Agutaya archipelago, stranded in the middle of the Philippines’ Sulu Sea.

For the 13,000 or so people who live here, Dr Alena, as they call her, is the only doctor. Petite, with glasses and long hair tied back in a ponytail, she always wears a broad smile that masks quiet determination.

There is only one island in the archipelago she does not visit – Amanpulo, named after the luxury resort on it, which has reportedly hosted Tom Cruise and Beyoncé. On a clear day, it’s visible from the beaches of Diit, just 20km (12 miles) away.

Dr Alena arrived just before the coronavirus – and learned to live with the death threats that came when she insisted people isolate. But the pandemic that swallowed the world was far from her only challenge in this oft-forgotten corner of the Philippines. She battled new diseases and old, and came up against her country’s biggest challenges. She says she came to Agutaya to make “real changes” – but she left deeply disillusioned.

These remote, volcanic islands are not where you expect to find a graduate of the country’s top medical school, who had spent all her life in Manila, the teeming Philippine capital. Unlike so many of her peers who have left to seek careers in Australia, America and Britain, Dr Alena volunteered to join a government programme that sent her here, to one of the poorest municipalities in the country.

Covid comes calling

The main island of Agutaya is a two-and-half day journey from Manila. It includes one flight, followed by a sleepless 15-hour night crossing on an open-deck ferry from the port city of Iloilo to a bigger island called Cuyo. Then the only way in and out of Agutaya is a drenching, two-hour roller coaster ride in an outrigger canoe.

View from a drone of the waters around Diit island

BBC/ VIrma Simonette

As the skilled boatman guides the outrigger across the reef and into the shallows, Agutaya looks like a piece of paradise. Below the palm-fringed shoreline, a broad swathe of white sand stretches in each direction. Colourful outrigger canoes bob around on water so clear they could be floating in mid-air.

But geography is both a blessing and a curse. Scattered over hundreds of square kilometres of sea, the dozen or so islands that make up the archipelago are cut off for days, even weeks, when the monsoon comes, winds in tow. Covered with dense forest, the hillsides sit atop large fields of basalt boulders. There is little tillable soil. The islanders rely almost entirely on the ocean.

Dr Alena made her first crossing to Agutaya in February 2020. “When I started here, I was 26 and a lot of people would mistake me for a high school student,” she says with a chuckle. “People wouldn’t believe I was a doctor.”

Her first challenge arrived within a month when the coronavirus sent the Philippines into a lockdown. The islands were sealed off.

“The first year wasn’t too bad,” Dr Alena says. “There weren’t any local cases. But the second year [2021], that is when the government allowed everyone to travel back to their hometowns. Suddenly we had people coming back from as far away as Manila.”

Dr Alena was in charge of enforcing their quarantine. “When people learned they would be quarantined they reacted violently,” she says. “I received death threats. People said they wanted to shoot me.”

She understood why. People here live day to day. What they catch in the morning they eat for dinner. If they couldn’t leave their homes to fish, they would go hungry.

So far from being embraced by the local community, Dr Alena, who had left her fiancé in far-away Manila, was now resented as a government enforcer. “There were days when I couldn’t do anything but cry. There were a lot of tears,” she says.

To ease the loneliness she began adopting dogs. Bruno is large with a big tail that never stops wagging, while Vigly is small and shy. They follow her everywhere.

“I spent a lot of time going to the beach with them and watching the sunset. I also started to draw. My pictures aren’t any good, but it’s a type of art therapy.”

Dr Alena Yap

BBC/Virma Simonette

The next challenge emerged when the vaccines started to arrive in the summer of 2021.

“We had to go house to house to every island baranguay [village],” Dr Alena says. “The farthest island is nearly three hours away by boat, and many people can’t afford the fare [to come to the clinic]. So they wouldn’t come.”

Gruelling as it was, the distance wasn’t the only problem: “There was a lot of hesitancy, a lot of fake news about the vaccines being bad or that they can kill people. A lot of people get their news from social media here, and they were not getting the facts.”

By autumn 2022, the threat from Covid had begun to abate. Despite the resistance, the vaccine rollout was successful. Only eight islanders across the archipelago had died of the virus.

But that brought little respite.

The ‘medicine lady’

A line starts to form on every weekday morning outside the main clinic on Agutaya while the daily meeting between Dr Alena and her team is still under way.

On that day, first in line is a man in his 50s who has had a suspected stroke.

“Before I came here, I thought everything would be fresh and organic,” Dr Alena says, laughing at her own naivete. “But it’s very difficult to get a nutritious diet here.”

For one, locals salt and dry their fish, leading to high blood pressure. Diabetes is also common because it’s easier to find soft drinks than clean water.

A kid walking to school in Diit island

BBC/ Virma Simonette

A sign at the entrance to the clinic announces the other major health problem: “sputum sampling” for tuberculosis or TB.

Dr Alens says they recorded 45 cases in 2022, but many more go undiagnosed.

A bacterial infection, TB is fatal if left untreated. It killed millions yearly until a combination of vaccines and antibiotics eradicated it from much of the world by the middle of the last century.

But the Philippines is still estimated to have more than a million cases. “The long-term plan is to eradicate it,” Dr Alena says, adding it’s “impossible in the near future”. She says because of poor access to healthcare people often relapse, and have even begun to develop drug-resistant strains.

Later that morning, a woman brings her young son to the clinic. Pale and listless, the boy slumps on a chair. Dr Alena suspects he has dengue. A few minutes later, it’s confirmed. She prescribes paracetamol, and tells his mother to keep him hydrated.

Dengue is new here. The one case in January turned to 10 by March even as Dr Alena and her team sprayed school grounds to kill the mosquitoes that spread it, and handed out treated nets.

By 11:00 the doctor is extricating herself from the growing line of patients. They will have to be dealt with by her capable nursing staff because she has to get across to Diit, 40 minutes away by boat.

It is more beautiful than Agutaya, but poorer. It has no electricity or a mobile phone tower, and only one concrete road that runs out after a few hundred metres.

The arrival of the “medicine lady” as Dr Alena is fondly called is greeted with much excitement. Dozens of school children come running down the beach. They’ve been given the day off so Dr Alena’s dengue control team can spray their school grounds with insecticide. As she walks through the village, she’s like the pied piper, with a long stream of laughing children following.

She visits an elderly couple sitting outside their house along the beach in wheelchairs. Both have had strokes and are partially paralysed. She checks his blood pressure – 150 over 90. “It’s high, but acceptable for his age,” she says.

Dr Alena treats a boy with a hernia

BBC/Virma Simonette

A woman in her 40s pushes her way through the crowd that has gathered around. She is carrying a boy, who is perhaps five or six years old. Dr Alena tells her to sit down on a chair and begins to examine the child. He has a hugely enlarged left testicle. The torch reveals a hernia in his lower abdomen. A part of his intestine has penetrated the bowel wall, pushing into his testicles.

“He will need surgery,” Dr Alena tells the mother. The hope in the women’s eyes turns to anxiety.

Dr Alena asks her if she knows anyone who she can stay with on one of the bigger islands. Yes, the woman says – in Culion, a 12-hour boat ride away.

“Once I tell them they need to have an operation, you see in their faces the fear and the sadness because they realise there isn’t any medicine I can give them to cure this,” Dr Alena says. “You see in their minds [the thought] how are they going to afford this? It’s hard being the one to deliver the news.”

In another part of the world, a hernia is a minor medical procedure. But here it can wipe out a family’s savings, leaving them in debt for years.

“If we could make travel easier that would make a lot of difference,” she adds. “But that’s hard because it will take a lot of resources.”

After three years on the island, Dr Alena’s optimism and ambition have given way to the disheartening realisation that resources – or money – will always be the biggest challenge.

Paradise lost

A concrete all-weather road runs along the base of the rocky hills that circle the main island of Agutaya. Construction began alongside campaigning for the local election last year. One lane was finished before election day, but islanders say work stopped after that. There is no second lane yet.

“We’ll have to wait for the next elections to get the road finished,” quips one local.

A church in Agutaya

BBC/Virma Simonette

On the other end of the island, rusting steel bars stick out of an incomplete concrete structure that is gradually being overrun by vegetation.

It was supposed to be the new rural health unit, Dr Alena says. Work stopped last year because the local government ran out of money. “But they haven’t completed their part of the deal,” she says, her frustration palpable.

Philippine politics is not driven by parties, but personalities, and dominated by large, powerful clans whose chiefs promise resources from Manila in return for votes. As one local woman put it, Agutaya is too small a community: “There aren’t enough votes here that make it worth the money.”

Local politicians have little incentive to change and come election time, vote-buying is common enough that it now seems to have a well-worn price: 500 pesos, or $28 (£22). Corruption runs deep, and the money pouring in doesn’t seem to reach its destination.

“I came here very idealistic,” Dr Alena says, sighing. “I was very aggressive to try and change the way the local health system worked. But then as time goes on you realise that three years is far too short to make any big changes.”

As her time on Agutaya – a three-year-contract – drew to an end, many islanders told her they would be sad to see her go. “Time flies fast,” said Ricardo, one of the senior nursing assistants, who described her as “selfless and hardworking”.

Dr Alena Yap

BBC/Virma Simonette

But in the weeks since returning to Manila, Dr Alena says she has felt disappointed and even cynical about her experience working for local government. She was offered a job at the provincial health administration in Palawan but turned it down. Instead she wants to work in a medical charity or NGO.

Last week, she returned to Agutaya as part of an NGO-run programme with a group of specialist doctors who visit once a year to do minor surgeries.

But this time it didn’t take her two-and-half days. Dr Alena and the other doctors arrived there three hours after taking off from Manila – they touched down on a runway in the luxury island of Amanpulo in a private plane funded by international donors.

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