Death toll rises to 66 in India’s monsoon mayhem

At least 12 people were killed in neighbouring Uttarakhand state, including nine on Tuesday when debris fell on their vehicles on a national highway, officials said. A popular pilgrimage to the state’s Kedarnath temple, home to a revered shrine of the Hindu deity Shiva, was suspended due to heavy rains.Continue Reading

Remarks by Speaker Tan Chuan-Jin embarrassing but he is unlikely to be censured, analysts say

Political observer Eugene Tan said that apart from personal accountability, the Speaker can be dealt with by Parliament’s Committee of Privileges (COP), which can censure him.

The Singapore Management University associate professor of law explained that the Leader of the House can refer a matter involving unparliamentary conduct or breach of parliamentary privilege to the committee. As the COP is chaired by the Speaker, if the matter involves the Speaker, then the Speaker will be suspended from serving on the committee.

An MP can also try to move for the Speaker to be referred to the COP, but this requires the MP to secure the requisite support from the House.

But while Mr Tan’s remarks were “inappropriate”, they were not “egregious”, the associate professor said. Two analysts felt that the matter may end with the Speaker’s apology.

“As the matter is probably treated as closed by both MP Jamus Lim and the Speaker, it is unlikely that there is life in the matter,” said Assoc Prof Tan.

“It may well be that the Speaker may regard it as appropriate for him to apologise to the House when parliament next sits again.”

Ms Nydia Ngiow, managing director for Bower Group Asia Singapore, also thinks there may not be a need to pursue the matter, given that Assoc Prof Lim has since accepted Mr Tan’s apology.

“I don’t think that there is a need to pursue the matter further when it appears that both parties have appeared to consider the matter closed,” she said.

She pointed out that in 2021, when Minister for Foreign Affairs Vivian Balakrishnan was heard making pointed comments against Progress Singapore Party’s Leong Mun Wai, no further action taken after he apologised to the Non-Constituency MP.

Back then, Dr Balakrishnan was caught on mic saying “He’s illiterate” and “Seriously, how did he get into RI (Raffles Institution)?… Must have been a lousy school”.

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Commentary: Healthcare in Singapore is world-class – and under-utilised

In Singapore, while healthcare spending is expected to drive increases in social spending, the country has delivered good health outcomes given its spending of 4 per cent of GDP on healthcare, said Health Minister Ong Ye Kung in parliament in May. This compares with 17 per cent for the US and 10 per cent for the UK.

Another recent healthcare incident exemplifies this. At the end of 2022, I was in the US on holiday and a doctor recommended a complex test, quickly. The results were ambiguous. 

I checked with the healthcare system in Singapore when I returned home, and the doctor had me do the same test to get it properly recorded here. The cost was more than 80 per cent less than in the US, written reports were more thorough, and a physician took time to explain the results, which the doctors in the US did not do. Thankfully, all was okay. 

PASSIVE ABOUT PREVENTIVE CARE

Despite the tremendous advances, however, there is still a significant gap in Singapore’s healthcare. The issue is not the staff or the technology. It’s not budgets. Instead, it’s the people. Even as the quality of care has surged, many people do not seem to be proactively managing their health well

When answering questions recently by a doctor for a series of tests I had to take, I answered: Daily exercise, a healthy diet, never smoked, regular dental visits, regular health screenings.

After a few more questions, the doctor said she should use me as an example for other patients. Her comment was not so much about my health. Rather, it was a somewhat sad commentary on how few patients that doctors see are taking adequate care of their own health.

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Manipur: How murder and mayhem tore apart an Indian state

CHURACHANDPUR, MANIPUR, INDIA - 2023/06/23: A tribal student painted with the flag of the Zami tribe takes part in the silent march in memory of all the tribal people who lost their lives in the ethnic clashes in Manipur.Getty Images

Deadly violence has plunged Manipur, a scenic Indian state bordering Myanmar, into turmoil for more than two months. Clashes between the Meitei and Kuki communities have resulted in their complete segregation. The BBC’s Soutik Biswas travelled to the tribal district of Churachandpur, where the violence began, to explore how the profound division has led to fury and isolation.

On a cloudy afternoon last week, hundreds of men and women congregated outside a hastily-built bamboo hut memorial in Churachandpur, nestled amidst Manipur’s picturesque hills in north-eastern India.

Mostly clad in black and many with war paint on their faces, the mourners belonged to the tribal Kuki group, who are mostly Christian. The hut walls were plastered with photographs of their own, who had died in a recent bout of ethnic violence with the majority Meiteis, most of whom are Hindus.

Clashes between the two communities sparked by an affirmative action controversy have roiled Manipur since early May. The violence has left more than 130 people dead, and nearly 60,000 have become refugees in their own land.

Now the Kuki have demanded “territorial autonomy” for the group, a euphemism for a separate, independent administration. The Meitei have warned that any dismemberment of Manipur is out of question.

Wall of Remembrance, Churachandpur

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At the memorial, Kuki mourners sobbed at the pictures of the victims who included a two-month-old boy and a 104-year-old man. Wreaths littered the bamboo strip floor. A whiteboard overflowed with condolence messages. Outside, a row of dummy coffins painted in black spilled out on to a highway linking Churachandpur with the Imphal valley, where the Meitei community lives.

“We want freedom! We want independence from the Meitei! We want independence from Manipur!” a protester shouted from the podium.

The crowd roared in approval. A woman belted out a country music-inflected protest song to a pre-recorded track. A group of masked Kuki men clad in black and wielding slender batons swiftly infiltrated the gathering, and appeared to seize control of the stage.

“Are they carrying guns?” someone in the crowd shouted.

“No, they aren’t,” said another protester, wearing an Iron Maiden tee-shirt.

Meanwhile, a local politician in sunglasses worked the crowd.

“We want justice for our innocent victims! Long live tribal unity!”

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Meitei refugees wait onboard a paramilitary truck at a transit point after being evacuated from the violence that hit Churachandpur, near Imphal in the north-eastern Indian state of Manipur on May 9, 2023.

AFP

The ethnic divide in Manipur is bitter and deep. Churachandpur, a tribal district in the south of Manipur, sits atop the lush green hills, some 80km (49 miles) south-west of Imphal, the Meitei-dominated valley capital.

The Kukis and Meiteis bleed into each other as the sweeping hills descend into the valley. Today, however, the two groups are livid at each other, divided – and separated.

The compulsions of geography mean that an estimated 300,000 mostly Kuki people who live in Churachandpur are now isolated from the Imphal valley, where the Meitei majority also enjoys political dominance. Life and work between the two communities has stalled. Internet has been cut all over the state, further heightening the isolation.

“Our lives have been upended. It is like living in a constant siege,” said Mung Nihsial, a student in Churachandpur.

Leaving Manipur has become a nightmare for the Kukis. Those in Churachandpur say they cannot access their nearest airport in Imphal, a 90-minute-drive from the town, fearing attacks in the valley. A twice-weekly helicopter service to Imphal has found few local takers because “we fear for our lives even at Imphal airport”, according to Liawzalal Vaiphei, a Kuki who runs a non-profit organisation.

Instead the Kukis are forced to endure a gruelling 380km (236-mile), 14-hour-long road journey through a landslide-prone area to take a flight out of Aizawl, the capital of the neighbouring state of Mizoram. Using the same route heavy trucks take up to two days to ferry essential supplies from Aizawl to Churachandpur. Not surprisingly, prices of essentials have shot up in the local market. “Mobility has become our biggest problem, because we can no longer go to the Imphal valley. We have lost our primary lifeline,” said Suan Naulak, a policy consultant.

Suan Naulak

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Doctors complain of a shortage of medicines – paracetamol, antibiotics, antacids, cough syrups – at the 114 relief camps housing more than 12,000 Kuki evacuees, including some with terminal illnesses and HIV-Aids. Three refugees have already died in the camps, including a man who had undergone surgery before the violence erupted. Nylon mosquito nets are suspended throughout the camps, creating a protective canopy shielding the inmates from endless bites.

Genminlian, a 40-year-old policeman living in a camp, is afflicted with HIV, diabetes, tuberculosis, and neurological problems. Although the local hospital has been supplying retroviral drugs to treat HIV, other essential medicines are scarce. “Our house has been burnt down, my husband is sick, we can’t get many of his medicines and we have six-year-old daughter. That’s how life is now,” said his wife, Grace.

The sprawling 61-year-old, 230-bed hospital in the town is facing an unprecedented manpower crisis. A third of its 74-member staff were Meitei, who have now left. The hospital has hired two dozen Kuki volunteers from a nursing school to help out.

Weekly visits by oncologists, neurologists and urologists from Imphal to attend to local patients have ceased, as the hospital faces a scarcity of specialised doctors. A Kuki man recently admitted with gunshot injuries had to be airlifted to Guwahati, the capital of Assam – and not Imphal – more than 500km away, for emergency surgery. (He survived.)

A burnt Meitei house in Churachandpur

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In normal times, an ambulance would travel to Imphal once a week to pick up the hospital’s stock of medicines. Since May, the hospital has been reliant on a mere three deliveries of medicines from the government, transported via army convoys from Imphal. A group of private doctors have sent two deliveries from neighbouring Mizoram. “God forbid if a Kuki suffers from a heart attack or is grievously injured in a road accident here. We can’t take him down to Imphal for emergency treatment,” said Dr Lonlei Vaiphei, the superintendent of the hospital.

The ethnic separation also evoked a sense of disruption and loss. Manghaulian, an 18-year-old Kuki teenager, was forced to escape from a school for the blind in Imphal as violence erupted in the valley. The school had been his home for five years and he was learning to play drums. As his community became targets of Meitei attacks the school authorities put him in an SUV and returned him to his family home to Kangpokpi, a tribal-dominated hill district.

When their village in Kangpokpi faced an attack, Manghaulian and his family had to flee once again, this time in a bus, more than 100km away to a relief camp in Churachandpur. “I just want to go back to Imphal and learn to play drums at my school. I don’t know what is going on,” he said.

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Grace, wife of refugee

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Churachandpur was the ground zero of violence, which broke out on 3 May.

Mobs set fire to homes and businesses belonging to the Meiteis in the town, prompting the evacuation of 9,000 community members from 13 neighbourhoods under the protection of the army. The evacuees were then taken under protection to Imphal.

Around the same time, army convoys ferried uphill to Churachandpur some 15,000 Kuki evacuees from Imphal, where they had become the target of the Meiteis. A few thousand – mostly government workers and businesspeople- rented homes or moved in with their relatives; and the rest moved into relief camps. “There hasn’t been much of administrative support from Imphal. There are scarcities,” a senior army official, who preferred to remain unnamed, said.

Things are so dire that the army has taken weapons from police stations and explosives used by roadworks contractors so that they don’t fall in the hands of vigilantes and insurgents. More than 900 rebels belonging to two dozen Kuki groups seeking greater self-determination within Manipur are lodged in seven security camps in Churachandpur under a “suspension of operations” agreement with the government since 2008. But there are allegations that many rebels have escaped from the camps following the violence and have subsequently joined the ongoing conflict, a claim denied by the security forces.

At Kangvai, barely 20 minutes from the town centre, security forces now patrol a buffer zone separating Kuki and Meitei villages. These villages – some of them separated by just a 200m strip of a road – were abandoned by most residents during the violence. Farmers from both groups frequently cross over to cultivate their plots that lie in what is now rival territory. More than 500 troops are engaged here to keep peace.

A semblance of normalcy has indeed returned to the frayed Churachandpur town. The bustling main market opens thrice a week. People sell petrol in plastic bottles in the black market; women hawk vegetables under garden umbrellas; shops selling bedsheets, shoes, stationary and toys do business and there are small queues outside cash machines. A trickle of farmers have begun returning to their fertile farms that grow paddy, ginger, cabbage, cauliflower, pumpkin and more.

Churachandpur

Anshul Verma

It all looks almost normal, until you realise it isn’t.

Inside the town, most Meitei houses and settlements have been burnt to cinders. The name Churachandpur has been blackened out on business and residential signs, replaced by spray-painted letters proclaiming “Lamka,” which many Kukis assert as the original name of the place.

Kuki children have begun playing war games with toy guns. “How they want to play with their friends has changed. I have never seen this here before,” said Muan Mgaiht, a local. Since schools are shut, many students are joining volunteer forces to protect their villages. (Most village homes have licensed single-barrel guns used for hunting.)

“Peace is extremely fragile here. Things can turn bad very quickly. The communities are completely separated,”the army officer said.

Mr Naulak himself is a stark example of this separation. He was working as a private consultant to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s ruling government, headed by Chief Minister Biren Singh, on programme to modernise state-run schools. He says he was sitting with six of his friends in his rented two-storey home in Imphal when a Meitei mob attacked it and torched his car. They fled by scaling the backyard fence into a neighbour’s home who happened to be a Kuki police officer. Army trucks drove them to the airport, from where they took a flight out to Delhi.

A third of the top bureaucrats and police officers running the government in Imphal were Kukis, and left the city after the violence, a top government official, who preferred to remain unnamed, said. Mr Naulak, who has returned to Churachandpur, said he could not think to returning to his old job and home.

“It now seems we [Kukis and Meteis] don’t know each other at all. We are completely separated.”

This is the first of a two-part series of ground reports from violence-hit Kuki and Meitei areas.

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Youths’ desperate ‘four no’ attitude worries China

The Chinese government is being called upon to take action to stimulate the economy and create jobs at a time when young people in substantial numbers have adopted an attitude that’s termed the “four nos”: no interest in dating, getting married, buying a home or having a child.

When National Bureau of Statistics spokesperson Fu Linghui said on June 15 that only about six million people between 16 and 24 in China were still searching for jobs, he did not count the 11.6 million new graduates about to enter the job markets.

His figure also excluded the many in their 30s who’ve been suffering from unstable income. Some of these people now refer to themselves as the youth of “four nos,” a trending term on the internet in China.

“A lot of people expect their partners to be homeowners, but property prices are really too high,” a 30-year-old man says in an interview with a video channel. “It’s not that I did not work hard – my hard work did not produce good results,” he says, adding that he has worked for a small food delivery firm in Beijing since 2020 but is owed 20,000 yuan (US$2,791) in service fees. A decade ago he could afford to date but now he can’t, he says, – and if he has children, they will suffer in this world.

The video was originally posted on a channel called “Under the Moonlight” on Bilibili, a Shanghai-based video-sharing website, in April. It was then blocked. It is still available on social media overseas.

Lying flat. Image: Twitter

Some young Chinese adopted a “lying flat” attitude a few years ago as they were suffocated by the societal pressures upon them to overwork and over-achieve in order to buy homes and have families. Now many are suffering from unemployment or unstable income and want to be free from financial burdens.

A document, reportedly issued by the Communist Youth League of Guangzhou City, says a recent survey interviewing 15,501 college students and young workers found that 1,215, or 8% showed characteristics of having the “four nos” attitude. It called on all parties in the society to try to change these youngsters’ attitude into “four wants.”

This came after the National Bureau of Statistics said on June 15 that the unemployment rate of people aged between 16 and 24 in China’s urban areas had reached 20.8% while that of those aged between 25 and 59 was 4.1% in May.

The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences’ Institute of Finance and Banking said in a report on Tuesday that many highly-educated young people could not find proper jobs as the property, internet and tutorial sectors have been hurt by the government’s regulatory rules in recent years.

“A series of tightening measures launched in 2021 has helped regulate the property, internet and tutorial sectors but at the same time hurt them seriously,” Zhang Chong, a researcher at the institute, said in a media briefing in Beijing on Tuesday. “Although the number of unemployed people in these sectors has fallen this year from 2022, it still stays at a high level.”

“Due to an industry upgrade, China’s labor market has undergone significant changes with a stronger focus on service industries and a decline in manufacturing jobs,” Zhang said. “This trend has hit many young people.”

He said many highly-educated young people found themselves mismatched with jobs in the market, where the emphasis is on technician skills, not academic results. Besides, he said, slowing economic growth, the delayed negative impact of the pandemic on the service sector and the use of robots and artificial intelligence also pushed up China’s jobless rate.

For Chinese graduates it’s hard to find jobs. Image: China Daily

Zhang suggested that the government should use monetary and fiscal policies and supportive measures to boost the Chinese economy and create new jobs. He said it’s also important to support property developers and change the education system to help students fit into the job market.

Low fertility rate

China’s Ministry of Civil Affairs announced last month that a total of 6.83 million couples got married in 2022, a decrease of about 800,000 couples from 2021. The 2022 figure is also the lowest since 1986.

The number of couples getting married has been declining since 2014. It fell gradually from 13.47 million couples in 2013 to 9.47 million in 2019, and further down to 7.64 million in 2021.

He Dan, director-general of the China Population and Development Research Center, said China’s fertility rate fell to 1.07 last year from 1.52 in 2019. It means a woman only gives birth to about one child in her whole life. A threshold of 2.1 is required for an expansion of population.

China’s latest fertility rate is even lower than that of Japan, which fell for the seventh year to 1.26 in 2022. Population researchers said many young Chinese couples were scared off by the high costs of living and child-raising.

Back in mid-2021, the Chinese government encouraged young families to have three children by offering them tax exemptions, suppressing property prices and banning tutorial classes on holidays.

That last was supposed to cut down the advantage wealthier families had in paying for tutoring and thus in getting their kids into the top schools. Wealthy families can pay for tutorial classes with ease. Middle-class families can afford them but the competition is endless, like a nuclear arms race.

Chinese attend a tutoring session in preparation for the annual admission examination. Photo: Asia Times files / AFP / Wang feng / Imaginechina

Now local in-person tutorials are banned and China-based tutors have no jobs. Wealthy families pay overseas tutors for online classes.

The measures failed to prevent China from experiencing in 2022 the first decline in its population in 61 years. China’s population decreased by 850,000, or 0.06%, to 1.412 billion at the end of last year from a year earlier, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said in January this year.

China lost its title of the world’s largest population to India, which saw its population increase by 9.6 million, or 0.68% year-on-year, to 1.417 billion last year.

The ‘four wants’

Some netizens say the government and party are not giving what young people want. The demand is for dwellings, stable jobs and subsidies to raise families in urban areas but the authorities instead ask them to help upgrade the rural areas.

On February 20, for example, the Communist Youth League in Guangdong Province launched a three-year plan that aims to arrange 300,000 young people to work in rural areas between 2023 and 2025. It said it expects that 10,000 of them will continue to work in the rural places while 10,000 others will start businesses there.

A Chinese writer says in an article published on Wednesday that the Communist Youth League in Guangzhou wants young people to have a “four wants” spirit but he thinks chanting slogans is not helpful. He says it’s important for the government to understand why young people have a pessimistic sentiment.

Read: China’s demographic timebomb starts ticking down

Read: China needs its consumers to consume, workers to work

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at @jeffpao3

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Pita: ‘Persecution against me would be costly’

Move Forward leader says morale is still high ahead of vote for PM in parliament

Move Forward Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat waves in the parliament chamber where the House of Representatives held its first regular session on Wednesday. (Photo: Nutthawat Wicheanbut)
Move Forward Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat waves in the parliament chamber where the House of Representatives held its first regular session on Wednesday. (Photo: Nutthawat Wicheanbut)

Move Forward Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat says he does not think there is a campaign of political persecution against him, because if there were it would be costly.

The prime ministerial candidate of the election-winning MFP was responding on Wednesday to news that the Election Commission had asked the Constitutional Court to confirm its finding that his past shareholding in iTV Plc made him unqualified to be an MP.

Mr Pita said that despite the EC’s resolution, his morale was still high and he was ready to proceed with efforts to assume the premiership and form his coalition government.

He said he did not think parliamentarians would cite the EC issue as an excuse to not vote for him on Thursday.

The media-shares case brought by the EC is not the only legal hurdle he and his party face, however. The Constitutional Court on Wednesday also accepted a complaint by an activist lawyer that by proposing to amend the lese-majeste law, Move Forward was threatening to overthrow the entire democratic system.

Mr Pita complained that he was not given a chance to defend his MP status with the EC. He said he was ready to do so with the Constitutional Court.

“The (EC) consideration of my case took only 32 days. It may be the fastest process in history. … My case took 32 days and was then filed with the Constitutional Court one day before the prime ministerial vote,” he said.

“I wish it is not political persecution. … Otherwise, persecution of me would only be costly for the mechanism of the civil service, national administration and benchmarks for politicians.

“It would be a pity to block me and the Move Forward Party, which represent the voice of the people who cast their votes two months ago. We’re their hope,” Mr Pita said.

He acknowledged that supporters’ concerns about his case had given rise to rallies on Wednesday and more are planned on Thursday, but he did not think such gatherings would be problematic.

“Frustration will do no good in terms of what we want to do. What is important and what is great must always take time and be difficult. I think the situation will be manageable,” Mr Pita said.

He said he would go to parliament on Thursday and express his vision as the prime ministerial candidate in the hope of persuading MPs and senators to vote for him.

The vote for prime minister is scheduled to take place at 5pm, following six hours set aside for discussion and debate.

There is a chance that the court on Thursday will suspend Mr Pita as an MP while it looks into the EC case. But even if that happens, he would still be able to stand as a prime ministerial candidate.

The Move Forward Party itself sent out a tweet on Wednesday encouraging all supporters to wear orange and show the party logo on Thursday in support of Mr Pita and the eight-party coalition he aims to lead.

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TST leader resigns as party-list MP

Sudarat: Still has ‘work to do’
Sudarat: Still has ‘work to do’

Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan, leader of the Thai Sang Thai (TST) Party, resigned as a party-list MP yesterday, paving the way for Takorn Tantasith, who currently occupies the second spot on the list, to take her place.

Writing on Facebook, Khunying Sudarat announced her resignation, allowing another candidate to occupy the No.1 spot on the party’s list in her place.

“I have decided in line with my intention, which I previously announced upon the establishment of the party, that I will serve as a pillar for the party’s foundation as well as a bridge to connect people of all ages so they can work together for the country’s sake and make Thai Sang Thai a political institution which belongs to the people,” she posted. “Thai Sang Thai is still a newcomer, and we intend to build a people’s party. We still have a lot of work to do to lay the foundation for the party.”

She also reiterated the party’s stance in supporting Pita Limjaroenrat, the Move Forward Party (MFP) leader, to become the next prime minister in tomorrow’s vote.

TST won six House seats in the May 14 election and is one of the eight prospective coalition parties seeking to form a new coalition government led by the MFP.

A party source said that Takorn Tantasith, currently occupying the second-place spot on the party’s list, will move up and take the top spot, replacing Khunying Sudarat.

Her resignation as a list MP yesterday confirmed a news report last month quoting a source close to the matter that she was giving up her seat.

Khunying Sudarat left the Pheu Thai Party, where she served as its chief strategist, to set up the TST.

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Dems to try again after leadership selection farce

Democrat Party executives are meeting today to schedule another date on which to elect a new leader after their first attempt collapsed on Sunday.

Acting party leader Jurin Laksanawi­sit said the executive board is due to decide on the date to select his successor today.

The meeting will also discuss whether to waive certain party regulations to allow for a fresh selection of new executives and party leader.

Mr Jurin declined to speculate when the new meeting will take place after the attempt on Sunday was adjourned due to the lack of a quorum.

It was reported that the room was fraught with conflict between two camps vying for party leadership. One side is said to support former leader Abhisit Vejjajiva’s return, while the other, reportedly backed by acting party secretary-general Chalermchai Sri-on, manoeuvres to have younger members run the party.

It was also reported that some party executives deliberately left early on Sunday to force a lack of quorum, seeing that their side stood to lose if the party leadership contest went ahead.

Yesterday, Mr Jurin said any unsettled issues would be dealt with in the next round.

It was natural to have competition when it comes to finding a new party leader. This is because the Democrat Party is not owned by a single person who can tell the party to do as they please.

“It’s all about respecting a consensus,” he said.

Also yesterday, Naris Khamnurak, a five-time former Democrat MP and deputy interior minister, said Sunday’s selection process was cut short as several members had to catch planes home to their provinces and could not stay late.

The meeting went on longer than planned because of issues surrounding the leader and executive picks which had to be thrashed out. He denied any underhand internal politics were responsible for the adjournment.

“The party rarely faces a disagreement that results in meetings being postponed,” he said.

The former Phattthalung MP added that members who competed against one another at executive elections were still able to work together afterwards.

He downplayed the disputed party rule governing leadership and executive selection, which reportedly puts the Abhisit side at a disadvantage.

While MPs, party executives and members who are former political office-holders are eligible to take part in the selection process, they do not carry equal weight in the vote. The MPs account for 70% of the total, while the rest make up the remaining 30%. The Democrats won a total of 25 House seats in the May 14 general election.

Mr Naris maintained the rule will stand in the next meeting as it would be unprincipled to make a change at this point.

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Sudarat resigns as party-list MP

Sudarat: Still has ‘work to do’
Sudarat: Still has ‘work to do’

Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan, leader of the Thai Sang Thai (TST) Party, resigned as a party-list MP yesterday, paving the way for Takorn Tantasith, who currently occupies the second spot on the list, to take her place.

Writing on Facebook, Khunying Sudarat announced her resignation, allowing another candidate to occupy the No.1 spot on the party’s list in her place.

“I have decided in line with my intention, which I previously announced upon the establishment of the party, that I will serve as a pillar for the party’s foundation as well as a bridge to connect people of all ages so they can work together for the country’s sake and make Thai Sang Thai a political institution which belongs to the people,” she posted. “Thai Sang Thai is still a newcomer, and we intend to build a people’s party. We still have a lot of work to do to lay the foundation for the party.”

She also reiterated the party’s stance in supporting Pita Limjaroenrat, the Move Forward Party (MFP) leader, to become the next prime minister in tomorrow’s vote.

TST won six House seats in the May 14 election and is one of the eight prospective coalition parties seeking to form a new coalition government led by the MFP.

A party source said that Takorn Tantasith, currently occupying the second-place spot on the party’s list, will move up and take the top spot, replacing Khunying Sudarat.

Her resignation as a list MP yesterday confirmed a news report last month quoting a source close to the matter that she was giving up her seat.

Khunying Sudarat left the Pheu Thai Party, where she served as its chief strategist, to set up the TST.

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