Panama seizes six tonnes of illegally traded shark fins

CAPIRA, Panama: Police in Panama seized more than six tonnes of shark fins bound for Asia on Thursday (Jul 13), arresting five people in connection to the illegal trade, authorities said. The black-market shark fin trade is estimated to be worth US$500 million annually, and Panama last year spearheaded international effortsContinue Reading

Abolish senators’ right to vote on PM: Piyabutr

Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, secretary-general of the Progressive Movement, speaks during a campaign rally for the Move Forward Party on May 10. (Photo: Piyabutr Saengkanokkul's Facebook page)
Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, secretary-general of the Progressive Movement, speaks during a campaign rally for the Move Forward Party on May 10. (Photo: Piyabutr Saengkanokkul’s Facebook page)

The Move Forward Party (MFP) should propose draft legislation seeking to abolish Section 272 of the constitution which gives junta-appointed senators the power to join MPs in selecting the prime minister, Piyabutr Saengkanokkul posted on his Facebook page on Thursday night.

If its attempt is not successful, Move Forward should then consider backing down from its bid to form a government with Pita Limjaroenrat as prime minister and instead take the opposition role – and patiently wait for a successful return “tomorrow”, he said.

Mr Piyabutr, secretary-general of the Progressive Movement behind the MFP, posted his message after Mr Pita’s bid to become prime minister failed to get sufficient votes from members of parliament, particularly senators, in a vote on Thursday.

The Move Forward leader received 324 votes in his favour, 182 votes against and 199 abstentions in the first prime ministerial vote. The result left him 51 votes short of his target. Of the 324 votes in support, only 13 were from senators.

Mr Piyabutr said that from the speeches made by members of parliament, it was clear that a large number of senators – the upper house members appointed by the previous miltary government that seized power in a coup – opposed Mr Pita’s nomination for a variety of reasons. Some of them openly disagreed with the nomination, while others opted to abstain from voting or did not attend the meeting.

He said it would be very difficult for these senators to change their minds and vote for Mr Pita in the next round.

In the speeches made by some MPs and senators prior to the voting, the constant thread was that they would not vote for Mr Pita because the Move Forward Party was persistent in its intention to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code, the lese majeste law.

Mr Piyabutr mentioned the speakers by name. They included Withaya Kaewparadai, a United Thai Nation party-list MP, Chada Thaiseth, a Bhumjaithai Party MP for Uthai Thani, Chaichana Dejdecho, a Democrat Party MP for Nakhon Si Thammarat, and senators Khamnoon Sithisamarn, Seri Suwanphanon and Somchai Sawaengkarn.

Mr Piyabutr said Mr Withaya and Mr Chada, in particular, questioned why the MFP, despite knowing this obstacle, did not back down from its aim to amend Section 112, but instead insisted it could not do so as it had made it a policy in its campaign for votes.

“Therefore, it was clear there was no way for these MPs and senators to change their minds unless there were “new information or new signals” forcing them to do so, or when hundreds of thousand of people came out to apply pressure on them.

Without these events occurring, no matter how many rounds of voting take place, these people will never endorse Mr Pita for prime minister,” he said.

The Prograssive Movement key member said Move Forward would not succeed in the vote until the senators’ power to vote for prime minister under Section 272 expires in May next year. He doubted whether the MFP would be able to overcome the resistance, not to mention several rulings to be made by the Constitutional Court on cases against Mr Pita.

If Move Forward opted to invite more parties to join the eight-party alliance to increase the number of votes in support, Mr Piyabutr said he doubted any parties would cooperate since the Bhumjaithai, Democrat and Chartthaipattana parties had clearly stated they would not work with any party seeking to amend Section 112.

Mr Piyabutr said it would also not be possible for the MFP to back down and allow the Pheu Thai Party to take the prime minister’s post while it is still in the eight-party alliance. He doubted whether the senators would change their mindes because they wanted to see Move Forward completely excluded.

The Progressive Movement secretary-general said he talked to Parit Wacharasindhu, a Move Forward party list MP, and agreed with the latter’s opinion.

In Mr Parit’s opinion, Move Forward, with its 151 MPs, should propose a draft bill seeking to abolish Section 272 of the constitution, to rid the senators of the power to vote for the prime minister.

The draft bill should be submitted for deliberation by parliament as soon as possible. By doing this, he believed the process to abolish Section 272 could be completed in four weeks, Mr Piyabutr said.

“If the bill is rejected by parliament, the Move Forward Party could tell the people that it had tried to the best of its ability but faced tough obstacles. It would then be time for the party to move out.

“We would then be able to stand with heads high and be proud of being a ‘black sheep’ in Thai politics. We would continue to fight more strongly amid conflicts. If the 14 million votes today are not enough, we must make it to 20 – 25 million votes tomorrow,” Mr Piyabutr said.

Mr Piyabutr, a law expert, was banned from politics when the Future Forward Party was dissolved by the Constitutional Court ruling on Feb 21, 2020 for violating the election law on donations to political parties. Future Forward was relaunched as Move Forward, with Mr Pita as the leader.

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Tesla to set up headquarters in Selangor this year: Malaysia PM Anwar

KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim on Friday (Jul 14) said that electric vehicle company Tesla will be setting up its headquarters in Selangor this year.

The announcement came after Mr Anwar held a virtual meeting with Tesla and SpaceX chief executive officer Elon Musk. 

The 25-minute meeting was also attended by Malaysia’s International Trade and Industry Minister Tengku Zafrul Tengku Abdul Aziz, Communications and Digital Minister Fahmi Fadzil and SpaceX senior director Lauren Dreyer.

Mr Anwar said that he welcomed the electric vehicle maker’s decision to invest in Malaysia and stated the government’s support for the opening of the Tesla head office in Selangor.

The prime minister added that Malaysia will continue to strengthen its commitment to achieving zero-net emissions by 2050.

“Malaysia will continue to strengthen its commitment in the subject of net zero carbon emissions or ‘net-zero emissions’ as early as 2050.

“Malaysia has a plan and a comprehensive ecosystem, as well as competitive resources in supporting the clean energy industry including electric mobility,” said Mr Anwar.

He added that the two also discussed the participation of SpaceX in providing the Starlink satellite service to Malaysia.

Mr Anwar said that this can contribute to faster and wider internet access especially in rural areas as it required minimal physical infrastructure and land to improve the global internet network.

Starlink is described as a satellite constellation system that aims to deliver global internet coverage.

“This initiative will increase the ability and well-being of the people, especially from the aspect of education and the potential of agricultural technology and income generation,” said Mr Anwar.

Tengku Zafrul had on July 10 said that the collaboration between Malaysia and Tesla was not limited to the electric vehicle (EV) sector alone, but other sectors as well.

Tesla will officially be launched in Malaysia on July 20.

Earlier on Friday, Tesla had said in a tweet that its model Y car was available for order in Malaysia, its first model in the country. 

It said that the first delivery of the car was likely to be early next year and priced from RM199,000 (US$44,000). 

In June, Tesla held a walk-in recruitment day in Cyberjaya, Selangor for several positions.

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Manipur violence: India condemns EU Parliament resolution on ethnic violence

Members of the 'Chennai Manipuri community' hold a peace demonstration to protest in solidarity with the people of India's northeastern state of Manipur amid ethnic violence, in Chennai on July 9, 2023Getty Images

India has condemned a European Parliament resolution on the ethnic clashes in Manipur state, calling it an “interference” in its internal affairs.

More than 130 people have been killed in the violence in the north-eastern state which broke out in May

Tens of thousands have been displaced because of the clashes and have been forced to live in temporary shelters.

The resolution called the violence a result of “divisive policies promoting Hindu majoritarianism”.

It came as Indian PM Narendra Modi arrived in France on a two-day visit on Thursday. He was conferred with the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour, France’s highest civilian honour.

The resolution followed a discussion in the EU Parliament over the violence as part of its debate on breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law during its ongoing plenary session in Strasbourg, France.

On Thursday, India’s foreign ministry responded to the resolution, saying, “such interference in India’s internal affairs in unacceptable, and reflects a colonial mindset”.

It said the EU Parliament should focus on its own internal issues.

Violence in Manipur began in May following protests by indigenous communities – primarily the Kukis – against the demand seeking tribal status for the Meiteis.

Since then people from both communities have attacked each other’s homes, vehicles, churches and temples, officials say.

The clashes have resulted in complete segregation of the Kuki and Meitei communities in the state.

The resolution adopted by the European Parliament denounced ” in the strongest terms nationalistic rhetoric deployed by leading members of the BJP party”.

It also called on federal and Manipur state authorities to allow unhindered humanitarian aid to those effected, to allow independent monitors to carry out investigations and called on political leaders to stop making inflammatory statements to re-establish trust.

The parliament asked for the restoration of internet services in the region and the withdrawal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (Afspa), a controversial anti-insurgent law that has been criticised by right activists for decades.

Indian authorities have said they are taking all steps to ensure peace and maintain law and order in the state.

This is not the first time India has faced criticism from western institutions and activists. During Mr Modi’s state visit to the US in June, some liberal democrats boycotted his speech to the Congress over what they said was India’s poor human rights record.

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AI scam calls imitating familiar voices are a growing problem

Scam calls using artificial intelligence to mimic voices of people you might know are being used to exploit unsuspecting members of the public. These calls use what’s known as generative AI, which refers to systems capable of creating text, images or any other media such as video, based on prompts from a user.

Deepfakes have gained notoriety over the last few years with a number of high-profile incidents, such as English actress Emma Watson’s likeness being used in a series of suggestive advertisements that appeared on Facebook and Instagram.

There was also the widely shared – and debunked – video from 2022 in which Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky appeared to tell Ukrainians to “lay down arms.”

Now, the technology to create an audio deepfake, a realistic copy of a person’s voice, is becoming increasingly common.

To create a realistic copy of someone’s voice you need data to train the algorithm. This means having lots of audio recordings of your intended target’s voice. The more examples of the person’s voice that you can feed into the algorithms, the better and more convincing the eventual copy will be.

Many of us already share details of our daily lives on the Internet. This means the audio data required to create a realistic copy of a voice could be readily available on social media.

But what happens once a copy is out there? What is the worst that can happen?

A deepfake algorithm could enable anyone in possession of the data to make “you” say whatever they want. In practice, this can be as simple as writing out some text and getting the computer to say it out loud in what sounds like your voice.

Major challenges

This capability risks increasing the prevalence of audio misinformation and disinformation. It can be used to try to influence international or national public opinion, as seen with the “videos” of Zelensky.

But the ubiquity and availability of these technologies pose significant challenges at a local level too – particularly in the growing trend of AI scam calls.

Many people will have received a scam or phishing call that tells us, for example, that our computer has been compromised and we must immediately log in, potentially giving the caller access to our data.

It is often very easy to spot that this is a hoax, especially when the caller is making requests that someone from a legitimate organization would not. However, now imagine that the voice on the other end of the phone is not just a stranger, but sounds exactly like a friend or loved one. This injects a whole new level of complexity, and panic, for the unlucky recipient.

A report by CNN highlights an incident where a mother received a call from an unknown number. When she answered the phone, it was her daughter. The daughter had allegedly been kidnapped and was phoning her mother to pass on a ransom demand. In fact, the girl was safe and sound. The scammers had made a deepfake of her voice.

This is not an isolated incident, with variations of the scam including a supposed car accident, where the victim calls their family for money to help them out after a crash.

Old trick using new tech

This is not a new scam in itself; the term “virtual kidnapping scam” has been around for several years. It can take many forms, but a common approach is to trick victims into paying a ransom to free a loved one they believe is being threatened. The scammer tries to establish unquestioning compliance in order to get the victim to pay a quick ransom before the deception is discovered.

However, the dawn of powerful and available AI technologies has upped the ante significantly – and made things more personal. It is one thing to hang up on an anonymous caller, but it takes real confidence in your judgment to hang up on a call from someone sounding just like your child or partner.

There is software that can used to identify deepfakes, and will create a visual representation of the audio called a spectrogram. When you are listening to the call it might seem impossible to tell it apart from the real person, but voices can be distinguished when spectrograms are analyzed side-by-side. At least one group has offered detection software for download, though such solutions may still require some technical knowledge to use.

Most people will not be able to generate spectrograms, so what can you do when you are not certain what you are hearing is the real thing? As with any other form of media, you might come across: Be skeptical.

If you receive a call from a loved one out of the blue and she asks you for money or makes requests that seem out of character, call her back or send her a text to confirm you really are talking to her.

As the capabilities of AI expand, the lines between reality and fiction will increasingly blur. And it is not likely that we will be able to put the technology back in the box. This means that people will need to become more cautious.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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China needs better and deeper bond markets

As Chinese tech equities rally, tensions building up in the US$20 trillion bond market risk pulling the rug out from under the sudden rush of bullish stock market sentiment.

China’s Big Tech shares are surging after Premier Li Qiang signaled a sharper pivot away from regulatory crackdowns toward championing the private sector.

Just days after letting Jack Ma’s Ant Group off with a nearly US$1 billion fine, Beijing said it’s increasing support for Tencent and other top tech platforms to raise China’s innovative game.

On July 12, Li said President Xi Jinping’s government is stepping up efforts to normalize China’s regulatory environment. The goal, Li said, is to “reduce the costs of compliance and promote the healthy development of industry.”

Li said that “on the journey of building a modern socialist country, the platform economy has great potential.”

He told tech chieftains in the audience – including officials from Alibaba Group, TikTok owner ByteDance and food delivery group Meituan – to “push to increase their international competitiveness and dare to compete on the global stage.”

To analyst Kelvin Wong at OANDA, “the latest rhetoric from the top man of China’s State Council is likely to boost positive animal spirits, in the short term at least.”

But China faces a longer-term threat to positive sentiment now shining on Asia’s biggest economy: a bond market that’s still not ready for global prime time.

Credit market strains are spreading as two large property builders reneged on a combined US$608 million worth of bond payments. Meanwhile, top mainland banks are avoiding the purchase of local notes, including in the Shanghai free trade zone.

The inclusion of Chinese government bonds in top global bond indexes, including the FTSE Russell benchmark, has pulled giant tidal waves of capital China’s way.

This opening has been a game changer — offering myriad opportunities to build diversified and resilient portfolios via new asset classes to ride the nation’s development.

The trouble is, though, China’s bond market is underpinned by a developing economy with limited liquidity and hedging tools, a giant and opaque state sector, and a rudimentary credit-rating system that often obscures risk and enables the misallocation of capital.

For all of China’s promises, this makes it more of a buyer-beware market in 2023 than many investors expected. It was 10 years ago, after all, that Xi took power pledging to let market forces play the “decisive” role in financial reform decisions.

The split screens of the last two years tell the story. On one screen, China’s inclusion in major benchmarks is luring bond giants like BlackRock Inc.

On screen No 2, the crisis of confidence among creditors of China Evergrande Group offers a stark reminder of the mainland’s opacity and excesses.

The Evergrande Center building in Shanghai. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP / Hector Retamal

The globe’s most indebted property developer owes them more than $120 billion, potentially posing system risks.

For the rest of 2023, analysts at HSBC Holdings and Goldman Sachs recently raised projections for defaults among junk-rated property bonds to about 30%.

“If property sales remain lackluster with a lack of stimulus from the authorities, we do not rule out the possibility of a further uplift in default rates,” says HSBC analyst Keith Chan.

Chairman Yu Liang at China Vanke Co, the nation’s second-largest developer by sales, says the real estate sector is looking “worse than expected.”

The property industry is “indeed seeing pressure in the short-term,” Yu says. The “real situation,” he concluded, “is a bit worse than what was expected.”

The magnitude of the risks has many economists perplexed about why the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) central bank isn’t acting more forcefully.

Recent “easing, which focused on developer financing, is far from enough to stabilize the sector,” says economist Larry Hu at Macquarie Group. “After all, credit risk for banks would remain elevated if the housing market stays weak.”

One reason: the yuan’s nearly 4% drop this year makes it harder for higher-indebted developers to make payments on US dollar-denominated debt.

The PBOC’s restraint also could mean government steps to stabilize the property sector are soon on the way.

“Looking ahead,” Hu notes, “expect to see more easing on the demand side, such as lowering the down payment ratio and easing purchase restrictions.”

The real challenge, though, is fixing the property sector, which can generate as much as one-third of gross domestic product (GDP) in good times.

Kate Jaquet, a portfolio manager at Seafarer Capital Partners, says that “beyond the importance of this sector to the overall health of the Chinese economy, another motivation for orderly restructurings of the many troubled property developers is the extensive and opaque web of their liabilities.

“Stakeholders in the restructuring process – roughly in order of payment preference – include contractors and suppliers, banks, homebuyers, wealth management product investors and, finally, bondholders.”

Jaquet adds that “there are also off-balance sheet liabilities and other hidden debts to consider. Investors, rightly concerned over the lack of disclosures, struggle to understand some of these off-balance sheet – and largely heretofore hidden – debts. These concerns are further compounded by property developers’ failure to file audited annual results with the relevant authorities.”

The bottom line, Jaquet says, is that “hasty or ham-fisted restructurings might require write-downs by holders of these lesser-understood obligations, which could have unforeseen consequences in other parts of the Chinese economy. It seems that China’s regulators know this and are taking a careful and measured approach to property sector restructurings, particularly the big ones.”

China’s property market is a drag on the economy. Image: Twitter

Considering the large role that property plays in China’s economy, “a great deal hangs in the balance with respect to restructuring in the property sector,” Jaquet says. “The details of how onshore and offshore creditors fare – in absolute terms, and relative to one another – matters a lot for the future health of China’s bond markets”

Jaquet says that “hopefully the restructurings will consider corporate governance and the rights of creditors. Lack of ready access to international capital markets will take a toll on this sector. While it is increasingly clear that the days of housing driving the Chinese economy are likely over, the big question is: where do the funds come from to keep the economy on an even keel?”

One ever-present time bomb: China’s $9 trillion-plus market in local-government financing vehicles (LGFVs) that opaquely finance everything from airports to power grids to roads and rarely raise enough to cover their obligations.

That requires bigger capital injections from municipalities that should be using the funds to build bigger social safety nets and invest in human capital.

China’s ongoing real estate crisis made matters worse. Cash flow pressures weighing on local governments have state-owned banking giants struggling to stave off a credit crunch. If China’s bond markets were more developed and robust, authorities would have more options to defuse blowups in credit markets.

The dearth of alternatives means that when, say, state pension entities sell off weaker bond holdings, it destabilizes the broader market. That, in turn, adds to the headwinds faced by LGFVs and property developers, causing new sentiment-killing feedback effects.

While offloading weaker bonds may help the state pension protect the value of its investments, it risks heightening market concerns about the health of LGFVs and developers at a time when Beijing is trying to restore confidence in the world’s second-largest economy.

Now, both LGFVs and developers are shortening the time intervals for extending credit and demanding higher borrowing costs.

“The most important variables impacting China’s economic growth over the next two years will be the success or failure of local government debt restructuring, and Beijing’s approach to the role of local government investment within China’s economy in the future,” analysts at Rhodium Group write in a new report. “A collapse in local government investment would be comparable to the economic impact of the crisis in the property market.”

All this has Beijing mulling fresh moves to support cash-strapped cities and counties around the nation. According to local press reports, this could entail green-lighting municipalities to boost bond issuance programs to finance the clearing away of hidden debt.

Reducing the prevalence of new LGFVs has never been more important. At the start of 2023, S&P Global Ratings estimated these schemes amounted to 40% of China’s non-financial corporate bond market.

The prevalence of LGFVs can be a major turnoff for foreign bond funds. Not only are they opaque and difficult to analyze, their fingerprints touch the operations of everything from commercial banks’ wealth management units to mutual funds to hedge funds to insurers to the gamut of securities companies.

Hence the urgent need for deeper bond markets. And, of course, for regulators in Beijing to avoid steps that spook global markets anew. Among recent missteps by Xi’s Community Party: this year’s clampdown on foreign consultancy firms on which global investors and multinational firms rely to navigate their way through China’s opaque companies and systems.

The move, supposedly part of a nationwide anti-espionage campaign, reduced the appetite for investment from overseas firms. When US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen recently visited Beijing, the consultancy policy was among the examples of “non-market” practices and “coercive actions” against American firms her team highlighted.

Deeper debt markets would help sort out the cart-before-the-horse problem that afflicts China’s economy.

During the Xi era and before it, China too often believed that pulling in more foreign capital was a reform all its own. However, it’s been slower to strengthen China’s financial system to efficiently absorb those waves of overseas capital.

For example, China’s inclusion in the World Trade Organization in 2001 did less to recalibrate its growth engines than to remake the global economic system to its advantage.

The 2016 inclusion of the yuan in the International Monetary Fund’s “special drawing rights” didn’t stop Beijing from imposing capital controls or accelerate capital liberalization nearly as much as hoped.

China still applies capital controls. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP / Nicolas Asfouri

In 2019, A-share stocks’ addition to the MSCI index didn’t suddenly make China’s financial system sounder, the government more transparent, companies more shareholder-friendly or the ginormous shadow-banking world any less of a menace.

Strengthening China Inc. requires significant heavy lifting to curb the dominance of state-owned enterprises, increase economic space for the private sector and eliminate the risk of dueling bubbles in debt, credit and assets.

The key now, says Li Yunze, head of the National Financial Regulatory Administration, is for vibrant debt capital markets to help catalyze growth of all sectors, but particularly those in the high-tech space — the realm Premier Li has been at least rhetorically elevating in recent months.

While it’s important Beijing ends the regulatory volatility of recent years, he adds, more efficient capital markets would accelerate China’s move upmarket.

One priority should be building a big and liquid mortgage-backed securities (MBS) market. The good news is that interest in securitized mortgage loans used to finance residential and commercial buildings is growing, particularly in the green space, says Fitch Ratings analyst Jingwei Jia.

This comes, Jia says, “as the Chinese government prioritizes construction of environmentally friendly buildings to meet its climate targets.”

As Jian Chen, an analyst at MSCI, notes, China’s residential MBS market is growing as global investors eye its relatively high yields and seek diversification options for fixed-income portfolios.

However, he adds, “attracting new foreign investment to Chinese RMBS may depend on improving credit ratings and transparency in data and pricing.”

Another positive sign could be the ways in which LGFVs may be pivoting to issuing more infrastructure real estate investment trusts (REITs). This, says analyst Sherry Zhao, also at Fitch, follows “the authorities’ latest reiteration of the significance of selling infrastructure assets to improve capital efficiency and reduce public-sector leverage.”

Zhao notes that “this is especially for infrastructure assets closely aligned with LGFVs’ public policy roles, such as transportation, public rental housing, urban utilities, and industrial parks, among others.”

When it comes to the direction of reform, the need for a deeper bond market must be goal No 1. The financial opening that Xi and Li claim to be pursuing suggests they are scaling back China’s command economy. This alone should reassure foreign investors.

But the opening China really needs is deeper capital markets, in particular more transparent debt markets. Boosting support for – and loans to – the property sector are fine for today. China coming into its own as a top and productive economy, though, requires a serious bonding experience.

Follow William Pesek on Twitter at @WilliamPesek

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Japan rocket engine explodes during test: Official

A Japanese rocket engine exploded during a test on Friday, an official said, in the latest blow to the country’s space agency. The Epsilon S – an improved version of the Epsilon rocket that failed to launch in October 2022 – blew up “roughly 50 seconds after ignition”, science andContinue Reading

Hun Sen uses Pita defeat to warn critics

Cambodian strongman says he’s not meddling in Thai affairs and is willing to work with any government

Prime Minister Hun Sen attends a Cambodian People’s Party rally in Phnom Penh on July 1. (Photo: Reuters)
Prime Minister Hun Sen attends a Cambodian People’s Party rally in Phnom Penh on July 1. (Photo: Reuters)

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen has used the occasion of Pita Limjaroenrat’s failure to win the Thai prime ministerial vote to attack the opposition in his own country.

But the veteran strongman insists he is not meddling in Thai politics and is willing to work with Mr Pita if he and his Move Forward Party (MFP) form the next government in Thailand.

The comments came just a few weeks after the Cambodian premier falsely claimed that Move Forward had a policy to repatriate migrant workers to neighbouring countries.

“I declare today that Pita’s failure to get enough votes to be Thai prime minister is a major failure of the brute opposition in Cambodia,” Hun Sen wrote in a post on his Twitter account on Thursday night.

“This does not mean that I am interfering in Thailand’s internal affairs. My point is that in the past, these traitors always expected that when Pita becomes the prime minister of Thailand, they would use Thai territory to campaign against the Royal Government of Cambodia.

“Now the expectations of the brute opposition group have vanished like salt in water. Do not take part in politics that depend on somebody else.”

The implication appears to be that under a Move Forward government, Thailand might be less inclined to deport political dissidents from other countries, especially its authoritarian neighbours. Earlier this month, a member of the opposition Candlelight Party of Cambodia was arrested in Bangkok and sent to an immigration detention centre. His current status is not known. 

The earlier tweet from Hun Sen appears to have been deleted, but it was followed on Friday by a clarification in which he wrote: “I am not against Mr Pita and am ready to work together in the event that Mr Pita leads the Thai government.

“I respect the decisions of the Thai people and will not interfere in the internal affairs of Thailand. I am ready to work with Thai leaders no matter who or what party they come from.

“Extremist Khmer groups using Thai territory for activities against Cambodia, including using the name of Mr Pita for political gain, should stop this action. Who relies on the breath of others to destroy their own nation?”

Hun Sen himself is facing an election on July 23 but the outcome is already known. The Election Commission earlier banned the only meaningful opposition party remaining and a court upheld the ban.

Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won every seat in the 2018 national election after a court dissolved the Cambodia National Rescue Party.

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