The US Typhon weapon game’s endless implementation in the Philippines indicates a brave move to combat China in the Pacific, escalating regional tensions to a new height and igniting political divisions there.
Many media sources reported this month that the US will continue to have its mid-range Existing weapon program in the northern Philippines continuously, despite concerns from China and the danger of retaliation, according to Philippine and US officials.
The technique, which can build Tomahawk and Standard Missile-6 weapons and probably strike targets in mainland China, was first developed for joint exercises conducted in April.
The battle training tested the state’s deployability aboard Air Force plane. Spanish officials are considering keeping the weapon system in the north Philippines until April of next year, when US and Philippine forces will conduct their annual Balikatan large-scale battle activities, according to AP.
In light of rising tensions in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait, the Typhon’s continued presence indicates that the US and Philippines intend to strengthen local deterrence. Foreign leaders, including the unusual ministry, have expressed concern, warning that the implementation may destroy the place and lead to an arms race.
However, Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro rejected these claims, accusing China of interference in the Philippines ‘ internal affairs and using “reverse psychology” to deter the improvement of his country’s defense capabilities.
He further criticized China for its military deployment in the South China Sea, where it has equipped fortified islands with anti-ship and anti-aircraft missile defense, and demanded that Beijing “destroy their nuclear arsenal, remove all of their ballistic missile capabilities, get out of the West Philippine Sea, and get out of Mischief Reef.”
Philippine military leaders, including General Romeo Brawner Jr, have called for the Typhon system to remain permanently, citing national defense needs. This deployment is a part of US efforts to strengthen its military presence in the Indo-Pacific, where China has quickly increased its missile arsenal.
The US Typhon missile system’s indefinite deployment in the Philippines may represent a change in the US’ long-standing extended deterrence strategy in the Pacific.
The missile system deployment allows for force dispersion to increase unpredictability to potential adversaries while improving survivability and lethality, in addition to its base strategy that emphasizes scalability and strategic ambiguity.  ,
Do Young Lee claims in a December 2021 article in the peer-reviewed Security Studies journal that after the US bases were shut down in 1992, America’s extended deterrence strategy in the Philippines changed from forward conventional deployments during the Cold War to short-term rotational deployments.
Lee points out that since then, the US has focused on strengthening its security ties with the Philippines through formal agreements and rotational deployments rather than on keeping a permanent presence, as seen in Germany, Japan, and South Korea, whose downsizing or removal would cost a lot of money and political.
The US’s continued “lily pad” strategy, which was made operational by the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement ( EDCA ), allows the US to access nine military installations in the Philippines.
These lily pads may be referred to as forward operating bases with a US presence that can be flexibly upscaled or downsized as needed depending on the security situation. The Typhon’s indefinite deployment represents a significant improvement in US capabilities in the Philippines.
The US may have taken inspiration from Russia and China’s strategy of concealing military movements as training exercises by claiming that the Typhon missile would be stationed in the Philippines for training purposes.
Similar to how Russia asserted that its troop increase in Belarus in February 2022 was a result of military exercises rather than an invasion force for Ukraine. Similar to this, China’s frequent and growing naval exercises around Taiwan could eventually lead to a blockade of Taiwan.
US strategic uncertainty surrounding the Typhon deployment may at the same time entice and restrain the Philippines.
On the one hand, China may avoid further escalation by indefinitely deploying the missiles without fully committing the US to the Philippines ‘ defense, as required by their mutual defense agreement.
The Philippines may be prevented from asserting its territorial claims in the South China Sea unilaterally due to the lack of US-specific guarantees for permanent deployment, which could entice the US to escalate its conflict with China.
Despite the ambiguity surrounding the US’s use of Typhoon missiles, the Philippines ‘ archipelagic configuration fits the US Distributed Maritime Operations ( DMO ) operating strategy.
This idea involves dispersing US Navy units over a larger operational area to allow for mutual support and focused fire on targets while reducing the risk of adversaries detecting and targeting more difficult targets.
The US can use resilient communication links to maintain coordination and adaptability in a contested environment, deploy Typhon sensors and weapons across multiple EDCA sites, and deploy longer-range, unmanned systems.
However, the deployment may experience operational difficulties as a result of the Philippines ‘ apparent lack of air and missile defense capabilities. Instead of relying on the Philippines to defend its missile defense systems, this could force the US to deploy its resources.
Additionally, China’s aircraft carrier deployments in the Philippine Sea may help to convey that a US Typhon launcher-style resupply operation is not an option for the Philippines, demonstrating that it can halt any Guam-related resupply and reinforcement efforts.
More than any military vulnerability, though, fickle, venal Filipino political elites may be the US Typhon deployment’s Achilles ‘ heel.  ,
Lianne Chia mentions that the current Ferdinand Marcos Jr. administration’s strengthening of ties with the US has also strained ties with politicians who were once associated with the former Rodrigo Duterte administration, who favor engagement with China and hostility with the West.
According to China, vice president Sara Duterte resigned from the Cabinet and former president Duterte criticized Marcos Jr. as a US puppet.
With crucial mid-term elections set to take place in the Philippines the following year, Chia notes that this bubbling conflict could have an impact on the country’s foreign policy. Future US defense initiatives in the Philippines, including the Typhon deployment, are in jeopardized.
However, feuding Philippine political dynasties backed by competing external powers, i. e., the US and China, sacrifice national interests for the sake of a few retaining power, wealth and prestige.