After weeks of sportsmanship and debate, JD Vance has emerged as Donald Trump’s 2024 going partner and the heir apparent to the America First activity.
The first-term Ohio lawmaker has little political experience, let alone any experience with foreign plan, with less than two years in Congress to his credit.
But Vance represents a clear withdrawal from the Ronald Reagan-era international policy sights that characterised Trump’s past vice president, Mike Pence. Pence spent a lot of his time in the office making trips to reassure US allies and partners abroad, giving speeches intended to give proper clarity to Trump’s frequently unexpected actions.
As Trump’s sin political pick, Vance’s international policy views could prove equally important if the previous president is re-elected in November. What might a Vance evil president mean for the rest of the world, then?
An’ Asia-First’-style internationalist on Ukraine
Vance is one of the many Democrat” Asia First” politicians who wants to refocus the nation’s resources on halting China’s expansion and restrain US attention from Europe.
He has gained a reputation as one of the most vocal critics of continued US assistance to Ukraine in Congress, calling on Western allies to” move up” their own military efforts to Kiev and saying the US has “provided a cover of safety to Europe for far too much.”
Only after Russia’s war in February 2022, in truth, Vance frankly declared:
I have to be honest with you, I do n’t care what happens to Ukraine in any way.
Vance maintains that he is not in favor of the US leaving” Europe.” Instead, he wants to concentrate on the more pressing threat that the US faces from China, which he claims is the true enemy of.
An economic republican on China
Vance describes his place on China as a” noteworthy economic nationalist explanation.” He claims that” we should be making more of our stuff” even at the cost of a” couple basis points GDP” and that increasing support for US manufacturing is a way to directly counteract China’s rise.
Vance predicts that lifting tariffs on Chinese imports will open up financial prospects in Rust Belt states like Michigan, Ohio, and Pennsylvania.
Notably, he has also praised President Joe Biden’s 2022 CHIPS and Science Act, aimed at boosting local silicon chip producing so the US is better compete with China and other countries, as a “great piece of legislation“.
Vance has co-sponsored regulations that would revoke China’s favorite trade position, a move that could be very disruptive for the world economy, despite the US and its allies maintaining regular trade relations with China since its accession to the World Trade Organization in 2000.
A ‘ fan of AUKUS ‘
Vance has spoken a little about US alliances in Asia, but he has spoken a lot about them. He wants to reorient the US toward the Indo-Pacific region to counter China.
He gave Australia a brief nod when he described himself as a “fan of AUKUS” during remarks at the Munich Security Conference in February of this year.
In the broader region, Vance has said he wants to” try to promote” US allies with aligned interests, while encouraging” those who are a little bit more on the fence to think about things from our perspective”.
He has argued that Taiwan’s economic support can be based on the fact that China has pledged to retake it by force and that it must be protected because there is a chance that an invasion will “decimate our entire economy.”
A shape-shifter on climate change
Vance’s position on climate change changed when he ran for the US Senate in 2022, like some of his other views.
In 2020, he spoke of the” climate problem” facing the United States– but when seeking Trump’s endorsement for the Senate, he described himself as “skeptical” of human responsibility for climate change.
Additionally, he vowed to abolish electric vehicle tax credits in the US.
An heir to the’ America First ‘ agenda
Vance has previously cited foreign policy as a significant factor in his backing of Trump.
In early 2023, when many Republicans were backing Florida Governor Ron DeSantis ‘ presidential ambitions, Vance wrote an op-ed supporting Trump’s campaign and lauding his first term as” the first real disruption to a failed consensus” in US foreign policy.
In the piece, Vance praised Trump’s” successful foreign policy” as the “most important part” of his legacy, saying he” started no wars” and pushed for the United States to “take more responsibility for its own defense”.
Previous vice presidents have criticized the office because of its subsidiary nature and limited authority in comparison to the presidency. There is every chance that in a second Trump presidency, the position would be no different.
However, Biden has demonstrated how vice presidents can carved out their own positions as key advisors, particularly in terms of foreign policy. And with Trump’s support, Vance could be well-positioned for a presidential campaign in 2028.
Vance’s shape-shifting views make it difficult to forecast exactly what his role as Trump’s deputy could mean for the Indo-Pacific region. However, it may be crucial to comprehend the contours of a second Trump term or, in fact, a future Vance administration by paying close attention to his foreign policy philosophy as it develops in the upcoming months.
At the University of Sydney’s United States Studies Center, Ava Kalinauskas and Samuel Garrett work as researchers.
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