Commentary: Reintroducing some form of inheritance tax could help address wealth inequality in Singapore

In practice, an inheritance tax can end up a cat-and-mouse game. The ultra-rich can easily avoid inheritance tax through tax planning, for example by gifting properties to the next generation during their lifetime. 

As a result, the eventual annual tax collected from estate duty was only about S$75 million on average, according the 2008 Budget statement. This makes it an unsustainable source of tax revenue for the government to rely on, when compared to the resources that must be mobilised to collect this tax.

THREAT OF CAPITAL FLIGHT

These factors favouring the removal of inheritance tax are still valid today. Our entrenched position as a wealth management hub in the region will be seriously threatened if the inheritance tax is re-introduced.

The likelihood of the exodus of funds and assets out of Singapore to other countries with no inheritance tax is high. Worse still, some of our wealthy residents may be enticed to relocate if that can save them from such a high tax burden.

Consequently, more tax revenue could potentially be lost if we take into account the Goods and Services Tax (GST) on the big-ticket items they may otherwise have purchased or the income tax payable by their family members who derive employment or trading income.  

Such capital flight means tax collection will continue to be low unless the taxes are tweaked to make it more progressive, with much higher tax rates and lower exemption values at the risk of diluting our attractiveness as a wealth management hub.

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Who knows where you live? A search on the Internet could prove surprising

SINGAPORE: Official records once showed Ruzaidie Dar Surnik’s home to be where five migrant workers resided, only it wasn’t true.

He discovered this falsehood by chance, through a fellow member of a parents’ support group who had had the same misfortune.

Ruzaidie reported his case to the Ministry of Manpower (MOM) and said it took about three weeks for things to be rectified.

When he posted about his experience on Facebook in April 2019, he received feedback from others who said, “Me too.”

That year, the MOM’s Foreign Worker Tenant Enquiry Service (FWTES) began allowing home owners to check the details of migrant workers registered as residing in their public flat or private residence.

It seems that the problem has not let up.

Since 2020, the MOM has stepped up inspections and discovered around 1,000 cases each year involving the false declaration of residential addresses as housing addresses for migrant workers, the ministry told the programme Talking Point.

It has also taken enforcement action against more than 2,000 errant employers since 2020.

Offenders may face fines of up to S$20,000 and/or up to 24 months in jail for each false declaration, in addition to being barred from hiring migrant workers.

WATCH: How your home address could be leaked — who knows where you live? (22:28)

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A question of strategy

Srettha: Aiming for election sweep
Srettha: Aiming for election sweep

The countdown to a general election typically prompts some voters to strategise how they will vote on the big day.

With the May 14 polls around the corner, so-called tactical voting is being planned by some voters to prevent their least favourite parties garnering too many House seats.

A political analyst said strategic voting in the upcoming polls may occur at the expense of the Pheu Thai Party, which could jeopardise its goal of winning the election by a landslide.

Where Pheu Thai stands to lose from tactical voting could well be its closest ally, the Move Forward Party’s (MFP) gain.

According to the analyst, the biggest surprise may be where the tactical votes come from.

And thanks to the re-introduced dual-ballot system, such a voting practice is predicted to deliver a particularly potent result.

Recent opinion polls have been encouraging for the MFP, which has fared consistently better with each survey in the past several weeks.

At the same time, Pheu Thai’s rating has dipped, which spurred the party into examining where it has gone wrong in its campaign.

It was reasonable to assume the party had banked on its 10,000-baht digital wallet scheme to give its election standing more lift. Despite being ridiculed by critics as a populist handout, the 560-billion-baht programme, in which 10,000 baht will be spent within six months at shops within a 4-kilometre radius of where people live, was expected by the party to be the ace to trump economic stimulus election pledges by other parties.

However, a cautious review of the policy by some experts, who feared spending of such magnitude might harm fiscal discipline, has been a political headwind for the party. This might be the reason for the dip in Pheu Thai’s popularity.

As both Pheu Thai and the MFP belong to the self-styled “pro-democracy” camp, some supporters who traditionally back one party might switch to another one at the polls over a dubious campaign policy.

The expert said the switching of support within an alliance could explain the MFP’s improved performance in opinion polls.

The two parties have warmed to one another in their common political stance, although that may be as far as the amicability goes. Pheu Thai has made it abundantly clear on numerous occasions that it is doing everything in its power to sweep the election and rule the next government solo.

It is a message repeated many times over by Srettha Thavisin, former president and chief executive of the Sansiri real estate empire, who is now one of Pheu Thai’s prime ministerial candidates.

Pheu Thai was viewed as having snubbed the MFP’s hand of friendship when the latter earlier voiced its willingness to form a government with Pheu Thai.

In many constituencies, the two parties are, in fact, set on a collision course. Their candidates have rapidly become embroiled in an intense neck-and-neck race.

Meanwhile, according to the expert, some voters who oppose the two parties were mulling over whether they should adopt tactical voting in the polls.

These voters, who are zealous supporters of the likes of the Palang Pracharath Party, the United Thai Nation Party, and the Democrat Party, might be considering this option if they think their favourite candidate does not stand a chance of winning in constituencies where Pheu Thai and the MFP are top contenders.

The voters who dislike Pheu Thai more than they do the MFP and dread it clinching a landslide win could be tempted to cast their constituency ballots for MFP candidates while voting for their actual favourite parties in the party list system.

The expert said the “sacrificial” votes might be embraced under the dual-ballot election, where the votes of the defeated candidates will be thrown away.

If it had been the single-ballot method, as in the previous election, the votes cast for the losing candidates would be counted toward their respective parties’ nationwide tally and converted into party list seats, provided there were enough votes.

Instead of wasting their votes, some voters might opt to strategise and resort to keeping their biggest foes from becoming too big in the next election, the expert said.

First might not be enough

Many opinion polls suggest Pheu Thai is on course for a big win at the general election. Unfortunately though, the party’s chances of forming a coalition government are being thrown into doubt.

Prayut: Faces pressure if re-elected as PM

By tradition, a political party that captures the most seats is recognised as receiving a mandate to put together a coalition. In the 2019 polls, Pheu Thai, which grabbed the largest share of House seats, proceeded to try and set up a government but failed to achieve the majority it needed.

This time around, analysts are increasingly doubtful parties will observe this long-standing practice which is not constitutionally required. They reckon rivals will jostle hard to try and gain the upper hand in putting together a coalition government, regardless of how many seats they won.

Of all the parties, the United Thai Nation Party (UTN) is believed to have a solid chance of forming a government, although it is projected to finish third or even fourth with about 40 seats.

Some speculate that the jockeying will start as soon as the UTN, which nominated its chief strategist, Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha as its No.1 prime ministerial candidate, appears to win at least 25 seats, the minimum number required for a party to be able to nominate a prime minister.

According to observers, the UTN has the edge over its rivals because its bloc does not need to secure a simple majority to form a government. They point to the 250-member Senate’s role in co-selecting a prime minister in parliament.

The UTN is widely believed to have the senators in its pocket, and if its rivals want their candidates to be voted in as prime minister without the need for Senate support, they must win at least 376 House seats — more than half of the combined 750 members of both chambers.

Virtually no observer is convinced that Pheu Thai can muster enough House seats to offset the Senate’s votes. Pheu Thai is forecast to win 220 seats, and together with its potential allies, the Move Forward Party (MFP) and the Seri Ruam Thai Party, they will come up with 260 seats.

According to Stithorn Thananithichot, a political analyst at King Prajadhipok’s Institute, only 240 seats are sufficient for a UTN-led bloc to guarantee success in Gen Prayut’s nomination as the next prime minister and put together a coalition.

The Bhumjaithai Party is projected to win 80 seats, the largest number of seats in the UTN-led bloc, while the UTN and the Democrats will have a combined 80 seats. The bloc can still bank on support from small parties, which are believed to lean toward joining a government rather than sitting in opposition, according to the analyst.

The likelihood of a minority government emerging after the May 14 polls does not surprise Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science lecturer at Burapha University.

In Thai politics, anything is possible, and the Palang Pracharath Party-led government is living proof of how a government with a razor-thin majority can manage to complete its four-year term, according to the academic.

If Gen Prayut succeeds in reclaiming the premiership after the next polls, he will come under tremendous pressure during his two-year stint before passing the baton to someone else, said Mr Olarn.

Gen Prayut’s eight-year tenure as prime minister started on April 6, 2017, when the current charter was promulgated, and if he is re-elected after the next polls, he can remain in office until 2025.

According to Mr Olarn, Pheu Thai will find itself in a dilemma after the polls and even if the party manages to lead a coalition government, its administration will likely be short-lived.

While the UTN needs only 250 seats, Pheu Thai must gather at least 350, which means it will have to bring the MFP on board. Negotiating with the MFP over policy goals and cabinet posts will not be an easy task, especially in the areas where they do not see eye to eye, according to Mr Olarn.

It is likely that the MFP will be aiming for major ministries to pursue its policy of bringing about structural changes, including the election of provincial governors and military reforms, said the academic, who noted that the MFP’s demands for the interior and defence portfolios could be a deal breaker.

Moreover, the MFP is likely to block any attempts to bring ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra home, and this can spell doom for the government, he added.

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MFP leader under fire over 2006 coup comments

Political activist Srisuwan Janya has filed a petition with the Election Commission (EC) seeking an investigation into Move Forward Party (MFP) leader Pita Limjaroenrat’s interviews on the subject of the military during the coup in 2006.

Mr Srisuwan, secretary-general of the Association for the Protection of the Thai Constitution, yesterday asked the EC to review a statement made by Mr Pita on a TV programme hosted by well-known newscaster Sorrayuth Suthassanachinda on April 20.

During the interview, Mr Pita claimed that he missed his father’s funeral as he had been detained by officers after returning to the country during the coup in 2006. Mr Srisuwan alleged the statement was part of a move to defame the military and raise the party’s popularity before the May 14 election.

Mr Srisuwan also brought a video clip in which Mr Pita commented on the incident via a talk show hosted by Surivipa Kultangwattana in 2009.

Mr Pita’s statements in the two video clips appear contradictory, according to Mr Srisuwan. In one, Mr Pita claimed he was a member of a working panel under Somkid Jatusripitak, former economic chief of Thaksin Shinawatra’s government, while he told Surivipa that he was studying in Boston, in the US.

Mr Pita also claimed that he was detained at Don Mueang which meant he could not attend his father’s funeral in time, while he told Surivipa he was questioned by officers for four to five hours and did not miss the funeral.

Mr Srisuwan said many had criticised Mr Pita’s statement, particularly Panpree Phathithanukorn, a member of the Pheu Thai Party’s economic panel and Thailand trade representative in the Thaksin Shinawatra government, who said officers just questioned and then released everyone later.

Therefore, Mr Pita’s interviews could breach Section 73 of the Organic Act on the Election of Members of the House of Representatives 2018.

The punishment carries a maximum term of 10 years in jail and/or a fine of between 20,000 and 200,000 baht, as well as a ban from politics for at least 20 years.

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Govt to open centre to limit fishing boats

Pattani: The Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC) is preparing to set up a one-stop-service centre to distribute compensation money for owners of fishing boats who wish to leave the industry as a part of the Sustainable Management of Marine Fisheries Resource Project.

Chonthun Sangpoom, deputy secretary-general of the SBPAC, visited the location of the one-stop-service centre assisting fishermen in the three southernmost provinces in tambon Bana in Muang district of Pattani province.

Mr Chonthun said that the project aims to reduce the number of fishing boats in the deep South.

He added that the centre will be operating from May 8, and the owners of 96 fishing boats are expected to be the first to be compensated for exiting the fishing industry.

On Feb 26, a cabinet resolution granted 163 million baht as a compensation fund for fishermen to endorse the government’s goal of reducing the number of fishing boats.

Mr Chonthun said the fund would subsidise fishermen and entrepreneurs in the industry. He explained that fishing boat owners could request compensation at the service centre on weekdays during office hours.

He said fishing boat owners must also apply for approval for boat disassembly.

The process is a joint effort between the SBPAC and Internal Security Operations Command Region 4.

Mr Chonthun further said that the first instalment is worth 80% of the sum while the second is the remaining balance of the compensation.

In September last year, deputy government spokeswoman Rachada Dhnadirek said that 9,608 registered fishing boats were operating, which was above sustainable levels.

To prevent further damage to fishery resources, the government has endorsed compensation for owners of registered fishing boats as well as those who conduct illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing to leave the industry.

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‘No gift’ campaign launched

Tough penalties for bribing govt officials

The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) has urged the private sector not to offer bribes to government officers and advised them to impose internal measures to curb the illegal practice.

NACC Secretary-General Niwatchai Kasemmongkol said bribery was a national problem, and there were cases in which bribes were offered in exchange for business benefits across borders.

Mr Niwatchai said bribery is affecting the country’s credibility and efficiency of budgetary spending.

The NACC, therefore, is promoting good governance in the public sector to create a “No Gift” culture, he said.

A so-called Anti-Bribery Advisory Service (Abas) Centre has begun providing knowledge and guidelines to the private sector concerning the laws on offering bribes to government officials.

Abas will introduce measures aimed at preventing bribery.

In addition, Mr Niwatchai said, the NACC has issued new rules that allow it to prosecute private sector firms involved in bribing government officials and those working in international agencies.

Mr Niwatchai stated that bribery should be prevented at both ends — the private sector, the bribe giver, government officers, or the bribe taker.

The secretary-general said those who offer bribes to government officers are subject to penalty under Section 176 of the Anti-Corruption Act B.E. 2561.

The NACC has advised juristic persons susceptible to public bribery to clearly identify their expenses for government agencies and impose measures to inspect these expenses.

Mr Niwatchai said that according to the Act, the value of the gift given to government officers must not exceed 3,000 baht.

The secretary-general warned that juristic persons or businesses should also not pay commissions to government officers for whatever reason to avoid risking breaking anti-bribery laws.

The NACC is an independent organisation supervised by nine commissioners selected from various professions.

It is authorised to undertake work on the prevention and suppression of malfeasance, particularly in government agencies, on assets investigations, as well as on the monitoring of ethics and virtues of political position holders.

It has the authority to file charges in court and support and build awareness of the penalties for committing corruption.

Since 1997, Thai courts have ruled against and punished politicians, former ministers, high-ranking government officials, as well as executives of the private sector in the thousands of cases submitted by the NACC.

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Is AI more dangerous than the atomic bomb?

The astonishing performance of recent so-called “large language models” – first and foremost OpenAI’s ChatGPT series – has raised expectations that systems able to match the cognitive capabilities of human beings, or even possess “superhuman” intelligence, may soon become a reality.

At the same time, experts in artificial intelligence are sounding dire warnings about the dangers that a further, uncontrolled development of AI would pose to society, or even to the survival of the human race itself.

Is this mere hype, of the sort that has surrounded AI for over half a century? Or is there now an urgent need for measures to control the further development of AI, even at the cost of hampering progress in this revolutionary field?

On March 22, an open letter appeared, signed by experts in artificial intelligence as well as prominent personalities like Elon Musk and closing with the statement: “Therefore we call on all AI labs to immediately pause for at least six months the training of AI systems more powerful than GPT-4.”

Justifying the need for such a moratorium, the open letter argues:

Advanced AI could represent a profound change in the history of life on Earth and should be planned for and managed with commensurate care and resources. Unfortunately, this level of planning and management is not happening, even though recent months have seen AI labs locked in an out-of-control race to develop and deploy ever more powerful digital minds that no one – not even their creators – can understand, predict, or reliably control.

[We] must ask ourselves: Should we let machines flood our information channels with propaganda and untruth? Should we automate away all the jobs, including the fulfilling ones? Should we develop nonhuman minds that might eventually outnumber, outsmart, obsolete and replace us? Should we risk loss of control of our civilization?

Eliezer Yudkowsky, widely regarded as one of the founders of the field of artificial intelligence, went much farther in a Time article entitled “Pausing AI Developments Isn’t Enough. We Need to Shut It All Down

This 6-month moratorium would be better than no moratorium…. I refrained from signing because I think the letter is understating the seriousness of the situation.…

Many researchers steeped in these issues, including myself, expect that the most likely result of building a superhumanly smart AI, under anything remotely like the current circumstances, is that literally everyone on Earth will die. Not as in “maybe possibly some remote chance,” but as in “that is the obvious thing that would happen.”

The hydrogen bomb example

The spectacle of AI scientists calling for a pause, or even cessation, of rapidly-advancing work in their own field cannot but remind us of the history of nuclear weapons.

The awesome destructive power of the atomic bomb, which scientific research had made possible, prompted Einstein’s famous remark  “Ach! The world is not ready for it.”

In 1949 some leading nuclear physicists and other veterans of the wartime atomic bomb project demonstratively refused to participate in the project to develop fusion-based devices (“hydrogen bombs”), whose energy release could be 1000 or more times larger than fission-based atomic bombs.

Photo: iStock
The first stage of a hydrogen bomb cannot be scaled down, at least not easily. Photo: Asia Tmes files / Stock

The General Advisory Committee to the US Atomic Energy Commission was led by Robert Oppenheimer (often credited as the “Father of the Atomic Bomb”). Other members were Enrico Fermi, I.I. Rabi,  James B. Conant, Lee A. DuBridge, Oliver A. Buckley, Glenn Seaborg, Hartley Rowe and Cyril Stanley Smith.

At its final meeting on October 30, 1949, the committee determined that, by not proceeding to develop the hydrogen bomb, “we see a unique opportunity of providing by example some limitations on the totality of war and thus of limiting the fear and arousing the hopes of mankind.”

The majority shared the view that the hydrogen bomb threatened the very future of the human race: “We believe a super bomb should never be produced. Mankind would be far better off not to have a demonstration of the feasibility of such a weapon until the present climate of world opinion changes.”

The minority consisting of Fermi and Rabi stated: “The fact that no limits exist to the destructiveness of this weapon makes its very existence and the knowledge of its construction a danger to humanity as a whole. It is necessarily an evil thing considered in any light.” (Seaborg missed the meeting and no vote was recorded for him.)

President Harry Truman overruled the committee and the rest is history.

Of course, one should not forget that alongside its military applications atomic energy, in the form of fission reactors, has brought enormous benefits to mankind. Fusion energy, first released in an uncontrolled form in the hydrogen bomb, promises even greater benefits.

‘General artificial intelligence’

Similarly for advanced forms of AI.

I suppose the analog of the hydrogen bomb, in the domain of artificial intelligence, would be the creation of “general artificial intelligence” devices that would possess all the capabilities of the human mind and even exceed them by orders of magnitude.

Observers differ greatly in their opinions about when the goal of GAI might be reached. Some AI experts assert that GAI will be achieved in the near future, while others consider it a very remote prospect, if achievable at all.

I myself believe and have argued in Asia Times that a GAI based on digital computer technology is impossible in principle.

This conclusion is supported by the results of Kurt Gödel – further elaborated by others – concerning the fundamental limitations of any system that is equivalent to a Turing machine. That applies in particular to all digital computers.

Model of a Turing machine by Mike Delaney. Source: Wikimedia

As I argued in another Asia Times article, my view is further strengthened by the fact that the functioning of neurons in the human brain has virtually nothing at all in common with the functioning of the “on-off “ switching elements that are the basis of digital computers. A single neutron is many orders of magnitude more complex, as a physical system, than any digital computer we can expect to build in the foreseeable future. I believe that the mind-boggling complexity of real neurons, which are living cells rather than inert switching elements, is essential to human intelligence.

All that said, however, the main message of the current article is this: It is crucial to realize that AI systems would not need to be near to GAI – or even be like GAI at all – in order to constitute a major threat to society.

When ‘deep learning’ runs amok

Consider the following scenario: AI systems, operating on the basis of “deep learning” gradually acquire capabilities for manipulating humans via psychological conditioning and behavioral modification. Such systems, given large-scale access to the population, might de facto take control over society. Given the often-unpredictable behavior of deep-learning-based systems, this situation could have catastrophic consequences.

We are not so far away from such a scenario as people might think.

In the simplest variant, the leadership of a nation would deliberately deploy a network of AI systems with behavioral modification capabilities into the media, educational system and elsewhere in order to “optimize” the society. This process might work at first but soon get out of control, leading to chaos and collapse.

Developments leading to AI control over society can also arise independently from human intentions – through the “spontaneous” activity of networked AI systems having sufficient access to the population, and possessing (or gradually acquiring) behavioral modification capabilities.

As I shall indicate, many AI applications are explicitly optimized for modifying human behavior. The list includes chatbots used in psychotherapy. In many other cases, such as in the education of children, AI applications have strong behavior-modifying effects.

Like any other technology, each AI application has its benefits, as well as potential hazards. Generally speaking today, the performance of these systems can still be supervised by human beings. A completely different dimension of risk arises when they are integrated into large “supersystems.”

To avoid misunderstanding, I am not imputing to AI systems some mysterious “will” or “desire” to take over society. I am merely suggesting that a scenario of an AI-controlled society could unfold as an unintended consequence of the growing integration of these systems and the optimization criteria and training methods upon which deep-learning systems are based.  

Firstly, it does not require human-like intelligence to manipulate humans. It can be done even by quite primitive devices. That fact was well-established long before the advent of AI, including through experiments by behaviorist psychologists.

The development of AI has opened a completely new dimension. Very much worth reading, on this subject is a recent article in Forbes magazine by the well-known AI expert Lance Eliot in which he lays out in some detail various ways in which chatbots and other AI applications can manipulate people psychologically even when they are not intended to do so.

On the other hand, deliberate mental and behavioral modification by AI systems is a rapidly-growing field, with ongoing application in a variety of contexts.

Examples easily come to mind. Tens of billions have been poured into the use of AI for advertising and marketing – activities that by their very essence involve psychological manipulation and profiling.

In another direction, AI-assisted education of children and adults – exemplified by advanced AI-based E-learning systems – can also be seen as a form of behavioral modification. Indeed, AI applications in the field of education tend to be based on behaviorist models of human learning. Advanced AI teaching systems are designed to optimize the child’s responses and performance outcomes, profiling the individual child, assessing the child’s progress in real-time and adapting its activity accordingly.   

Another example is the proliferation of AI Chatbots that are intended to help people give up smoking or drugs, to exercise properly, to adopt more healthy habits.

At the same time, AI chatbots are finding growing applications in the domain of psychology. One example is the “Woebot” app, designed “to help you work through the ups and downs of life”– particularly directed at people suffering from depression.

These applications represent only the beginning stages of a far-reaching transformation of clinical psychology and psychotherapy.  

AI’s potential impacts on the thinking and behavior of the population are greatly enhanced by the strong tendency of people to project, unconsciously, “human” qualities onto systems such as OpenAI’s GPT-4. This projection phenomenon opens the way for sophisticated AI systems to enter into “personal” relationships with individuals and in a sense to integrate themselves into society.

Ernie Bot. Image: Alex Santafe / The China Project / Twitter

As today’s rapidly growing replacement of human interlocutors by chatbots suggests, there is virtually no limit to the number of AI-generated “virtual persons.” Needless to say, this opens up a vast scope for behavior modification and conditioning of the human population. The hazards involved are underlined by the tragic case of a Belgian man who committed suicide after a six-week-long dialog with the AI chatbot Chai.

Summing up: AI-based behavioral modification technology is out of the bottle, and there are no well-defined limits to its use or misuse. In most cases – as far as we know – the human subjects whose behavior is to be modified agree voluntarily. It is a small step, however, to applications where the subjects are unaware that behavioral modification is being applied to them.

Filtering or modification of internet media content by AI systems and AI-managed interventions in social media could shape the mental life and behavior of entire populations. This is already occurring to a certain extent, as in AI-based identification and removal of “offensive material” from Facebook and other social media.

We are at most only steps away from a situation in which the criteria for judging what is “harmful,” “objectionable,” “true” or “false” will be set by AI systems themselves.

Beware the ‘supersystem’

There is a natural tendency in today’s society, to integrate data systems into larger wholes. This is routine practice in the management of large firms and supply chains and in the “digitalization” of government and public services, motivated in part by the striving for greater efficiency. Despite resistance, there is a natural drive to extend the process of data sharing and integration of information systems far beyond the limits of individual sectors.  

Where might this lead when the relevant information systems involve AI in essential ways? It would be quite natural, for example, to apply AI to optimizing the performance of an employee, as assessed by an AI system, according to his or her psychological and medical condition, as assessed by another AI system.

Conversely, psychological therapy via a chatbot and detection of potential health problems might be optimized by an AI system on the basis of AI profiling of workplace behavior and internet activity.

Another example: Using AI to optimize the criteria used by AI systems to filter social media, so as to minimize the probability of social unrest, as assessed by an AI system. Similarly for the optimization of AI chatbots used by political leaders to compose their public statements.

Reflecting on these and other examples, one does not need much imagination to grasp the enormous scope for integration of the AI systems involved in different aspects of society into ever larger systems.  

Most importantly, the growing practice of integration of AI systems leads naturally to hierarchically-structured “supersystems” in which the higher-up subsystems dictate the optimization criteria (or metrics) as well as the databases on the basis of which the lower-level systems “learn” and operate.  

To grasp what this implies, one should bear in mind, that deep-learning-based AI is ultimately nothing but a combination of sophisticated mathematical optimization algorithms + large computers + large data sets.

The relevant computer program contains a large number of numerical variables whose values are set during its “training” phase, and subsequently modified in the course of the system’s interactions with the outside world, in an iterative optimization process. Like any other optimization process, this occurs according to a chosen set of criteria or metrics.

Expressed metaphorically, these criteria define what the system “wants” or is “trying” to accomplish.

In the typical AI system of this type today, the optimization criteria and training database are chosen by the system’s human designers. Already the number of internal parameters generated during the “training process” is often so high that is impossible to exactly predict or even explain the system’s behavior under given circumstances.

The predecessor to GPT-4, the GPT-3 system, already contains some 175 billion internal parameters. As the system’s operation is determined by the totality of parameters in a collective fashion, it is generally impossible to identify what to correct when the system misbehaves. In the field of AI, this situation is referred to as the “transparency problem”.

Today there is much discussion in the AI field concerning the so-called “alignment problem”: How can one ensure that AI systems, which are constantly proliferating and evolving, will remain “aligned” to the goals, preferences, or ethical principles of human beings? I would claim that the “alignment” problem is virtually impossible to solve when it comes to hierarchically-structured supersystems.

It is not hard to see that the training of systems becomes increasingly problematic the higher up we go in the hierarchy. How can “right” versus “wrong” responses be determined, as is necessary for the training of these higher systems? Where do we get an adequate database? The consequences of a given response appear only through the activity of the lower-level systems, which the higher-level system supervises. That takes time. The tendency will therefore be to shortcut the training process – at the cost of increasing the probability of errors, or even wildly inappropriate decisions, at the upper levels of the hierarchy.

The reader may have noted the analogy with difficulties and risks involved in any hierarchically-organized form of human activity – from a single enterprise to the leadership structure of an entire nation. These issues obviously predate artificial intelligence by thousands of years. Today, many argue that AI systems will perform better than humans in managing enterprises, economies – maybe even society as a whole.

There is no doubt that AI systems do indeed perform better than humans in many specific contexts. Also, AI is constantly improving. But where is the ongoing process of extending and integrating AI systems taking us – particularly when it leads to ever more powerful and comprehensive capabilities for shaping human thinking and behavior?

In human history, attempts to fully optimize a society in the form of a supersystem operating under strict criteria have generally led to disaster.  Sustainable societies have always been characterized by significant leeway provided for independent decision-making, of the kind that tends to run counter to adopted criteria for optimization of the system. Ironically, providing such degrees of freedom produces by far the most optimal results.      

In line with the open letter cited above, most experts in the field of artificial intelligence would agree that AI applications should always occur under some sort of human supervision. More generally, the development and application of AI must be governed by human wisdom – however one might define that.

Here I have attempted to argue that the proliferation of deep-learning-based AI into more and more domains of human activity and the tendency to integrate such systems into ever larger hierarchical systems together pose an enormous risk to society.

Indeed, the question should be pondered: In case such a supersystem goes awry, threatening catastrophic consequences, who or what will intervene to prevent it?

In Stanley Kubrick’s famous science fiction film “2001: A Space Odyssey,” the surviving astronaut intervenes at the last moment to turn the AI system off. But would the astronaut have done that if the AI system had previously conditioned him psychologically not to do so?

I do not think it makes sense to try to restrict the development of AI itself. That would be harmful and counterproductive. But wisdom dictates that the dangers arising from the rapid proliferation of AI systems into virtually every sphere of human activity be reined in by appropriate regulation and human supervision. That applies especially to the emergence of AI supersystems of the sort I have discussed here.   

Mathematician and linguist Jonathan Tennenbaum is a former editor of FUSION magazine. He lives in Berlin and travels frequently to Asia and elsewhere, consulting on economics, science and technology.

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Grand state reception rejigged for May 4

The Samosorn Sannibat Ceremony, or the grand state reception, is set to be held on May 4 to celebrate Coronation Day, according to an announcement by the Cabinet Secretariat.

The announcement, signed on April 21 by cabinet secretary-general Natjaree Ananthasilp, also provided the timeline for all of the royal ceremonies associated with this year’s Coronation Day.

“The cabinet will hold the Samosorn Sannibat Ceremony on May 4 at the Santi Maitri building at Government House,” said government spokesman Anucha Burapachaisri.

Privy Council members, former prime ministers, the president and vice president of a constitutional organisation, heads of government agencies, constitutional members, cabinet members, the governor of Bangkok, the president of the Bangkok Council, ambassadors in Thailand, heads of major public organisations, and other major political figures were invited to the reception, he said.

The ceremony will be televised via the Television Pool of Thailand and Radio of Thailand on the same day, said Mr Anucha.

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Pheu Thai opens poll fraud centre

The Pheu Thai Party opened its Election Fraud Protection Centre yesterday, with Pol Maj Gen Surasit Sangkhaphong — the former governor of the Government Lottery Office — as its leader.

The head of the party’s legal team, Chusak Sirinil, yesterday said the centre’s main missions would be fraud protection, the inspection of the Election Commission (EC), and the inspection of authorities and the public sector.

Pol Maj Gen Surasit said the centre has come up with methods that allow their members to report election irregularities in real-time through an official Line account.

Prasert Chantararuangthong, the party’s secretary-general, in his capacity as head of its Election Operation Centre, said the party had expected the EC to conduct the election in the most transparent way possible.

However, Mr Prasert said the EC’s errors so far during preparations for the election, such as an error made while sending ballots to voters abroad, and mismatched pamphlet publications, have kept surfacing, affecting voters’ awarenes of the election.

To help combat fraud, Mr Prasert suggested every party send their inspectors to the election booths to scrutinise the advance election on May 7.

He said the party also sent the complaints directly to the EC. They mainly focused on seven questions regarding election-related irregularities.

Those seven questions centred on ballot management, including the number of published ballots, where to store them, and how they will be spread, as well as the party’s requirement of inspectors from elected political parties.

Regarding the party’s notice on irregularities, he said Pheu Thai is questioning the EC’s management of seven million spare ballots, including how it will manage and track them.

In the meantime, the EC has invited 2,113 media representatives to check its guidelines for reporting on fraud, for the sake of transparency.

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