Move Forward MP apologises for restaurant fight

Bangkok representative says he was protecting a woman who was being harassed

Move Forward MP apologises for restaurant fight
Move Forward MP Chorayuth Chaturapornprasit (white shirt and black waistcoat) is seen being restrained during an altercation at a restaurant in the Ekamai area of Bangkok on Friday night. (Screengrab)

A Move Forward Party (MFP) MP has accepted blame following a physical altercation at a Bangkok restaurant on Friday night, but says he was defending a woman who was being harassed.

Video widely viewed on social media showed Chorayuth “Tonkla” Chaturapornprasit engaging in a confrontation with another man at the eatery in the Ekamai area.

The MP for Bang Kholaem-Yannawa MP is seen stepping in to intervene as the man began to harass a woman. The harasser had invaded her personal space and even placed his hand around her neck.

Mr Chorayuth can be seen brushing the man’s arm away from the woman, speaking to him and then being struck by him before the situation escalated.

Move Forward spokesman Karoonpon Tieansuwan said on Saturday that the other man had previously harassed Mr Chorayuth’s friends and had slapped another person in the face before turning his attention to the MP.

Mr Karoonpon said the man slipped and fell on his own during the subsequent altercation, and was already targeting Mr Chorayuth’s group before their bodyguards and restaurant staff intervened.

Both parties involved have agreed not to pursue further action.

Mr Chorayuth said in a post on X (formerly Twitter) that he would accept any blame and apologised to the public. Nonetheless, the MP insisted that he was merely protecting the woman seen in the video and did not initiate the fight.

While regretting his use of violence and calling the incident an important life lesson, the MP said some news outlets had covered the story without contacting him, presenting a misleading version of the incident.

He thanked those outlets that had taken his statement and asked those that had not yet done so to contact him for clarification.

Move Forward MP Chorayuth “Tonkla” Chaturapornprasit said the Friday incident was an important life lesson for him. (Photo: Facebook)

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Japan to convert cargo planes into missile carriers

Japan plans to turn transport aircraft into ad-hoc missile carriers operating from austere and remote airstrips and using a system with significant tactical, operational and strategic implications for conventional and nuclear deterrence vis-à-vis China and North Korea.

The Warzone reported this month that the Japanese Ministry of Defense (MOD) is looking to arm its Kawasaki C-2 transport jets with air-launched missiles to potentially attack enemy bases including missile launch sites in counterstrike operations.

Although the report did not indicate the type of missiles that may be deployed to its C-2 jets, of which it has 13 in active service, it did mention that the MOD seeks to use missiles that are dropped before their engine starts. That, the report said, would not require significant modifications to Japan’s existing aircraft.

The Warzone report notes that the US is developing related technology known as the Rapid Dragon air-launched palletized munition concept, which was first tested in 2021. The report says that Japan may use Rapid Dragon or a similar domestically-developed system aboard its C-130 cargo planes, of which it has 14 units.

Japan may have multiple payload options for a domestically-made palletized munition system. Asia Times reported in June 2023 that Japan is developing an “island defense anti-ship missile” featuring modular warheads and a stealthy turbofan-powered design with a purported 2,000-kilometer range. The missile may contain land attack, electronic warfare (EW) and reconnaissance warheads.

Concept art of a C-17 deploying Rapid Dragon palletized munitions. Image: National Defense Magazine / Facebook Screengrab

Firing multiple types of missiles from a palletized munition can significantly improve accuracy. Reconnaissance missiles equipped with a high-resolution camera can spot the enemy, follow up with an EW missile to eliminate enemy radar and other sensors, and then deliver a missile with a high-explosive warhead for a lethal strike.

AIN says that palletized munition systems can solve the platform compatibility, availability and capacity issues of air-launched cruise missiles, such as the AGM-158 Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM), which were designed to be fired from fighters or bombers.

AIN also notes that most Western fighter designs are limited to two JASSM missiles, which may be sufficient for the US as it operates several bombers but may be an issue for its allies with none.

AIN also notes that Rapid Dragon enables the US to conduct long-range strikes without fighters or bombers. It describes the system as a palletized munition with 6 JASSMs for C-130s or 9 JASSMs for the C-17.

It also states that Rapid Dragon is designed for roll-on roll-off for rapid fielding, requiring no modifications to the launch aircraft since targeting data is programmed into the individual missiles using a laptop.

In deploying Rapid Dragon, AIN notes that a target is selected, a strike request is made and routing and retargeting coordinates are confirmed or updated. Operators follow standard airdrop procedures once the launching package deploys, with the multiple JASSMs stabilized under the parachute and systematically released to fly to the target.

AIN says that Rapid Dragon allows air forces to saturate an area with multiple weapons and effects, complicate adversary targeting solutions, help open access for critical target prosecution and deplete an adversary’s air defense munitions stockpile.

It also notes that palletized munitions can be an area-denial weapon and enable new concepts of operations, making it a key asset for US allies when aircraft availability may be limited.

However, basing issues may hobble the deployment of palletized munitions systems. In a December 2022 article for Insider, Christopher Woods notes that expanding the number of planes and bases involved in long-range strikes brings logistical challenges, especially in the vast Pacific where bases are scarce and often rudimentary.

Woods argues that these logistical issues will adversely affect the deployment of palletized munitions. He says, in particular, that weapons storage would be a significant concern, noting that how palletized munitions are stored would inevitably affect how effectively they can be used.

In a November 2019 article for Air & Space Forces Magazine, Rachel Cohen says that there would be high demand for cargo aircraft in their primary roles during a major regional conflict, stating that it wouldn’t make sense to allocate them for strikes instead of using them to deploy forces into areas of operation. It would also be difficult and costly to modify commercial-derivative aircraft to carry and safely eject many weapons, she says.

George Moore notes in an August 2023 article for the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists that Rapid Dragon can also be developed into a nuclear delivery system, including for the nuclear-capable AGM-86 Air Launched Cruise Missile (ALCM). That, he argues, could potentially turn every cargo aircraft into a nuclear weapons delivery system.

A right side view of an AGM-86 air launched cruise missile (ALCM) in flight. Image: Wikipedia

Moore notes that there is no plausible way to negotiate limitations on cargo aircraft with rear ramps that could deliver nuclear weapons. He notes that a palletized munition nuclear delivery system would require little or no training for pilots, which may prove to be superior to NATO’s nuclear-sharing model of pre-positioned nuclear weapons.

Moore also notes the challenges posed by a palletized munition nuclear delivery system to survival and deterrence concepts, noting that an aggressor may find it challenging to locate enough of the weapons and launch vehicles to ensure the success of a first strike.

He says that while the detection of cargo aircraft may be easier than combat aircraft, the former may be challenging to detect and engage if they fly at very low altitudes.

Moore also notes that US adversaries may come up with their own palletized munitions, forcing a total rethink of US concepts for using conventional deterrence and posing the question of how a US carrier battlegroup would respond to threats much further from an enemy’s shore.

He also mentions that cargo aircraft have far longer ranges than many combat aircraft fielded by US near-peer adversaries, which could expand the threat envelope posed by a hostile state.

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Regulatory squeeze to kill a third of China’s hedge funds

One-third of all Chinese hedge funds likely face liquidation next month when new minimum net asset values come into force. The measures mark Beijing’s latest regulatory squeeze on a key, fast-growing industry.

Hedge funds must maintain a net asset value of at least 10 million yuan (US$1.2 million) for 60 consecutive trading days or face liquidation, according to the Regulations on the Supervision and Administration of Private Equity Investment Funds.

The new minimum capital requirements were unveiled by the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) and Ministry of Justice on July 9 and will take effect on September 1. The new regulations will cap leverage levels at 200% and the size of investments hedge funds can make in single securities at 25% of total assets under management.

Beijing seeks to weed out the smaller and often less professional players responsible for extreme volatility in a sector that has grown sevenfold over the last decade.

Around 93,000 hedge funds valued at 5.6 trillion yuan were in operation across China at the end of 2022, according to the Asset Management Association of China (AMAC), a self-regulatory fund management industry group.

Shanghai Suntime Information Technology Co, a financial data provider, says that nearly 35,000 products, or 37% of the total hedge fund industry, have less than 5 million yuan of assets under management.

The new regulations will also require hedge fund managers to maintain at least 10 million yuan of paid-in capital. Analysts estimate that thousands of hedge funds will have to be shut down within this year, resulting in a “historic” shake-up of the massive industry.

New Premier Li Qiang toughened industry curbs in July by approving a broad regulation on private funds that raised penalties for violations. The first State Council-level legislation on the industry will allow for criminal investigations into alleged irregularities including insider trading and can invalidate contracts that breach rules, news reports said.

Li Qiang is driving tighter regulation of the hedge fund industry. Image: Screengrab / NDTV

On December 30 last year, the AMAC issued a consultation draft of the Measures for Registration and Filing of Private Investment Funds requiring hedge fund firms to have at least 10 million yuan of assets. In January this year, a total of 1,564 private equity firms were de-registered. On February 24, the AMAC officially launched the measures, which took effect on May 1.

As of mid-July, 1,959 private equity firms had been de-registered this year, compared with the dissolution of 2,210 firms for the whole year of 2022. There are about 22,000 private equity firms in China, which are managing more than 15,300 funds worth a total of 21 trillion yuan.

Zhou Chenghan, a solicitor at Beijing Zhongwen Lawyer Office, said the measures that took effect on May 1 are “self-regulatory” rules for the fund management sector while those that will take effect on September 1 are CSRC regulations. 

The China Securities Journal said the new rules will act to remove “fake” private equity firms and shell companies from Chinese markets.

Big to get bigger

Zhou Yiqin, president of GuanShao Information Consulting Center, a financial regulations specialist, told Bloomberg that small hedge funds in China are facing growing compliance pressures while a large number of them will exit the markets. 

The same Bloomberg report said smaller funds often outperform the larger ones as they deploy high levels of leverage and experience extreme volatility. It said larger firms such as Perseverance Asset Management and Bridgewater Associates LP are set to benefit from the new regulations, which will drive out smaller players from the market. 

China’s hedge fund sector is much more concentrated than the US industry. The AMAC said in a report in 2021 that the largest 500 hedge funds managed about 57% of industry assets in the US while the top 500 firms held about 84% of assets in China.

Jiao Jinhong, chief lawyer of the CSRC, said the regulator had spent a decade working to improve its rules, which aim to standardize private equity investment activities and improve supervision.

He said the new rules will cover different activities from fund-raising to liquidations, support the healthy development of venture capital funds and effectively consolidate the legal foundation of private equity investment funds.

“The new rules will definitely benefit private equity investment funds and the overall asset management industry’s high-quality development,” Jiao said.

He added that the CSRC already reformed the stock listing system earlier this year and that it is high time to improve Chinese capital markets from the investor-side, which refers to hedge funds and their managers.

“Asset management products are one of the main sources of medium and long-term funds in the capital market,” he said. “Strengthening the market supervision and guiding fund managers to earnestly fulfill their obligations are the only way to achieve high-quality development of the asset management industry.”

Read: Country Garden’s cash crunch worries homebuyers

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at @jeffpao3

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Foreign nationals arrested at drug party in Bangkok

Foreign nationals arrested at drug party in Bangkok
Police find nine foreign nationals from Malaysia, China, Vietnam and Myanmar inside a house in Bangkok’s Saphan Sung district where a drug party is being held. (Capture from a video clip posed on Jung Jing Facebook)

Police conducted a raid on a luxury house in Saphan Sung district of Bangkok on Friday, resulting in the arrest of nine foreign nationals.

Pol Col Siwat Sriwichai, chief of Bang Chan police, led a team of officers to search the house at Life Bangkok Boulevard housing estate in Thab Chang area on Friday afternoon.

During the operation, the team found seven men and two women, all foreign nationals, inside the house, where a drug party was taking place. The suspects were two Malaysian men, five Chinese (three men and two women), one Vietnamese man and a man from Myanmar.

Seized from the house were a quantity of ketamine in a fruit tray, 24 tablets of the so-called “five-five” drugs also known as Erimin 5, a pistol loaded with eight rounds of ammunition, said police. 

The suspects were charged with colluding in having Category 2 drugs and a weapon and ammunition in their possession.

The raid came after police radio centre 191 received a complaint from residents at the housing estate that parties with loud music were often held at this house. 

All nine individuals were taken to Bang Chan police station for legal action.

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Presidential hopeful Tan Kin Lian says he has submitted his election deposit

At the launch of his bid for the presidency on Friday, Mr Tan said it is important that Singaporeans have a chance to vote for an independent candidate. He said he believes he will be the only candidate from “outside the establishment”.

Mr Tan added that while fellow presidential hopeful George Goh is an “independent person”, he is not certain Mr Goh will meet the eligibility criteria.

On Saturday, Mr Tan reiterated that he is independent despite his past links to the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

He was a member of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) from the 1970s to 2008, but did not hold public office. He served as branch secretary at Marine Parade from 1976 to 1979, then became chairman of the Marine Parade Community Centre.

He said the support for the PAP was “overwhelming” in the years when he was a member, citing an example of how residents, not “business tycoons”, donated to build a community centre.

“That was the PAP of the old days, and I was proud to be associated with them,” he said. But now, Mr Tan said the PAP is “leaning towards the elite and leaving behind the ordinary people”.

“Already 15 years have passed, so I don’t think I can be considered establishment now

“Furthermore, I’ve been quite outspoken on social media … most people would know that I’m independent,” he said.

Analysts have said Mr Tan may not automatically qualify to stand in the election this year because eligibility criteria have changed since 2011.

Private sector candidates must have served as chief executive of a company with shareholders’ equity of S$500 million (US$370 million) or more for at least three years. 

NTUC Income had net assets of around S$1.17 billion in 2006, the last full year that Mr Tan served as CEO. But analysts said NTUC Income is a cooperative and not a “company” within the meaning of the relevant Article in the Constitution. 

The PEC can still give its approval if it decides that Mr Tan has the experience and ability comparable to a chief executive of a company with shareholders’ equity of S$500 million or more.

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Solving the green energy riddle

In 1987, the Nobel laureate economist Robert Solow famously observed, “You can see the computer age everywhere but in the productivity statistics.” The phenomenon that became known as the Solow paradox referred to the slowdown in productivity growth during the 1970s and ’80s despite the rapid development in technology during the same period.

A similar paradox might describe the green energy transition. Amid an explosion in wind turbines and solar panels, the global share of coal, the dirtiest fossil fuel, has barely moved since the early 1980s, as growth in China and India has offset reductions in Europe and the United States. Meanwhile, the proportion of hydroelectricity has been flat over that period, while nuclear rose but recently fell because of Germany’s phase-out.

Dig deeper into the details, however, and there are signs that the renewables riddle can be solved. Oil has lost significant ground while gas, the cleanest fossil fuel, has gained. So-called “modern” renewables – solar, wind, and geothermal – have also picked up dramatically, going from 1% of all global energy production in 2007 to 7% in 2021. And last year, wind and solar produced 12% of global electricity. 

While fossil fuels remain 82% of the world’s energy mix, there is progress in bringing this down. What we need now is to accelerate the transition.

The money

How this will be accomplished is a matter of science, policy and, above all, money.

BP’s most conservative transition scenario, based on current technology, estimates that solar and wind output will rise from 2,100 terawatt-hours in 2019 to 6,890TWh in 2030. By contrast, the scenarios for reaching net-zero carbon by 2050 from both BP and the International Energy Agency (IEA) have the 2030 figure at just over 12,000TWh.

That’s the difference between scaling up renewables by a factor of three versus a factor of six. Put another way, the conservative scenario adds more than the entire electricity generation of the US, while net-zero scenarios gain by the equivalent output of China plus India.

In the right locations, solar and wind are the cheapest sources of new electricity. This has been achieved by some moderate improvements in technology, but mostly by scaling up manufacturing and experience, and by reducing capital costs, as investors have grown comfortable with these low-risk projects.

Solar power in the best locations in the Middle East, North Africa or South America cost about 12 US cents per kilowatt-hour in 2012, but bids by 2021 came in at just over 1 cent.

Costs for offshore wind have also dropped dramatically in recent years, and subsidy-free wind farms have been awarded in Europe, with companies such as Denmark’s former oil and gas company Ørsted and Norway’s state petroleum firm Equinor in the lead. Wind is even progressing in the US and East Asia, with costs around 7.5 cents per kilowatt-hour predicted to fall to 5.3 cents by 2035.

By comparison, at current prices, generation from gas costs some 3 to 4 cents per kilowatt-hour in the US and Middle East, and 13 cents in Europe and East Asia. The inclusion of a carbon price at Europe’s current level of around $100 per ton would add an additional 3.5 cents to these figures, making wind and especially solar clearly superior. Nuclear is low-carbon but more costly.

Challenges: trade and materials

With such attractive characteristics, what’s holding back a more rapid renewable revolution?

There are broadly eight sets of challenges, applying on different timescales and in different places. These are trade, materials, land, the grid, intermittency, end-use, policy, and society. 

Supply-chain bottlenecks and rising interest rates have temporarily interrupted the trend of cost reductions, but these will likely resume. Yet grit in the wheels of the global trade engine will remain, at least in the short-term.

Europe, the US and China are engaged in a subsidy race to spur domestic manufacturing and control key future energy technologies.

Tariffs, “buy-local” provisions, onshoring inducements, and concerns over human rights and the environment, however worthy, complicate the China-dominated renewable industry, which has been so successful at driving down costs.  

China makes as much as 95% of key solar module components, about 75% of lithium-ion battery parts, and more than half of wind turbine nacelles (the cabins that connect the blades to the tower and house the generator and gears).

The United States’ massive Inflation Reduction Act throws down the gauntlet to Beijing, but also to Brussels. Smaller markets, such as India and the UK, have their own aspirations but risk being caught between the giants. A trans-Atlantic green trade war would raise costs all around, while subsidies risk locking in uncompetitive industries.

China and, to a lesser extent, Russia and a few African and Latin American countries also dominate the supply chain for basic raw materials used in renewable energy, batteries, hydrogen electrolyzers, and electric vehicles – notably rare-earth minerals, lithium, cobalt, nickel, copper, platinum-group metals, graphite, and polysilicon.

China doesn’t monopolize the mining of rare earths as it once did, but it remains the leader in their processing, and similarly for copper, lithium and polysilicon. It has extensive international investments, too.

While there’s no shortage of most of these minerals in the ground, there are constraints on how fast extraction and processing can be increased.

Resource nationalism in Latin America and Indonesia favors domestic ownership and processing. Political insecurity and troubling labor conditions in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the main source of cobalt, and strikes and electricity shortages in platinum-mining South Africa, are further problems.

As the US, the European Union, the UK and their allies seek to increase critical mineral mining and processing, environmental opposition makes it difficult to approve additional extraction. Mining for copper and gold in Minnesota and Alaska, and lithium in Serbia, has been torpedoed in recent years.

Recycling is only of limited help, given that most renewable systems today are new and must scale up multiple times, requiring a large input of primary materials.

Some of these limitations can be designed around – novel electrolyzers avoid precious metals, wind-turbine and electric-vehicle motors can do without rare earths, copper can be substituted with aluminum, and new batteries need less nickel or cobalt. But these choices all involve some friction, higher costs, or performance trade-offs.

Challenges: land, grid, intermittency, and end-use

One requirement that can’t be designed away is land. An oil or gas field, or a coal or nuclear power plant, has a relatively small footprint for the energy it generates. Wind, solar, or growing crops for biomass require much larger areas.

For the EU, India, Japan and South Korea, a predominantly solar-based system could eat up 5% of total land area by 2050. In Germany, only about 9% of the country is technically feasible and available for wind power.

Offshore wind, particularly in constricted marine locations such as the North Sea, the northeastern US, or Singapore, competes with naval grounds, sensitive marine ecosystems, historic and tourist locations, views, fishing grounds, shipping lanes, and so on.

Even acceptable sites may face lengthy permit delays and legal battles, as in the Cape Wind project off Cape Cod, Massachusetts, which applied for a permit in 2001, was initially approved in 2005, but finally abandoned in 2017 after opposition from well-heeled and prominent residents and local property owners, such as former US senator Ted Kennedy, Governor Mitt Romney, and current US climate envoy John Kerry.

Land barriers are not insuperable, but they aren’t negligible either. 

A related issue is that of grid connections. Wind, solar, and hydroelectric dams are often built in remote locations and need long-distance transmission lines to take their electricity to consumers.

In the US, 2,000 gigawatts are estimated to be waiting for a grid connection. Renewable developers in the UK have about 176GW in the queue – more than twice the existing capacity from all sources – with some being told they may have to wait until 2036.

Building transmission lines to take power from windy northern Germany to the industrialized south has also been held up.

The grid is particularly important because of another characteristic of wind and solar power: intermittency. Anti-renewable advocates are fond of reminding us that “wind doesn’t always blow, and the sun doesn’t always shine,” as if energy specialists didn’t notice. For now, the quantities of wind and solar power are relatively small in most places, and can be balanced by “dispatchable” gas, coal, biomass, or nuclear power.

Solar output regularly exceeds total midday demand in areas such as California and South Australia, only to fade out in the evening when demand goes up. Batteries are being deployed on a growing scale, but current batteries are poorly suited to seasonal storage – for instance, saving large quantities of surplus power from summer for a cold, dark, windless northern European winter.

In the net-zero scenarios of the IEA or BP, wind and solar would make up 38% of electricity generation by 2030 and 68% by 2050. Such a system would require all options to function daily and year-around.

It would also need geographic diversity of resources connected by long-distance cables, such as the Xlinks project, which will bring 3.6GW of solar and wind from Morocco to the UK via a subsea interconnection.

Other low-carbon resources include gas or coal with carbon capture and storage; nuclear fission; hydroelectric dams; and geothermal. Then there are the less developed or more futuristic options, such as tidal, wave, current, and ocean thermal generation; nuclear fusion; or space-based solar power.

Medium-term storage can use new battery types, such as iron-based flow batteries, or thermal storage (making ice to store cold energy, or heating salts or other materials, as concentrated solar power plants do).

Long-term storage can rely on hydrogen or its derivatives such as ammonia, methanol, or synthetic methane. Hydrogen also helps with bringing renewable electricity into other end-uses: the provision of high-temperature heat for industry, “e-fuels” for long-distance transport, and chemical feedstocks. 

The solutions: policy and society

Perhaps the two most intractable challenges remain in policy and society. Today’s renewable transition is unevenly distributed. The Netherlands, a small and not very sunny country, generates more non-hydro renewable power than the whole of sub-Saharan Africa. But this must change dramatically by mid-century, when most population and economic growth occurs outside Europe.

BP’s net-zero scenario sees Asia-Pacific as having almost half the world’s renewables by then, while Africa, the Middle East and South America collectively move to twice Europe’s level.

To get there, government policies will need to move away from over-rewarding pet projects in favor of cost-effective renewables. The investor community must also stop penalizing proposals in developing economies.

On the social side, vested interests, legacy industries, railways, political parties, and labor unions often oppose renewables, particularly in the case of coal-dependent regions.

South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Partnership, backed by the EU, the UK and the US, was intended to help the country move away from coal. But its Energy Minister Gwede Mantashe, a former miner and self-proclaimed “coal fundamentalist,” is also a key supporter of President Cyril Ramaphosa, and not so keen on the plan.

Renewable energy has the wind in its sails. Technology, economics, security concerns, and climate policy strongly support its progress. But the realities of delivering such an enormous transformation are too often underestimated or glossed over.

This is not an argument against renewables, but it demands a strong response to identify and remove barriers as quickly as possible. With careful planning and leadership, the clean energy riddle can be solved, and the renewables revolution can spread beyond California and Copenhagen to Kolkata, Congo and Cape Town. 

Follow Robin Mills on Twitter @robinenergy.

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False alarm behind Biden’s tech war emergency

US President Joe Biden has officially determined that the rapid advance of China’s semiconductor, microelectronic, quantum computing and artificial intelligence technologies constitutes “an unusual and extraordinary threat” to US national security.

Declaring a “national emergency,” the president has ordered new procedures to restrict US outbound investments that could exacerbate the supposed threat.

But while the wording of the White House statement is severe, the policy measures it outlines are neither new nor particularly extreme in the context of the administration’s escalating tech war on China.

Although US venture capitalists seem to be the primary target of the forthcoming restrictions, the Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) quickly released a statement on the matter:

“The semiconductor industry recognizes the need to protect national security, and we believe ensuring a strong and globally competitive US semiconductor industry is a vital part of achieving that goal.

We are assessing today’s proposal and welcome the opportunity to provide feedback as part of the public comment period. We hope the final rules allow US chip firms to compete on a level-playing field and access key global markets, including China, to promote the long-term strength of the US semiconductor industry and our ability to out-innovate global competitors.”

On August 9, the White House issued an “Executive Order on Addressing United States Investments in Certain National Security Technologies and Products in Countries of Concern.”

The executive order states that “countries of concern are engaged in comprehensive, long-term strategies that direct, facilitate, or otherwise support advancements in sensitive technologies and products that are critical to such countries’ military, intelligence, surveillance, or cyber-enabled capabilities.”

China’s semiconductor industry is among those targeted by the executive order’s new investment curbs. Image: Twitter

It goes on to say that these advancements “will accelerate the development of advanced computational capabilities that will enable new applications that pose significant national security risks, such as the development of more sophisticated weapons systems, breaking of cryptographic codes, and other applications that could provide these countries with military advantages.”

The “countries of concern,” which are listed in an annex, are the People’s Republic of China, the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong and the Special Administrative Region of Macau.

These “countries of concern are exploiting or have the ability to exploit certain United States outbound investments, including certain intangible benefits that often accompany United States investments and that help companies succeed, such as enhanced standing and prominence, managerial assistance, investment and talent networks, market access, and enhanced access to additional financing.”

President Biden has therefore ordered the Secretary of the Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of Commerce and the heads of other relevant government agencies, to issue regulations that identify transactions fitting this description, require notification of such transactions, and prohibit transactions determined to “pose a particularly acute national security threat because of their potential to significantly advance the military, intelligence, surveillance, or cyber-enabled capabilities of countries of concern.”

According to the US Congress-funded Voice of America (VOA), the Biden administration “has been working on

the executive order at least since August 2022… Last October, the White House stated it was moving ahead with the program, mentioning ‘screening of outbound investment’ as an approach to address national security threats under its National Security Strategy.”

Biden has declared a national emergency, but this is a longer-term policy concern dating back to president Donald Trump. It may be regarded as a ratcheting up of diplomatic and economic pressure on China or a way of countering rising Republican allegations that Biden is weak on China.

In June, Sequoia Capital, the venerable Silicon Valley venture capital firm, announced plans to deal with the potential risk to its business by spinning off its operations in China, a process that should be completed by the end of March 2024. In fact, all US investors received advanced warning of the soon-to-be-imposed restrictions.

The measures appear to be a double-edged sword. In May, Patrick McHenry, chairman of the US House of Representatives Committee on Financial Services, sent Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen a letter saying:

“US venture capital firms typically acquire control, substantive decision-making rights, board seats, or material nonpublic technical information when they invest. As your colleagues in the Office of Investment Security know, these represent potential national security risks to the target country – in this case, China. It is inexplicable that the administration hopes to rescue China from these risks before Beijing can.”

The semiconductor industry’s concerns were put much more directly by Intel CEO Pat Gelsinger at the Aspen Security Forum in July.

“Right now, China represents 25% to 30% of semiconductor exports. Right, if I have 25% to 30% less market, I need to build less factories, right? You know, we believe you want to maximize our exports to the world. We want to maximize selling fish, not fishing rods, right, across the world, including China,” Gelsinger said.

Intel CEO Patrick Gelsinger isn’t a big fan of Biden’s tech war restrictions. Image: Twitter

“You can’t walk away from 25% to 30% and the fastest growing market in the world and expect that you remain funding the R&D and the manufacturing cycle… this is strategic to our future, we have to keep funding the R&D, right, the manufacturing, etc.

“We agree on the priority of national security, but, as (National Security Advisor) Jake Sullivan said, high walls, small garden. Today, we have over 1,000 companies on the entities list, many of which have nothing to do with national security… and nothing to do with security concerns in China.”

What Sullivan actually said was “…we are protecting our foundational technologies with a small yard and high fence.” But the yard is getting bigger, new fences are being built and US business and government clearly do not see eye to eye.

Some compromise may be reached during the period for public comment, but at this point it appears that the advance of Chinese technology will henceforth take place with less US participation and, therefore, less US understanding of what is happening in China.

Follow this writer on Twitter: @ScottFo83517667

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