The demise of Iran’s leader, Ebrahim Raisi, in a plane crash in May plunged Iran into political uncertainty. Within the Islamic Republic, after Raisi’s suicide, there has been a fierce power struggle.
Iran’s law requires that a new president may be chosen within 50 times of Raisi’s dying. Consequently, voting for the election of a fresh leader will start on June 28. On June 3, a list of potential applicants who registered over the past few weeks was made available. As expected, it is dominated by radical conservatives.
The cause of this dates up a long time. In 2020, Iran’s strong Guardian Council carried out a purge of political candidates. No fewer than 90 liberal candidates were prohibited from running in the presidential primaries of 2021. Thus, the political discourse is now dominated by ultra-conservative tones.
Before releasing the final roster of presidential hopefuls on June 11, the Guardian Council did then screen applicants over the course of the following year. While the temporary listing is dominated by republicans, it is possible that some “moderate” candidates may be allowed to work. However, this is more to promote a higher voter turnout for a political process that the majority of voters do not believe to be reputable.
The stakes are high. Before his political career, Raisi was considered a feasible leader for the aging high leader, Ali Khamenei. A new political fraternity of liberals and secularists is now vying for the presidency. This is now regarded as a stepping stone to help politicians adjust themselves for the highest leader’s election as the final confrontation.
A new spin on an old story about secularists battling secularists for political power in Iran is being added. Although factionalism is not a new phenomenon in Iran, these internal conflicts have usually been caused by conflict between reformists and hardliners.
Hardliners tended to have the support of the country’s all-important autocratic administrative power base for many years, yet when reformers were in charge of the executive and government. They continued to have a significant influence even after the presidency of modest Hassan Rouhani.
They are now turning each other on.
Hardliners ‘ Energy Challenge
The Paydari Front ( also known as the Steadfast or Endurance Front ), one of the most prominent hardline conservative organizations in a position fight is one of its most prominent members. This organization has gained a lot of ground in both the government and parliament during Raisi’s president.
It is well-known for its ultra-conservative policy opportunities, and it has played a significant role in shaping Iran’s domestic and international procedures in recent years. However, it is in stark opposition to another conservative groups that are emerging to challenge its hegemony.
Popular among those are the party led by the speech of Iran’s congress, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf. Ghalibaf, who leads a class known as the Coalition Council of Revolutionary Forces, has put his name forward for the administration half, in 2017 and 2021, before withdrawing.
He announced his candidacy for another round of the president on May 28th, just a few days after being reinstated as speech on May 28. He continues to be near to Khamenei despite the negative image that Ghalibaf and his family have of corruption and bribery.
These groups represent diverse conservative groups within the program, each with its own plan and future vision. They are eager to fight in public because of their wealth and the potential for monetary gain. One of the ways they disparage one another is by using social media to spread problem allegations.
The conflicts are getting more and more obvious, which is further destabilizing the social environment and aggravateing units within.
Turmoil and fragility
Internal and external difficulties are pressing ahead for the Islamic Republic. After the death of 22-year-old Shiite Egyptian lady, Mahsa Amini, in September 2022, the government is grappling with a serious legitimacy issue, according to the government. This has sparked widespread protests all over the country. This unrest has been exacerbated by financial hardship, causing widespread public anger.
Externally, Iran is facing off against terrible enemies in the region, including Israel and Saudi Arabia. The US and its friends are even putting a lot of pressure on the Islamic Republic with severe punishment.
The Islamic Republic is more dependent on its security organizations, including the Basij militia and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps ( IRGC), than ever. Significant financial and security organizations like the IRGC have a leadership structure made up of hardliners who expressly or indirectly assistance various factions.
As the conflict intensifies, the possibility of a scattered surveillance equipment becomes more possible. These powerful wealthy groups are playing a zero-sum activity to increase their influence and get rid of their rivals, which further increases the instability. This may pose a serious risk to the Islamic Republic’s life.
Delivering a speech to mark the 35th anniversary of the death of Rouhollah Khomenei, who led the revolution in 1979 that founded the Islamic Republic, Khamenei warned against such public infighting, saying:” Slandering, spreading mud will not help progress and will harm the national reputation”, and that” the election scene is a scene of honor and epic” and” not a scene of fighting to gain power”.
The results of these power struggles will determine Iran’s social path as factions compete for placement in a race for supremacy ahead of the upcoming vote. Given the significant role played by the regime in the wider geographical security complex, the implications of these internal issues are great, and they will have an impact beyond Iran’s borders.
Afshin Shahi is Associate Professor ( Senior Lecturer ) in Middle East Politics &, International Relations at Keele University, Keele University
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