JAKARTA- & nbsp, Indonesia’s Constitutional Court has made it possible for Prabowo Subianto, the front-runner in the February 14 presidential vote, to have his 36-year-old boy, Solo Town Mayor Gibran Rakabuming, as his working mate. However, neither has stated whether they will adhere to the court’s ruling and nbsp, to work together.
The highest court in the nation rejected one petition that called for lowering the age of political and vice-presidential candidates from 40 to 35, but it ruled in favor of another that would allow them to run for the same positions regardless of age if they had run in a local election.
Legitimate researchers claim that the court was right to reject three requests to lower the time restriction, claiming that lawmakers in the People’s Consultative Assembly, the highest legislative system of the nation, should give it some thought. & nbsp,
The 5 – 4 decision on the individual request is widely regarded as an effort to maintain Widdo’s dynasty, a phenomenon that has only recently begun to take hold in Indonesia, and to increase his influence beyond the end of his presidency in October of next year, when he is anticipated to resume his role as the head of an influential political party.
Anwar Usman, 66, the general justice of the Constitutional Court, who expressed his private opinions on the matter in an earlier common speech by noting that the Prophet Muhammad appointed a 16-year-old boy as his military commander, did not sit well with many reviewers.
At a conference where Usman was not present, one of the nine judges, Saldi Asra, asserted that the initial decision to drop the situation had been made by the other eight. However, the majority of the chair members changed their minds when Usman was current at a minute session.
The case has sparked enraged censure in polite society, endangering Widoo’s reputation and legacy and leaving the court vulnerable to claims that the decision was made with just one family in mind.
According to an editorial published in The Jakarta Post,” politics operates under the presumption that everyone follows the same game rules and has equal access to all sources.” ” The judge’s decision will put a long shadow over Indian democracy in addition to casting doubt on the legitimacy of the election the following year.”
Prabowo may be able to comprehend the rising tide of hate over the court ruling in addition to being well informed of Widodok’s enduring popularity and the importance of his support. Candidates’ week-long registration period officially kicks off today, October 19( nbsp ).
If Gibran does join Prabowo, it will start a public feud between Widodu and the Struggle, the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party( PDI-P ), of which he continues to hold office. Megawati Sukarnoputri is the party’s leader and has consistently demanded fealty from the president.
Having once been hailed as the” common man president ,” Widobo has evolved into a chilly, calculating politician who is dissatisfied with the way the Covid-19 pandemic robbed him of two years of his ten-year presidency and left his supporters trying in vain to extend his second term.
Goenawan Mohamad, an essayist and former Tempo magazine editor who was once a fervent supporter of Widoo — whom he once called Indonesia’s best president — fears that history is repeating itself.
He draws attention to the fact that, like autocratic tyrant Suharto, Widoo has fallen victim to an obsession to praise and idolatry. ” He no longer can get criticized, and he does not heed wise counsel, such as to delay the construction of a new federal capital.”
And finally, as I have gradually learned, President Jokowi ( Widoho’s nickname ) & nbsp is doing what Suharto did: treating his children with special consideration.
possibly with a minor distinction. While Suharto’s children, the former dictator & nbsp, amassed wealth through lucrative contracts, Widdo is thought to be creating a political dynasty in the Philippine style in which he will continue to have an active behind-the-scenes influence.
Past Central Java government Ganjar Pranowo, a candidate for president of the PDI-P, is now actually paired with political coordinating secretary Mohammad Mahfud Mahmodin. The move will also probably cause open conflict between Widdo and Megawati.
The smallest Indonesian Solidarity Party( PSI ), one of the petitioners in the Constitutional Court, which will contest the February’s simultaneous legislative election, was led by Widodok ‘ youngest son Kaesaeng Pangarep, 28, days before the court issued its & nbsp decision.
Kaesaeng, a PDI-P official like his father and brother, was the first part of the Widodou family to explicitly defect from the ruling party. In more recent times, & nbsp, the vast volunteer network of Widoho known as Projo, has formally thrown its backing behind Prabowo.
That also leaves the president to take what would be a turning point in Indian politics after months of being on the outside and insisting on staying out of the political culture. & nbsp,
Anies Baswedan, the third-placed opposition candidate, is likely to withdraw from the race in the first round of voting, so Prabowo has a slight advantage over Pranowo in most polls. However, his sizable group of conservative Muslim citizens is expected to lag behind him in July’s next round.
While Prabowo struggles to pick a running mate, PDI-P has beaten its competition by selecting East Java-born Mahfud as its vice-presidential prospect.
Mahfud was actually Widoo’s running mate in 2018, but after his alliance friends rejected him, the leader was forced to switch partners out of concern that he had his own political aspirations.
The leader of his own National Awakening Party( PKB ), Muhaimin Iskander, and Muhammad Romahurmuziy, a senior member of the mass Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama( NU ), which was the most popular vote-getter on Java, the country’s most populous island, were Mahfuds’ two main rivals at the time.
Why then Mahfud then? For starters, the fourth-ranked group has joined Prabowo’s alliance, making his PKB membership useless. Mahfud’s knowledge might be more significant.
In addition to serving as the defence minister in the Abdurarrhman Wahid’s government and a former chief justice of the Constitutional Court, he has also served as Widoho, the second-term president, and frequently astounded onlookers with his revolutionary views.
Pranowo, who recently retired after serving as governor of Central Java for ten years, is a one-time regional senator with little to no experience in the executive branch. In contrast to Widodok, he is known for consistently deferring to Megawati, even when selecting his running mate.
Widodok does not lend itself to a comparable contrast. As president of his Javan town of Solo, the original equipment manufacturer showed an amazing perspective. After, he earned important points during his two years as governor of bustling Jakarta between 2012 and 2014.
Megawati was forced to belatedly step aside for him as the PDI – P’s & nbsp candidate in the 2014 presidential election because of his unmatched popularity, which reached levels of 4,5, 6, and 5, respectively. Since then, the two have disagreed, in large part because Megawati has consistently insisted that she is the group leader’s better.