In January 2024, the Chinese people will immediately cast their ballots for their leader, vice presidential, and politicians. The Democratic Progressive Party ( DPP) and the Kuomintang( KMT ), two major political parties, have historically dominated past elections.
However, new elections have demonstrated rising voting discontent with fragmentation. Ko Wen-je & nbsp, an independent candidate, was elected mayor of Taipei in 2014 and was re-elected in 2018. Ko established the Taiwan People’s Party & nbsp( TPP ) in 2019, which places a strong emphasis on technocracy and transparency.
The TPP was elected as Taiwan’s third-largest gathering in the 2020 congressional election. Ko has a reasonable chance of winning the presidency, and the emergence of new social forces has drastically changed Taiwan’s political landscape and has the potential to influence the results of upcoming elections.
The TPP, a political philosophy that emerged in Taiwan in the late 1990s and was characterized by British sociologist Anthony Giddens & nbsp as” the renewing of social democracy in one world where the views of the old left have become obsolete, while those by the new right are inadequate and contradictory ,” can be seen as Taiwan’s” third way.”
The second way, which emphasizes rational management and welfare reform, calls for a fresh approach to politics that goes beyond conventional left-right distinctions and seeks to get consensus in Taiwan and elsewhere.
However, Ko and the TPP face fierce opponents at the voting booth in the form of the KMT’s Hou Yu – ih and Lai Ching-te, the ruling DPP. Each candidate pledges a unique strategy for & nbsp, cross-strait relations.
The DPP’s Lai has a long history of supporting Taiwanese nationalism and has identified himself as” a rational employee for Taiwan freedom.” & nbsp,
There is no need to formally consider freedom, despite his recent attempts to do so. His public statements and actions on the subject have not allayed American and Chinese problems.
Regarding China, the KMT’s political member is ambiguous. Through the so-called 1992 Consensus, which is understood as” one China with respective interpretations” by & nbsp, both China and Taiwan, the KMT interacts with Beijing. & nbsp,
Under this model, the final KMT leader Ma Ying-jeou met with Taiwanese president Xi Jinping in 2015. However, Hou has continuously refrained from stating a firm position on cross-Strait connections, which has caused cracks in the KMT.
The TPP’s cross-strait policy adopts a” middle path ,” upholding the pragmatic tenet that” promote markets and increase goodwill” in order to advance cross – Strait relationships. & nbsp,
Several times, including at the Taipei-Shanghai twin city forum held while Ko Wen-je was president, he has uttered the word” one household across the Strait.” In order to strengthen the relationship, Ko has also supported four mutual actions: getting to know, respect, and work with one another.
In order to win the most seats, all three individuals have taken confusing stances on China policy, preferring to gauge public opinion first. But according to record, either the DPP or the KMT may probably continue to implement their respective policies if they were to win.
Both outcomes carry some danger. & nbsp,
While the KMT’s pro-China approach does little to defend Taiwanese sovereignty, the approach of the DPP, which strengthens Taiwans democracy, ties with the United States, and self-defense abilities, may increase the likelihood of conflict.
Although the majority of polls and nbsp place Lai in the lead, followed by Ko and Hou, Beijing may retaliate against his forceful pro-independence position.
Ko seems to be the most sensible option for Taiwan’s future senator based on three key indicators: the likelihood of war, economic prospects, and the potential for enhancing cross-Strait relations. He might also be the most palatable to China. The main concern right now is whether the anti-progressive station is unite.
Tech tycoon Terry Gou declared his intention to work independently on August 28, but he still needs to secure roughly 300,000 voter signatures by November 2 in order to do so.
Despite Gou’s assertion that he wants to promote group switching, both domestic and international media analysis concur that Lai will win the election if GOU runs for office.
The results of the upcoming election will affect the world’s condition for the next four to eight years in addition to being a crucial chance for Chinese citizens to choose their future. & nbsp,
Problem over how andnbsp tensions in the Taiwan Strait may have an impact on peace and stability throughout the Indo-Pacific has increased along with political competition. A possible war would break up the chip supply and have an impact on the global economy because Taiwan is the world’s largest chip supplier.
Ko, Lai, and Hou have not yet provided any details on how they might lessen a possible China-China conflict. However, all three candidates assert their capacity to uphold serenity, which they believe to be the main issue of Chinese voters. & nbsp,
All three candidates will work toward the ideal scenario of Taiwan maintaining its current political system while preventing conflict, even though they would certainly approach interactions with China differently.
The re-starting of discourse with China may be necessary in order to achieve this best path.
Wen-Chi Yang is the chairman of the National Chengchi University in Taiwan’s Center for Australian Studies and College of International Affairs. She is a visiting fellow at the Australian National University’s Australian Studies Institute right now.
This andnbsp, post, and was initially published by East Asia Forum and are being reprinted with a Creative Commons license.