The March 22 strike on a packed concert house in Moscow is a blow to Russian President Vladimir Putin with uncertain outcomes for the state and the future of the conflict in Ukraine.
The assault was officially conducted by five people in colour who shot hundreds of people and set the building on fire. Over 115 people are dead and thousands are wounded. As we write, the intruders are still at large.
ISIS- K, a extreme Islamist firm based in Afghanistan, claimed role for the assault. Russia fought ISIS in Syria while supporting the Assad law in Damascus.
As information broke, top Russian leaders, such as former President Dmitry Medvedev, claimed that Ukraine was behind it. Kiev soon denied any involvement.
In the past two months, the US had issued a notice about a possible terrorist assault in crowded areas in big Russian cities. In the city’s strained atmosphere replete with anti- National mood, some Russians see the alert as evidence of the US involvement in the attack.
It is unclear whether this will be an isolated incident or if more criminal problems are to be expected in the coming weeks. Increased security has been enforced in public places and travel, imposing a heavy toll on the industrial people.
Perhaps it is not vital who carried out the assault. The event is a major setback for Putin, coming soon after elections that were commonly believed to have been absolutely skewed.
The attack revealed Russia’s risk to terrorist attacks and underscored the need for comprehensive increased surveillance in its towns. This new emphasis on domestic security may affect war preparations in Ukraine as it may pull resources and attention from the frontline.
Moscow is accumulating over 100, 000 forces for a summer unpleasant to crack through the Russian threats. Defense- industrial production has increased over the past two decades, and Moscow appears more ready for a protracted war of attrition.
It is questionable whether the assault will be a minor diversion in the issue or if terrorist threats may be a major issue on the Soviet home front.
The safety failure is a signal of combat stress in Russia.
In June of last year, Yevgeny Prigozhin, the head of the Wagner soldier group, rebelled and sent troops to move on Moscow in protest against Putin’s do in the battle. In the first year of fighting, Prigozhin’s numerous disputes with the commanders over technique helped keep the troops on call. It is unclear whether muzzling these problems was useful to the conflict efforts.
Despite having a greater source of products and troops, the Russian military has struggled to achieve significant results against Ukraine, leading to a continuous and grinding war of attrition.
So far, big Russian towns have been largely shielded from the battle’s overflow. Men have generally been recruited in remote areas and no urban areas. Greater safety issues and more challenges in Moscow or Petersburg may change all of that.
In two decades, it is the second major loss of Russian intelligence. The first was at the beginning of the war when Putin believed he could get in a couple of weeks.
The following was last year when he failed to see and avoid Prigozhin’s protest. This is even more substantial because the US warned him about it. Putin is an intelligence gentleman, and these losses cast a shadow on his core talents.
China, an important person in Russia’s re- prospering effort, may get cold feet about increased Moscow’s vulnerabilities. China has reportedly increased its machine tool exports to Russia ten- fold in the past two years. The attack and its fallout may lead to a rethink in Beijing.
This essay first appeared on Settimana News and is republished with permission. The original article can be read here.