Turkey’s optimistic maritime projects, including a destroyer, a submarine, and an aircraft carrier, signal a brave bid for both political prestige and naval power.
This month, Naval News reported that the  , Turkish Ministry of Defense announced the resumption of three major naval jobs: the MUGEM plane ship, the TF-2000 battleship and the MILDEN underwater.
Naval News mentions that the steel-cutting rites for MUGEM and TF-2000 were held at the Istanbul Naval Shipyard, while the MILDEN ceremony took place at the Gölcük Naval Shipyard.
In terms of dimensions, Naval News states in a separate October 2024 report that the MUGEM ship features an optimized hull shape for superior ship, balance and flexibility, with a spear layout that reduces energy intake by 1.5 % and improves underwater noise propagation.
MUGEM will have three runways, two for takeoff and one for landing, at the time of the announcement, according to Naval News, without a catapult system. A modular ramp design will be used until a domestic catapult system is developed, according to the report.
For its air wing, the report says the carrier can house up to 50 aircraft, including manned and unmanned systems, with space for 20 aircraft on the deck and 30 in the hangar.
In terms of armament, Naval News says the MUGEM will be armed with a 32-cell MIDLAS Vertical Launch System, four Gökdeniz Close-in Weapon Systems ( CIWS ) and six Aselsan 25-millimeter STOP Remote Weapon Systems.
Naval News says that the MUGEM carrier’s dimensions include a length of 285 meters, a beam of 72 meters, a draft of 10.1 meters, a displacement of 60, 000 tons, a maximum speed of over 25 knots, a cruising speed of 14 knots and a range of 10, 000 nautical miles at cruising speed.
Alongside the MUGEM carrier, Naval News mentions that the TF-2000 destroyer, part of the MILGEM program, will be equipped with a 96-cell vertical launch system and advanced radar systems. This warship may be used as the MUGEM carrier’s escort. Naval News says that the MILDEN submarine, developed by the Turkish Naval Research Center Command, will feature an Air-Independent Propulsion ( AIP ) system, enhancing its stealth and operational endurance.
According to the report, the projects are anticipated to significantly improve Turkey’s maritime defense capabilities.
Turkey was forced to convert its TCG Anadolu landing helicopter dock ( LHD ) into a drone carrier in 2019 after being expelled from the US F-35 program for its controversial purchase of Russian S-400 surface-to-air missiles ( SAM ) despite being a NATO member. The S-400 is incompatible with NATO defense architecture, and Turkey operating the S-400 SAM alongside F-35s could compromise the latter’s stealth features, allowing Russia to detect the aircraft better.
However, drone carriers may be a less-than-ideal solution for Turkey’s capability requirements and great power ambitions.
Fatih Yurtsever claims in a Turkish Minute article from August 2021 that the TCG Anadolu was designed with 8-10 F-35Bs in mind, making that type the only viable aircraft for the ship. According to Yurtsever, it is unrealistic to hope that drones can effectively replace manned aircraft altogether while Turkey is trying to make up for the loss of the F-35Bs by turning the TCG Anadolu into a drone carrier.
He claims that the concept of drone carriers has not been thoroughly tested. He also points out that since drones don’t have air-to-air combat capability yet and have limited survivability against even rudimentary air defenses, they are confined to intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance ( ISR ) operations and small-scale strikes.
Sinan Ciddi further mentions that Turkey has begun discussions with the US to reinstate the F-35 program in an article from September 2024. According to Ciddi, the S-400 issue is the only obstacle to Turkey’s reinstatement and that the US would not accept anything less than the S-400 system’s complete removal from Turkish territory.
Determined to replace the F-35, Turkey, as Asia Times reported in February 2024, had test-flown its domestically built KAAN 4.5-generation fighter, which features 85 % indigenous parts. However, the KAAN still uses two US-made General Electric F110-GE-129 turbofan engines and falls short of being a true 5th-generation fighter like the F-35.
Also, Turkey’s poor economic performance could result in cost overruns for KAAN production. Turkey could spread out production costs over several years, but that could lead to an outdated product on delivery.
But even if the US reinstates Turkey into the F-35B program and gets KAAN production up to speed, the TCG Anadolu’s small air wing can present an offense-defense dilemma. While deploying more aircraft in an attack may make the carrier vulnerable, avoiding one for fleet air defense may reduce the force of the attack.
Yurtsever suggests that Turkey should consider manned-unmanned teaming, wherein F-35Bs can control devoted wingman drones that act as “missile trucks” rather than trying to find out how to control untested and untested solutions like drone carriers. In that network-centric configuration, he mentions that the F-35B could launch the drone’s missiles against land or surface targets, effectively increasing the aircraft’s ammunition capacity while keeping it out of reach from enemy air defenses.  ,
Power projection and prestige appear to be significant components of Turkey’s carrier program. Turkey’s current fleet of F-16s and F-4 fighter jets is insufficient for power projection over the Aegean, Mediterranean, and Black Seas. Turkey also has a significant role in the ongoing conflicts in Libya and Syria and is setting up an extra-regional presence with military installations in Qatar and Somalia.
Turkey would have a floating airbase to cover areas that are beyond the reach of its land-based aircraft by using an aircraft carrier.
Turkey would also be included in the elite group of nations that operate such complex and expensive warships, according to an aircraft carrier. The prestige and symbolism of aircraft carriers align with Turkish President Recep Erdogan’s neo-Ottomanism, which seeks to bolster Turkish influence in regions once under the Ottoman Empire. However, Erdogan’s neo-Ottomanism faces significant challenges, such as increasing authoritarianism and political polarization in Turkey, economic woes, complicated relations with Europe and NATO, and costly military interventions abroad.