The advocate helping children speak for themselves

Children make up a third of the world’s population. One might wonder what would happen if they had self-representation in global politics.

“A society that welcomes the voices of children will certainly be a bit noisier. As if adults weren’t noisy enough,” joked child rights advocate Amihan V. Abueva. “But maybe with some louder noise from the younger ones, we could find more sense and better solutions.” 

From the Philippines, Abueva has been a pioneer in her field for more than three decades. This week marked International Children’s Rights Day on 1 June, which the Southeast Asia Globe commemorated by walking through her pivotal work across the region and world in an extensive interview. 

A key member and former president of the Bangkok-based child protection network ECPAT International, Abueva played a major advocacy role for stopping child prostitution in the global sex tourism of Southeast Asia. 

Beyond that, Abueva has long been a vocal proponent of the right of children to participate in society, especially in policy-making about child welfare. She previously served as the Philippines’ government representative to the ASEAN Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children (ACWC) and has worked to encourage input from youths and children.

Abueva was born in the Philippines and raised during the authoritarian regime of President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. In those years, she overcame several obstacles to become a rights defender, but the real turning point in her work as a children’s advocate wasn’t until after the end of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986. 

Soon after the restoration of democracy, she gave birth to a child.

“Then it was when I became a breastfeeding advocate and got more serious about children’s rights,” Abueva said. “I have never left.”

That was 1988. The next year, the UN adopted the first children’s rights international treaty, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Abueva, who started her activism in the Marcos years, and her team successfully lobbied the Philippine Senate until it signed and ratified the treaty in 1990.

The UNCRC is now the most widely ratified human rights treaty in history, adopted by 196 nations, including all Southeast Asia countries. 

Although that was a big milestone for the region, Abueva felt it wasn’t enough. 

Through the years, while overseeing research on prostitution and tourism, she felt “it was really important to talk to the children themselves about it”.

In 1996, she embarked on a campaign to involve children in the first World Congress Against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in Stockholm. The event included representation from 122 governments and civil society organisations from around the world.

“I had a real uphill battle,” she said. “I insisted that children should be participating at the same level as adults, and I won.” 

The planning committee accepted her plea and 16 children from the Philippines, Sweden, Brazil and Ghana participated in the congress. 

That was just the beginning. From 2000 to 2008, hundreds of children from more than 20 countries were involved in international meetings. As children’s participation grew quickly, ECPAT worked along with other international organisations to facilitate the process and train adult participants to safely and effectively interact with the youths. 

“Many people work for children, but they don’t know how to work with children,” she said. 

Amihan V. Abueva at an event in the Philippines. (Photo submitted)

Abueva wants to see even more child participation across all levels of governance, from domestic to international.

“When you help children to grow and develop critical thinking, they can become leaders for themselves,” she said. “It is our responsibility to accompany them. Especially in our society, which is not kind towards those who think critically.”

What does child participation mean in the context of Southeast Asia?
A concept we are seeing emerging now is children as human rights defenders. But, of course, it’s difficult in a region where even adult human rights defenders are at risk. 

By using the term “human rights defenders”, children could find protection in already-existing international legislative standards. But the problem is how the state allows those rights. We have to help children to value peace and solidarity and so to help each other rather than become military-led. 

Recognition of the children’s right to participate in Southeast Asia has been progressing at different levels. Thailand, Indonesia, Cambodia, Philippines, are more involved in child participation across the region, while others, such as Laos and Vietnam, are still trying to catch up. In Myanmar, we also have a big problem now. The military junta really endangers lots of children. We are still working with some groups there, but they have to be really careful. We are still trying to find safe ways for them to participate, for instance, through consultations with the UN. 

Civil society organisations, government agencies and inter-governmental bodies have strengthened collaborative work to create safe spaces for children to express their views on matters affecting their lives. But aside from the various efforts of creating safe spaces for children, child participation is not just children receiving kits or food during an activity, it is not just children watching magic shows, or having activities to commemorate children’s month. 

Meaningful child participation brings in children even at the planning stage, where children can raise what they think is the best way for them to celebrate the children’s month, what programs, projects or activities are appropriate or are needed by them and their peers, and how the activities should be implemented that will ensure child-friendly approaches and tools. Another important aspect of meaningful child participation is getting the children’s feedback on the activities and how they can be further improved in the future. 

Allowing children to speak and make decisions, even as simple as letting them decide the colour of shirt to wear, helps them develop important life skills like problem-solving, critical thinking, and communicating.

What programs and activities are available for children to participate in key decisions at a community or national level?
At the national level, civil society groups are advocating for more meaningful child participation in existing or current mechanisms. 

For example, in the Philippines, the local government units are mandated to create a Local Council for the Protection of Children at the village, city or municipality and province levels. Children representatives are among the members of the council. Consultations with children are being conducted at the village level. The team is also in charge of promoting and ensuring a safe environment for children and overseeing the government’s action on the topic. 

Across the region, efforts to organise children and youth groups are also multiplying because we have to remember that children are not just passive recipients of services, victims, or survivors, but they are also active agents of change.

In issues like climate change, children are already taking action in simple ways that are also relevant in their own community. In the UNCRC monitoring and reporting, children are actively participating in preparing the reports submitted to the Committee on the Rights of the Child.

At the regional level, there is the ASEAN Children’s Forum (ACF), which is conducted every two years. During this regional meeting, children talk about issues that affect their lives and their peers. We also conduct a regional childrens’ meeting annually. We gather children from the communities where our member organisations work. In addition, we conduct consultations with children for our strategic plan. 

In 2019, we organised the Asian Children’s Summit for the first time. It was a way to try to bridge the whole of Asia. So we had children from East Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia. The kids discussed four main themes, namely the right to help the environment, digital safety, children and the in the context of migration and violence against children and we asked them to develop what they wanted to say about this. 

That event especially demonstrated that children have so many ideas and that we need everybody to be working together. 

We value children’s voices in our work and we learn a lot from them and because of this, we are able to do our work better.

What are some of the main challenges in this field?
First, the participation rights of children need to be fully understood by all stakeholders. It is not just simply listening to children when they talk. Article 12 of the UNCRC talks about “giving due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of children”. It is active listening for adults and taking action based on the views of children. At the same time, adults have the responsibility to explain to children why some of their views could not be considered.

Meaningful child participation can be consultative, collaborative or child-led. These three approaches are equally important. 

Another problematic thing in Asia is that there is the process behind the [ASEAN Children’s Forum], which is organised by the ministers for social welfare and development and regional working groups. The ones who really get the work done here are senior officials in the end, which is not really the point of a children’s forum, is it? 

We [children’s rights practitioners] don’t know who actually listens to what the children said and what they do with the children’s opinions afterwards. There’s been an attempt to revise the terms of reference, but I’m not sure whether that’s already been changed or not.

Another major issue now is that children are the first ones to lose their voice when civic space shrinks and states impose stronger restrictions. That is what’s happening in Myanmar. But in the Philippines, things are also not going too well for children. 

During the Covid-19 pandemic, two teenage girls broke the curfew rules and two policemen caught them and took them to the beach. They sexually molested one and raped the other. Following the event, one of the girls went to report the case to the police in a neighbouring town but in addition to being denied police protection, on the way home she was ambushed and shot dead. 

Our work is to explain to the kids that when you are abused go to the police and report the violence. But cases like this really break everybody’s trust. If even the authorities don’t respect children, we are in big trouble.

Our role as child rights defenders is to ensure that the children’s voices are heard as loudly as possible.

What are your hopes for the future of children’s rights in Southeast Asia?
One day, a girl from Pakistan and her Indian friend came to me and said: “Grandma Ami, when you talk about our right to a healthy environment, don’t think only in terms of physical health, you have to also talk about mental health.”

And I was really taken aback because it was 2019. At that time, there wasn’t that much being said about the mental health of children. This was pre-pandemic. I really thought they had a point. Mental health was and is a big problem and I realised that thanks to two children speaking up to me.

This is exactly what I hope for the future; that adults value children’s opinions. When we embrace their participation, we need to value them for what they are now and for what they will be in the future. 

Children’s rights are everybody’s business.

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Shanghai records hottest May day in 100 years

SHANGHAI: Shanghai on Monday (May 29) recorded its hottest May day in 100 years, the city’s meteorological service announced, shattering the previous high by a full degree. Scientists say global warming is exacerbating adverse weather, with many countries experiencing deadly heatwaves and temperatures hitting records across Southeast and South Asia inContinue Reading

Indian PM Narendra Modi wraps up Australia visit as both sides seek closer ties amid growing regional tensions

“China’s economic coercion towards Australia in recent years, and the clashes along the Indian-Chinese border, are driving these two countries closer together quickly,” said Mr James Schwemlein, a nonresident scholar in the South Asia programme at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Australia has been looking to diversify its export markets, after diplomatic ties with its biggest trading partner China soured in the past few years.

Meanwhile, India is struggling to cut its import dependence with its neighbour on the back of a surging trade deficit.

However, experts said China will likely remain the largest trading partner to both nations, and efforts to significantly reduce economic ties to China continues to be an “aspirational dream”.

“There’s no question that India’s potential economically is a strong one – a democratic, fast growing, large country with a highly educated population and yet still relatively low wage labour,” Mr Schwemlein told CNA938’s Asia First.

“Competitively, India is an important way to respond to China. But (replacing China) is not something that is close to occurring today.”

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More Singapore companies looking to meet Central Asia’s growing consumer demand

GROWING CONSUMER DEMAND

“I think it’s still a region that not many people think of straight away. Many Singapore companies, naturally, will still think of countries in the nearby regions, and rightfully so because these are familiar regions and these are also growth regions, especially South Asia,” said Mr Clarence Hoe, executive director for Americas and Europe at EnterpriseSG. 

“But this is where Enterprise Singapore comes in. We really look at finding the new areas which are growing, identify them and share them with our companies. And this helps to provide new markets, not just as a growth opportunity, but also as a market for diversification.”

Kazakhstan, one of the largest economies in Central Asia, is Singapore’s largest trading partner in the region, with more than 30 Singapore companies in the country. There are also over 20 firms operating in neighbouring Uzbekistan. 

EnterpriseSG said it is organising seminars and trade missions for Singapore firms to connect and collaborate with partners in Central Asia, as part of efforts to help more local firms expand and enhance their supply chain resilience. 

EFFORTS PAYING OFF

Some businesses that have expanded into Central Asia told CNA that their efforts are paying off.

Among them is Singapore-listed food manufacturing and distribution company Food Empire, which saw an opportunity nearly 30 years ago. 

Today, the company’s coffee products can be found in stores and supermarkets across Kazakhstan. 

“Our business has been growing year upon year,” said Mr Anil Bhuwania, business head of Central Asia at Food Empire. 

“Over the last four years, in terms of volume, our market share has grown from 67 per cent to 73 per cent (for) coffee mixes.”

The company is now looking to add tea products into the mix, especially tea with milk.

However, logistics and transportation remain a challenge.

“We need to find alternative routes, either via China or sometimes via Georgia, and see how the goods can be transported into Kazakhstan because it’s a landlocked country,” said Mr Bhuwania.

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10m foreign tourists since January: govt

Number of flights from China rising

Thailand has welcomed almost 10 million foreign tourists since January, generating about 391 billion baht in revenue. The government expects the number of Chinese tourists to reach seven million this year.

Traisulee Taisaranakul, deputy government spokeswoman, said yesterday that 9.47 million foreign tourists visited Thailand from January to May 15, mainly from East Asia, South Asia and Southeast Asia.

The government has ordered affiliated agencies to enhance support for incoming tourists, particularly Chinese visitors, to boost tourism growth.

According to the Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT), Thailand expects to see over 5.3 million Chinese tourists visiting the country. The figure might even reach seven million if supported by other tourism incentives, Ms Traisulee added.

Aeronautical Radio of Thailand (Aerothai) also said there were 12,805 flights from China to Thailand during October 2022 to April, 2023, an increase of 98% compared to the same period the former year.

Chinese tourist numbers rose after China’s announcement on Feb 6 that it would allow international travel via travel agencies.

Aerothai anticipates an increase in the number of flights from China until September this year. It estimates 5,330 flights in May, 6,090 flights in June, 7,150 flights in July, 7,460 flights in August and 7,340 flights in September.

The total estimated number of Chinese flights coming to Thailand during the 2023 fiscal year, from October last year to September this year, is 46,175, said Ms Traisulee.

Meanwhile, the Economics Tourism and Sports Division of the Ministry of Tourism and Sports said there were 415,309 foreign tourists visiting Thailand during May 8-14, or almost 59,329 people per day.

Most are from Southeast Asia, East Asia and South Asia. The top-five international tourists arriving in Thailand by nationality are Malaysians, Chinese, Indians, Lao and South Koreans, making up to 47.5% of all international tourists.

The division said that even though Thailand is entering its low season and the number of tourists is expected to fall gradually, there are many incentives to attract foreign tourists.

Nonetheless, Thailand’s tourism also is affected by external factors including the world economy, which is facing negative pressure from the US debt ceiling talks, high inflation and the Russian-Ukrainian War, said the division.

Marisa Sukosol Nunbhakdi, president of the Thai Hotels Association (THA), said Thailand’s tourism will slow down in the latter half of the year.

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Japan closely, quietly shadowing China in the Pacific

As China expands its presence among Pacific Island countries by building dual-use infrastructure and providing loans, Japan is seeking to counter Beijing’s influence in the region. The Japanese government is engaging Pacific Island countries through infrastructure projects and multilateral forums to mitigate China’s Pacific presence.

Japan has increased its emphasis on an “all Japan” approach toward Pacific Island countries since 2019. At the Ninth Pacific Islands Leaders Meeting in July 2021, former Japanese prime minister Yoshihide Suga announced the Pacific Bond Policy, which aims to strengthen Japan’s ties with Pacific Island countries to realize a “free and open Indo-Pacific.”

Japan is paying greater attention to Pacific Island countries in its foreign policy to check China’s influence. Former foreign minister Taro Kono visited Papua New Guinea in November 2018, as well as Fiji and three Micronesian countries in August 2019 — the first Japanese foreign minister to visit these countries since January 1987. It has now become common practice for his successors and state ministers to travel to the Pacific Islands.

In April 2021, China and the Solomon Islands signed a secret security agreement. Afterward, Japanese Parliamentary Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Kentaro Uesugi, visited the Solomon Islands to directly convey his concerns to Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare.

In January 2023, Japan opened new diplomatic missions in Kiribati and New Caledonia, where the government perceives China’s influence to be growing.

Japan has engaged in several multinational infrastructure development projects in Pacific Island countries with Australia and the United States. Japan also became one of five inaugural members of the Partners in the Blue Pacific, established with Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States to coordinate assistance for Pacific Island countries in June 2022.

Japan’s Ministry of Defense is also increasing its presence. When it launched the Indo-Pacific Deployment as we know it today in 2017 to provide the Maritime Self-Defense Force with opportunities for joint exercises with other countries, its destinations were confined to Southeast and South Asia.

Since the first Japan Pacific Islands Defense Dialogue was held in September 2021, the Japanese Indo-Pacific Deployment’s geographical area of activity has been expanded to include the Pacific.

In 2022, the Maritime Self-Defense Force conducted exercises with its counterparts in Tonga, Fiji, Solomon Islands and Palau. Japan also dispatched the Self-Defence Forces to work on disaster relief activities in Tonga after the eruption of an undersea volcano in early 2022.

As the May 2023 G7 Summit in Hiroshima approaches, Japan’s diplomacy has become more active, with increased attention on Pacific Island countries. During his visit to India on March 20, 2023, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida announced “Japan’s New Plan for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific.”

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida wants a free and open Pacific. Photo: Kyodo / Twitter / Screengrab

The plan refers to the Pacific as a “strategically important region where sea lanes connecting Japan and Australia and sea lanes from the Indian Ocean through the South China Sea to the Pacific Ocean intersect.”

On March 19, 2023, Japanese Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi visited the Solomon Islands as the first Japanese foreign minister to hold face-to-face talks with Prime Minister Sogavare. Hayashi emphasized the importance that Japan places on its relations with the Solomon Islands.

But it is uncertain whether Solomon Islands seriously considered Hayashi’s visit in addition to earlier visits by US National Security Council Coordinator for the Indo-Pacific Kurt Campbell.

On March 22, having received a delegation from China, Solomon Islands announced that it had awarded a Chinese state company a contract to upgrade an international port in Honiara. This again raised fears in Japan of China’s ‘dual purpose’ motivations as Solomon Islands could allow Chinese naval vessels to use the port in the future.

Hayashi also visited the Cook Islands — the first such visit by a Japanese foreign minister — and the Polynesian region. Hayashi and the Prime Minister of the Cook Islands Mark Brown had already met in Japan the previous month.

Just before officially taking up the position of Chairman of the Pacific Islands Forum at its Special Leaders Retreat on February 24, 2023, Brown traveled to Japan as the head of the Pacific Islands Forum delegation. At the forum, he discussed the discharge of Advanced Liquid Processing System-treated water from the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station into the sea.

This has been an outstanding issue between Japan and Pacific Island countries, although the President of the Federated States of Micronesia, David Panuelo, expressed his understanding of Japan’s position, and Hayashi protested that China’s remarks to the international community were not based on scientific evidence during his meeting with his Chinese counterpart Qin Gang.

During their meeting on March 21, 2023, Hayashi formally invited Brown to the Outreach Meeting at the G7 Hiroshima Summit along with other world leaders.

Given the strategic importance of Pacific Island countries amid the ongoing climate crisis and China’s growing regional presence, Japan needs to maintain constructive dialogue with Pacific Island countries with a view to hosting a successful milestone 10th Pacific Islands Leaders Meeting in 2024.

It also needs to cooperate with like-minded partners, including Australia, to realize a free and open Indo-Pacific.

Tomohiko Kimura is Specially Appointed Associate Professor, Faculty of Humanities at Seikei University, Japan.

This article was originally published by East Asia Forum and is republished under a Creative Commons license.

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Islamic State-K burrowing deep, spreading wide in South Asia

The rise of Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) in South Asia, particularly in India, is a growing cause for concern. The group’s use of propaganda and recruitment tactics targeting vulnerable individuals leads to the radicalization of youth and the perpetration of violent acts.

ISKP’s belated acknowledgment of responsibility for the Coimbatore and Mangalore blasts last October and November, even though the attacks failed to cause the intended harm, may represent an attempt by the group to demonstrate its expanding presence and operational capabilities in India.

This is consistent with the group’s propaganda and recruitment efforts, portraying ISKP as a powerful and effective organization capable of carrying out attacks in multiple countries.

Indian security agencies should take this threat seriously and work proactively to prevent further attacks by ISKP and other extremist groups – and seek help from Delhi’s partners in addressing these threats.

This may include measures such as improving intelligence-gathering capabilities, strengthening border security and enhancing cooperation with international partners in countering terrorism.

Addressing the underlying grievances and socio-economic factors contributing to the radicalization of individuals also matters in preventing the spread of extremist ideologies.

ISKP in South Asia

Founded eight years ago, the ISKP goal was to establish an Islamic caliphate in Afghanistan. The return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan in 2021 created a complex security situation in the region, emboldening groups like ISKP to push their agenda and attract recruits.

The Taliban and ISKP have different ideologies and objectives, and their competing interests could lead to violent clashes in Afghanistan and neighboring countries.

Still from an Islamic State-Khorasan Province (ISKP) propaganda video about attacks in Afghanistan’s capital Kabul. Photo: The Defense Post / Paweł Wójcik

ISKP’s extension of its “Khorasan Province” into other parts of Central and South Asia beyond Afghanistan demonstrates its aspirations to expand its reach and establish a broader caliphate.

One of the ways ISKP has succeeded in recruiting members is by taking advantage of minorities’ plights and sectarianism across the region. By portraying itself as a defender of minority rights and a champion of the oppressed, ISKP has succeeded in attracting individuals who feel marginalized or disenfranchised by their governments.

Propaganda tactics carried out by the ISKP have also succeeded in garnering widespread sympathy for its cause: overthrowing governments in the region.

The organization has capitalized on public dissatisfaction with corruption, inequality, and violence among Central and South Asian countries by portraying itself as a more extreme, uncompromising alternative to these other parties.

ISKP’s use of online propaganda and targeted messaging has helped it recruit members and build support for its agenda. In particular, the objective of ISKP’s propaganda campaign in India is to condemn the emergence of Hindu nationalism and defend dissatisfied Muslim minorities.

The ISKP has also issued a book in Malayalam, the indigenous language of southwest India, detailing how to engage in jihad. The organization has, furthermore, produced books with comparable content in Hindi and Urdu. These publications are intended to radicalize susceptible individuals and persuade them to join the group’s cause.

The vast majority of Muslims in India reject the extremist ideology and violent tactics of ISKP, and the Indian government has taken steps to counter the group’s propaganda and recruitment efforts. Nonetheless, efforts to counter such propaganda must continue.

A comprehensive response

ISKP has demonstrated its resiliency by adapting to the ever-changing situations in Central and South Asia and shifting its focus to more and more countries.

Its rise requires a comprehensive and coordinated response by all stakeholders, including international partners such as the United States and East Asian countries, which can play an important role in countering the ISKP threat.

ISKP Flag on abandoned shipping container. Photo: Stimson Center’s South Asian Voices

For starters, the United States has a strong interest in countering this threat given the group’s links to the broader ISIS network and its potential to destabilize the region. The United States can provide significant support in intelligence-sharing, capacity-building, and diplomatic engagement, as well as in countering terrorist financing and extremist ideology.

Partners such as Japan and South Korea can also play a role, including through financial assistance and technical support. As part of broader efforts to promote regional stability and security, these countries can work with Indian authorities and other stakeholders to build a comprehensive and coordinated response.

Additionally, cooperation and coordination among South Asian countries and their international partners is essential. Included could be sharing of best practices, joint military exercises and joint operations against the group. A united front against ISKP would send a strong message that the group’s violent extremist activities will not be tolerated.

South Asian countries should also work together to address the underlying issues contributing to the growth of extremist groups, such as poverty, inequality, and political instability. By addressing root causes, South Asian countries can create a more stable and secure environment for their citizens and reduce the appeal of violent extremism.

Crucial to effectively addressing ISKP’s threat is a multi-faceted approach that involves improved intelligence gathering, counter-radicalization efforts, and international support, as well as cooperation and coordination among South Asian countries;

Neeraj Singh Manhas ([email protected]) is the director of research in the Indo-Pacific Consortium at Raisina House, New Delhi. Views expressed are personal.

This article was originally published by Pacific Forum. Asia Times is republishing it with permission.

PacNet commentaries and responses represent the views of the respective authors. Alternative viewpoints are always welcomed and encouraged.

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Winners: FinanceAsia Awards 2022-2023 Southeast Asia | awards, financeasia awards, southeast asia, sustainability, impact, esg, flagship awards, annual winners, 27th iteration | FinanceAsia

Still reeling from the effects of last year’s supply chain woes, energy disruptions and geopolitical tensions, financial markets are now also contending with the impact of consecutive interest rate hikes and uncertainty following recent banking turmoil.

While 2023 may not deliver the capital markets rebound we were all hoping for, it is worth pausing to recognise leading financial institutions that have forged through and made waves in these volatile times.

Marked progress and innovation across deals continues to demonstrate regeneration and resilience. After all, the goal posts have not changed: each of Asia’s markets is bound by net zero commitments; and digital transformation continues to drive regulatory discourse and development around emerging sectors and virtual assets. As a result, sustainability and digitisation continue to be underlying themes shaping a new paradigm for deal-making in the region. 

The FinanceAsia team invited banks, brokers and ratings agencies to showcase their capabilities to support their clients as they navigated these uncertain economic times. Our awards process celebrates those institutions that showed determination to deliver desirable outcomes, through display of commercial and technical acumen.

This year marks the 27th iteration of our FinanceAsia awards and celebrates activity that has taken place within the past year (2022).

To reflect new trends, this year we introduced an award for Biggest ESG Impact (encompassing all three elements of ESG strategy) and updated our D&I award to include equity: Most Progressive DEI Strategy.

Read on for details of the winners for Southeast Asia. Full write-ups explaining the rationale behind winner selection will be published in the summer edition of the FinanceAsia magazine, with subsequent syndication online.

Congratulations to all of our winners!

 

*** SOUTHEAST ASIA ***

CLM (CAMBODIA, LAOS, MYANMAR)
Domestic
Best Bank: Cambodian Public Bank
***

INDONESIA
Domestic
Best Bank: PT Bank Central Asia
Best Broker: PT Mirae Asset Sekuritas
Best DCM House: PT Mandiri Sekuritas
Best ECM House: PT Mandiri Sekuritas
Best ESG Impact: PT Bank Mandiri
Best Investment Bank: PT Mandiri Sekuritas
Best Sustainable Bank: PT Bank Mandiri
Most Innovative Use of Technology: PT Bank Mandiri
Most Progressive DEI: PT Bank Rakyat Indonesia

International
Best Bank: BNP Paribas
Best Investment Bank: BNP Paribas
Best Sustainable Bank: MUFG
***

MALAYSIA
Domestic
Best Bank: Public Bank Berhad
Best DCM House:
Winner: CIMB Investment Bank
Finalist: Maybank Investment Bank
Best ECM House: Maybank Investment Bank
Best ESG Impact: Public Bank Berhad
Best Investment Bank:
Winner: Maybank Investment Bank
Finalist: CIMB Investment Bank
Best Sustainable Bank:
Winner: Public Bank Berhad
Finalist: Maybank Investment Bank
Most Progressive DEI: CIMB Bank

International
Best Bank: Citi
***

PHILIPPINES
Domestic
Best Bank: BDO Unibank
Best DCM House:
Winner: BPI Capital Corporation
Finalist: China Bank Capital
Best ECM House:
Winner: First Metro Investment
Finalist: China Bank Capital
Best ESG Impact: Bank of the Philippines Islands
Best Investment Bank:
Winner: First Metro Investment Corporation
Finalist: SB Capital Investment Corporation
Best Sustainable Bank: Bank of the Philippine Islands

International
Best Bank: HSBC
Most Progressive DEI: Citi
***

SINGAPORE
Domestic
Best Bank: DBS Bank
Best Broker: CGS-CIMB Securities
Best DCM House: United Overseas Bank
Best ESG Impact: DBS Bank
Best Investment Bank: DBS Bank
Best Sustainable Bank: DBS Bank
Most Innovative Use of Technology: DBS Bank

International
Best Bank: Citi
Best Investment Bank: Citi
Best Sustainable Bank: MUFG
Most Progressive DEI: Citi
***

THAILAND
Domestic
Best Broker: InnovestX Securities Co., Ltd.
Best ECM House: Kiatnakin Phatra Securities PCL
Best DCM House: Kasikornbank
Best Investment Bank: Kiatnakin Phatra Securities PCL
Best Sustainable Bank: Bangkok Bank PCL
Most Innovative Use of Technology: InnovestX Securities Co., Ltd

International
Best Bank: HSBC
Best Investment Bank: Citi
Best Sustainable Bank: MUFG
Most Progressive DEI: Citi
***

VIETNAM
Domestic
Best Bank: Techcombank
Best Broker: SSI Securities Corporation
Best Investment Bank:
Winner: Viet Capital Securities Corporation
Finalist: SSI Securities Corporation
Best DCM House: SSI Securities Corporation
Best ECM House:
Winner: Viet Capital Securities JSC
Finalist: SSI Securities Corporation
Best ESG Impact: Saigon-Hanoi Commercial Bank
Most Innovative Use of Technology: TechcomSecurities

International
Best Bank: HSBC
Best ESG Impact: HSBC
Best Investment Bank: HSBC
Best Sustainable Bank: Citi
Most Innovative Use of Technology: HSBC

***

For other winners:

Click here to see the winners across North Asia.

Click here to see the winners across South Asia.

¬ Haymarket Media Limited. All rights reserved.

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Pakistan shut down the internet – but that didn’t stop the protests

A supporter of former Prime Minister and head of opposition party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf, Imran Khan, throws a tear gas cannister back during clashes with security forces after violent protests broke out across the country following Khan's arrest, in Karachi,EPA

The battle between Imran Khan’s supporters and the powerful Pakistani military has this week been raging on two fronts – on the streets and on social media. And on one battlefield, the former prime minister seems to have the upper hand.

Within hours of Imran Khan’s arrest on Tuesday, Pakistan’s government had clamped down on the country’s internet, in a move to quell resistance.

The capture of the swashbuckling political leader immediately sparked protests nationwide.

In Lahore, Nighat Dad rushed home after hearing Khan had been detained. Leaving the office in the city centre, the lawyer’s staff had already started to encounter violent protesters.

“A mob tried to attack their cars and stop them from leaving,” she told the BBC.

As one of Pakistan’s leading digital rights activists, she was also keeping an eye on the discourse raging online.

Images of stone-throwing protesters in clouds of teargas unrolled across social media and pinged across WhatsApp groups. Video of the arrest – Khan being swarmed by paramilitary troops – went viral. His party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), spat out rapid-fire updates on their Twitter page.

To control the rapidly escalating situation, the government flipped the switch. Across the country, social media sites went down – people struggled to load Facebook, YouTube and Twitter.

Mobile networks were also blocked in some places, resulting in a full connectivity outage. Elsewhere, internet speeds were throttled.

When the blackout came, for most Pakistanis it wasn’t unexpected. Those that could, booted up their VPNs – demand for the services which reroute a user’s internet location skyrocketed by 1,300%, trackers later told the BBC. Those with mobile access continued on WhatsApp.

‘Real news’ online

Shutting down the internet has become a familiar move in the authoritarian playbook, particularly in South Asia in recent years. Authorities plunge the country offline to control the flow of information, and suppress any dissent or protest, experts say.

“Governments have a hammer, and it’s easy to treat the internet as a nail,” says Kathik Nachiappan, a South Asia expert based in Singapore.

People in Peshawar watch the news of Mr Khan being granted bail at Islamabad High Court

EPA

In Pakistan, the move has particular impact because it shuts down what is seen to be the only place to get “real news” in the country – a decade of attacks on the country’s independent journalists and newspapers by the military authorities is widely regarded to have muzzled the mainstream media.

Trust that mainstream outlets will adequately inform the public has broken down so much that people go online to find out “what is truly going on”, says Uzair Younus, a Pakistani politics expert with The Atlantic Council, a US-based think tank.

“People say ‘OK, it’s not worth really watching television, because the military is governing what can and cannot be said,'” says Mr Younus.

So when it comes to breaking news like Khan’s arrest, people flock online, to reputable journalists and YouTube channels as well as social media.

“I was glued to my screen at work, watching Geo News, one of the country’s largest broadcasters,” says Mr Younus. “But then I was getting a whole lot more information about protests – who had been shot, where tear gas was being shared – on WhatsApp and on Twitter. Geo was not covering any of that.”

Of course, there are all the usual issues that come with relying on social media news – in Pakistan’s bitterly complicated political scene, misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories are all rampant, and often peddled by the political actors themselves.

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No matter what kind of information people are consuming, limiting online access is a gross violation of fundamental rights, says Ms Dad, who runs the Digital Rights Foundation in Lahore.

“When you shut down the Internet, people have no choice in accessing information,” she says.

She argues the authorities’ blanket ban violates freedom of speech, access to information and the right to assembly – which are all enshrined in Pakistan’s constitution. Internet access is a human right recognised by the United Nations.

Most severe censorship yet

But for Pakistanis, internet censorship days have become increasingly common since Mr Khan was voted out by parliament last April.

The charismatic politician has been on the comeback trail ever since, charging around the country on a convoy, loudly claiming his removal was illegitimate and the charges against him are false. He has spurred thousands to attend his rallies.

Netblocks, a UK-based internet monitor, has counted at least three major internet disruptions linked to Khan’s rallies before his arrest – but this week’s was the worst yet.

“This is possibly the most severe censorship that we’ve tracked for Pakistan in recent times,” Netblocks researcher Alp Toker told the BBC.

“The scale of it and the fact it involves multiple forms of disruption – both the mobile networks and the social platforms – show a concerted effort to control the narrative.”

Records from online monitor Netblock notes social media sites blocked across Pakistan on Tuesday

NETBLOCKS

Netblocks identified that the mobile networks affected had gone down in areas in Punjab – a Khan stronghold and Pakistan’s most populous province. The telecoms authority later confirmed it had sent around the kill order following a directive from the interior ministry.

For Pakistan’s current rulers, shutting down the internet is a significant move and one not taken lightly. It cuts off public access to healthcare, emergency and financial services.

It has been a big hit to an already failing economy, affecting businesses across the country. Tens of millions of Pakistanis – from delivery drivers to the tech community – rely on the Internet to earn a living.

On Wednesday, hundreds of Pakistani business leaders and civil rights figures signed a letter condemning the internet shutdown, expressing fears that it would negatively affect the country’s vibrant tech sector – one of the only areas bringing in much-needed foreign investment.

A screenshot of a message viewed by Fiverr users in Pakistan blocked from accessing the jobs site

SUPPLIED

But political watchers say it’s clear that authorities are willing to sacrifice all that to cut off one of Mr Khan’s greatest advantages- his dominance online.

Khan’s online dominance

His party, the PTI, has the major edge over political competitors with a younger, tech-savvy voter base. Its social media machine – credited with delivering the 2018 election – is miles ahead of the competition.

The military and the government are worried about the party using social media for “anti-army political mobilisation” says Asfandyar Mir, a Pakistan politics and military watcher with the United States Institute of Peace. It’s something that Khan himself is personally invested in, he says.

“The military in particular sees the scale of retweets and likes on twitter as a signal of political strength which can have knock on mobilisation effects,” he said.

Since Khan’s arrest, the PTI has been feeding a legion of about nine million followers on Twitter with hourly updates. Khan himself has over 19 million followers on Twitter – the military has about six million and the current PM, Shehbaz Sharif, 6.6 million followers.

Imran Khan at his residence in Lahore in March

Rex / Shutterstock

What’s even more galling for the military now, is that they had previously hitched their social media presence to Khan’s bandwagon.

When Khan rose to power in 2018, then with the support of the military, the generals had outsourced the task of building their not insignificant social presence to the PTI as a joint effort. But when Khan and the army fell out, the PTI managed to wrest away most of their online following.

The military has since found itself on the backfoot online, struggling to control the narrative, says Mr Younus. It fended off campaigns from the PTI coordinating followers through hashtags and site attacks. Under attack on their YouTube account this week, the military at first disabled rabid comments from Khan’s supporters. In the end, they just turned the whole thing off.

“Because they don’t have the capability the PTI does on social media, the obvious answer was to turn it all off because that’s the only way they can control things,” says Mr Younus.

But blocking social media is only one layer of disruption. Much more crucial to organising efforts for protesters is WhatsApp – the messaging app seen as the backbone for information flow in the country.

Both political sides are pushing out their message on the app, but the PTI again has a slight upper hand.

“They’ve done a fantastic job of creating these communities and groups through which they proliferate information or their own narrative,” Mr Younus says.

On Friday, as the situation remained tense across the country, most citizens still had little access to the internet.

The army had been deployed in the capital and the twists and turns in Khan’s legal case threatened to kick protests off again.

Some people had regained access to Facebook and YouTube, but the restrictions were patchy and arbitrarily applied across the country.

The political fervour, however, remains at an all-time high and the discussion is still raging online.

“People are charged and emotions are high, not only because of what’s happened to Imran Khan but also because of the economic downfall in the country,” says Ms Dad.

“It’s a mix of anger and frustration that has come to a boiling point. Everyone has something to say.”

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