Over 1,500 Rohingya have landed in Indonesia since November, according to data from the United Nations’ refugee agency (UNCHR), facing increasing hostility and rejection as locals grow frustrated at the numbers of boats arriving. On Wednesday (Dec 27), a large crowd of Indonesian students stormed a convention centre housing hundredsContinue Reading
Indonesian President Joko Widodo has blamed the recent surge in arrivals on human trafficking, and has promised to work with international organisations to offer temporary shelter. Arrivals tend to spike between November and April, when the seas are calmer, with Rohingya taking boats to neighbouring Thailand and Muslim-majority Indonesia andContinue Reading
DHAKA: A thick layer of toxic smog wreathed Bangladesh’s capital of Dhaka on Wednesday (Dec 27) as the air quality index plummeted into the “hazardous” category, while similar conditions prevailed in New Delhi, the capital of neighbouring India. The air quality in Dhaka, one of the world’s most crowded citiesContinue Reading
Misguided priorities combined with short-term political thinking have made South Asia the world’s epicenter of food insecurity, as roughly 1.4 billion (72.2%) of people in this region are unable to afford even the cheapest, locally available healthy meal.
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization’s latest report, “Asia and the Pacific – Regional Overview of Food Security and Nutrition 2023,” many struggle to manage two square meals for their family. Clearly, government policies on food accessibility and distribution are not working well on the ground.
The underlying problem runs deep, as 74.1% of Indians, 82.8% of Pakistanis, 76.4% of Nepalis, 66.1% of Bangladeshis, and 55.5% of Sri Lankans faced serious difficulties and challenges in managing a healthy meal for their family in the 2021-22 fiscal year. It also reported that women suffered the highest prevalence of moderate to severe food insecurity, at 42.7% compared with men at 37.3%.
With almost three-fourths of the population in the region staring at a food crisis, governments in these countries must not urgently reflect on what existing policies, strategies, and institutional mandates support or hinder coherent actions toward food-system goals and how to resolve policy incoherence across sectors. Inaction will lead to more hunger, more poverty, greater inequality, and severe social unrest.
Several incidents of unrest across the region since 2020 indicate that many people in these countries are unable to access basic food items because of high prices. The 2022 demonstrations in Sri Lanka show how food inflation can bring massive social unrest, and if not addressed, it can even topple the government.
Bangladesh raised fuel prices by more than 50%, which triggered protests over the rising cost of living. High inflation and rising food prices have led to a reduction in the consumption of meat and fish by 96% and 89% respectively in the last six months in Bangladesh.
Nepal’s 29 million people are facing a surge in food and energy prices, raising the risk of social unrest. Data released by the Nepal Rastra Bank show that annual retail inflation accelerated to a six-year high of 7.52% in mid-August, thus making life for most Nepalis extremely difficult.
In India, food inflation, which accounts for nearly half of the overall consumer price basket, was 8.7% in November. Food prices in Pakistan increased 27.95% in the same month.
The above data point to the fact that about 1.4 billion people are in the midst of a crisis, struggling to access food with no clear end in sight. Unchecked high food prices are only making the situation worse.
As of today, there is neither a country-level concrete strategy or action plan, nor a joint regional level cooperation mechanism to check food prices. The food security situation will not improve unless governments regulate soaring essential food items.
Rising food prices continue to squeeze living standards of millions – and taming it should be the priority for national governments in the region.
SMALL BEGINNINGS VNG was born in 2004 as Vinagame, a start-up with just five people, who prepared the launch of their – and Vietnam’s – first online game by travelling the country on motorcycles. They plastered posters for the game across 5,000 internet cafes, the founders say. They have nowContinue Reading
China’s expanding naval presence in the Pacific Ocean and the South and East China Seas has become a major focus for Australia, the US and its allies.
Australia’s latest strategic defense review, for instance, was prompted, in part, by the rapid modernization of China’s military, as well as its increasing naval presence in the South China Sea.
According to the US Department of Defense’s most recent annual report to Congress, China’s navy has been strengthened with the addition of 30 new warships over the past 12 months. By 2030, the total number of ships is expected to increase to 435, up from the current 370.
But China is not the only potentially adversarial maritime power that is flexing its muscles in the Indo-Pacific region. Russia is becoming a cause for concern, too, even though the 2023 strategic review did not mention it.
My latest research project, Battle Reading the Russian Pacific Fleet 2023–2030, recently commissioned and published by the Royal Australian Navy, shows how deeply the Russian military is investing in replenishing its aging, Soviet-era Pacific Fleet.
Between 2022 and October 2023, for instance, it commissioned eight new warships and auxiliaries, including four nuclear-powered and conventional submarines. On December 11, two new nuclear-powered submarines formally joined the fleet, in addition to the conventional RFS Mozhaisk submarine, which entered service last month.
These figures may not look as impressive as the new Chinese vessels mentioned above, but it’s important to recognize that the Russian Navy has the unique challenge of simultaneously addressing the needs of four fleets (in the Arctic and Pacific oceans and Black and Baltic seas), plus its Caspian Sea flotilla.
Furthermore, Russia’s war in Ukraine has not had a considerable impact on the Pacific Fleet’s ongoing modernization or its various exercises and other activities. Between early 2022 and October 2023, for instance, the Pacific Fleet staged eight strategic-level naval exercises, in addition to numerous smaller-scale activities.
In addition to rebuilding its once-powerful navy, the Russians are committing enormous resources to building up naval ties in the Indo-Pacific and strengthening their key maritime coalitions.
In recent months, for instance, a naval task group of the Pacific Fleet embarked on a tour across Southeast and South Asia. This tour made international headlines but was effectively overlooked by the Australian media.
The Russian warships spent four days in Indonesia, then staged their first-ever joint naval exercises with Myanmar and another exercise later with India. The ships then visited Bangladesh for the first time in 50 years, followed by stops in Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam and the Philippines.
The tour signals a widening of Russia’s scope in the region, though its most important naval partner remains China.
According to my findings, between 2005 and October 2023, the Russian and Chinese navies have taken part in at least 19 confirmed bilateral and trilateral (also involving friendly regional navies) exercises and three joint patrols.
The most recent was carried out in mid-2023, when the Russian and Chinese joint task force was deployed to the North Pacific, not far from the Alaskan coast.
Canberra’s preoccupation with China should not make us blind to other potential adversaries that could threaten our national security in the medium to long term.
According to my estimates, by the time the Royal Australian Navy commissions its first Hunter class frigate and the first Virginia-class, nuclear-powered attack submarine begins operations in 2032, the replenished Russian Pacific Fleet would have a battle force of at least 45 core warships.
This is expected to include 19 nuclear-powered and conventional submarines, supported by minor combat and auxiliary elements. Most of these units would be newly designed and built.
This clearly shows that if war someday breaks out in the Pacific, the Russian Pacific Fleet could present a formidable challenge to Australian and allied naval fleets in the western and northwestern Pacific, as well as the Arctic.
Australia’s decision to acquire nuclear-powered platforms from the United States and United Kingdom suggests our intent to support and engage in long-range maritime operations with our allies, possibly as far as the northern Pacific and Arctic oceans.
And in times of crisis short of open war, Russia will also have more assets to support operations around Southeast Asia and in the Indian Ocean, extending its reach closer to the Royal Australian Navy’s areas of immediate concern.
Finally, the deepening naval cooperation between China and Russia could become a risk factor in its own right as the two countries seek to counter the AUKUS security pact. This is especially true with the possibility of expanded joint naval operations in the Pacific.
Despite the tyranny of distance between Australia and Russia, we are no longer irrelevant in Moscow’s strategic planning. Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu made this clear in recent remarks blasting AUKUS as a threat to stability in the Asia-Pacific region.
This means Australia’s navy and its maritime ambitions are increasingly being viewed as a risk factor to the Kremlin.
During the Cold War confrontation in the Asia-Pacific, the Soviet Union’s naval power in the region was a primary point of strategic concern for Australia, the US and its allies. This is once again proving to be true.
Alexey D Muraviev is Associate Professor of National Security and Strategic Studies, Curtin University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
PHUKET: The outcome of the first direct flight from New Delhi to this resort island province has sparked optimism in the tourism industry.
It is expected that direct flights from the Indian capital, operated by Air India, will increase from four days a week to every day starting next month.
The positive outlook follows the inaugural flight of AI378, which arrived in Phuket on Friday. Visitors were welcomed by provincial governor Sophon Suwanrat and Phuket Airport Director Monchai Tanod.
Lertchai Wangtrakuldee, director of the Tourism Authority of Thailand’s (TAT) Phuket office, said Indians comprise the third largest number of arrivals to the province, after Russian and Chinese tourists.
He said direct flights will bring more travellers from India, and it is hoped that their arrival will offset a slow recovery in the Chinese market.
There are about 1,000 Indian visitors in Phuket per day, and the number from January to November stood at 235,070, according to the TAT.
Overall, there are about 14,000 to 15,000 foreigners in the province per day, an increase from 10,000 in September, TAT data showed. Phuket hotels have seen an 85% occupancy rate.
Patsee Permvongsenee, director of TAT’s Asean, South Asia and South Pacific department, said direct flights to the resort island will boost local tourism after the government began a visa exemption programme for Indian visitors until May 10 next year.
Air India currently operates four direct flights a week, and each can carry 162 passengers, she said. The airline now plans to operate daily flights starting next month, she noted.
She said the TAT offices in New Delhi and Mumbai are currently carrying out marketing campaigns with their partners to target golfers and newlyweds. Thailand will also be promoted as a wedding destination, she said.
Since the start of the visa exemption programme, the number of Indian visitors to Thailand has jumped from 4,000 daily to about 5,000, the TAT said. More than 1.5 million Indian travellers visited the country from the beginning of January to Dec 10, which represents a 77% recovery when compared with pre-Covid levels in 2019, it said.
It said that the top destinations in Thailand are Bangkok, Chon Buri, Phuket, Krabi and Phangnga. Tourism revenue from the Indian market is estimated to exceed 65.6 billion baht this year, with average spending per head per trip at 39,500 baht.
Thanet Tantipiriyakit, Phuket Tourist Association president, said India is a key market for tourism operators thanks to the short travel time to Thailand.
“Tourists are looking for travel convenience. In addition to travel regulations like visa, a direct flight is also key. There are several segments, from luxury lifestyle travel to honeymoons,” he said.
About 1.5 million Indian tourists have so far visited Thailand this year, surpassing the target, following the introduction of a tourist visa exception scheme, the Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT) said on Friday.
Patsee Permvongsenee, TAT Executive Director of Asean, South Asia, and South Pacific Region, said the visa exemption for Indian travellers, in effect from Nov 10 this year until May 10, 2024, has resulted in an increase in daily Indian arrivals from 4,000 people to 5,000-5,500 people.
The number of Indian tourists entering the country has now reached 1.5 million, exceeding the TAT’s earlier target of 1.4 million for this year, said Ms Patsee.
TAT’s New Delhi and Mumbai offices have intensified promotional campaigns with their partners to boost tourist arrivals from India. The campaigns focus on corporate and incentive groups, golfers, wedding and honey-moon groups as they were considered high potential groups, she said during a special activity to welcome the inaugural flight of Air India from New Delhi to Phuket on Friday.
Phuket governor Sophon Suwannarat, executives and officials from the TAT, Phuket airport, government agencies and private firms attended the event to welcome Indian visitors on board flight AI378.
Starting from Friday, Air India will operate four flights per week on the New Delhi-Phuket route, said Ms Patsee. The airline will use A320 Neo airbus that could accommodate 162 passengers per flight for this route that will depart New Delhi on Mondays, Wednesdays, Fridays and Sundays. The number of flights will be increased from four per week to daily flights in January, she added.
Direct flights on this route will increase the air-seat capacity between India and Thailand to 2,438,043 seats, marking a 77% rebound from 1992, pre-coronavirus-pandemic.
From Jan 1 to Dec 10 this year, there have been 1.5 million Indian arrivals with an average spending of 39,500 baht per person per trip.
Most Indian arrivals were free independent travellers or FIT which accounted for 75%. Their popular tourist destinations were Bangkok, Chon Buri, Phuket, Krabi and Phangnga, according to the TAT.
Indian tourists arrive at Suvarnabhumi airport, Samut Prakan province, on Nov 10, 2023. (Photo: Nutthawat Wichieanbut)
Monchai Tanode, director of Phuket airport, said Air India will operate seven flights per day after New Year. Currently, India ranks third in terms of passenger arrivals, with Russia in the first position, followed by China, he said.
Lerdchai Wangtrakoondee, director of TAT’s Phuket office, said the inaugural flight of New Delhi-Phuket would further boost the Indian market for the island resort province.
India has moved up to the third position from fourth, with approximately 1,000 Indian tourists visiting Phuket daily. From January to November, there were 235,070 Indian arrivals to the island province.
The Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT) holds an activity to welcome tourists from he inaugural flight of Air India from New Delhi to Phuket on Friday. (Photo: Achadthaya Chuenniran)
JAKARTA: Dilapidated boats carrying an estimated 400 ethnic Rohingya arrived in Indonesia’s Aceh province on Sunday (Dec 10), chief of a provincial fishing community has confirmed, adding to a recent surge of Myanmar’s Muslim minority arriving in the country. Prior to Sunday’s arrivals, the United Nations’ refugee agency (UNHCR) saidContinue Reading
Not so long ago, countries were ecstatic about the potential of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a mega-infrastructure scheme launched in 2013 that would connect the world through ports, power grids, railways, roads and telecommunications networks.
Western pundits worried that BRI projects were pulling countries into China’s orbit, empowering Chinese companies and birthing a Sinocentric global order.
For many, it was obvious the road was speeding along as “evidenced” by China’s investments, loans or grants ranging from hundreds of billions to, supposedly, the low trillions of dollars.
Commentators often mixed distinct kinds of monies, classifying loans to countries like Venezuela as BRI loans, equating money invested in or lent to BRI participant countries as BRI money, or labeling projects with no connectivity features as BRI projects. China facilitated these misjudgments by not producing an authoritative BRI project list.
The BRI, initially consisting of the land-based Silk Road Economic Belt and the Maritime Silk Road Initiative, only raised more concern as it repeatedly broke geographic boundaries, reaching into the Pacific Islands, the Arctic and even outer space.
But one current refrain is that the BRI is falling short of its goals. In fact, before the Third BRI Forum held in Beijing in October 2023, some analysts proclaimed the BRI’s downfall. One only need look at Kenya, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Zambia and perhaps Malaysia to see the dismal state of the BRI.
Italy has opted out and Greece is allegedly no longer enthusiastic, despite the successes of Athens’ BRI-linked Piraeus port. Driven by domestic economic constraints, financial problems with BRI participants and project loans, as well as political pushback from the West, BRI investment and contracting are shrinking.
Facing an uncertain future, another popular contemporary refrain is that the BRI is being rebooted. Beijing has shifted towards what analysts characterize as a “smaller, greener and more beautiful” initiative featuring solar and wind power, ICT infrastructure and ports.
As for the supposed geopolitical ambitions embodied within the BRI, the situation looks rather bleak for China with fewer heads of state attending the October 2023 BRI Forum.
It is easy to paint the current state of the BRI as off-course when it is measured against aspirations it was never likely to reach. Those analyzing the BRI have long pointed out that the complexities of infrastructure, as well as the economic and political shortcomings of numerous BRI participant countries, would adversely affect the BRI’s progress.
Domestic political changes flowing from elections, center–local divides, civil war, terrorism and public protests have time after time stunted, delayed and prevented the realization of BRI projects.
A “smaller, greener and more beautiful” BRI will come against these challenges, which will be coupled with China’s economic downturn, the financial situation of some BRI participants and European disinterest or opposition.
Many of the factors that powered the BRI in the past will continue to power it in the future. China has long been seeking greater market access, pathways to acquire natural resources and ways to improve the security of its resource and trade flows.
As well, Beijing has long searched for ways to deploy its massive foreign currency reserves, internationalize its currency, create opportunities for its companies and promote Chinese tech and standards.
These impetuses will continue to drive the BRI and one that is not necessarily small, green or beautiful. To think that green and ICT-related infrastructure projects will be small ignores reality — green energy projects can easily run into the billions of dollars and hydropower, while green in theory, is not necessarily “beautiful” or entirely non-polluting.
The BRI is not all about “push.” There remain dozens of countries such as Cambodia, Greece and Malaysia continuing to welcome traditional, large-scale BRI projects. The BRI is also much more than Africa or South Asia — the Middle East, for instance, is a place where the BRI will thrive.
The future of the BRI likely will entail a mix of big and small, green and polluting, beautiful and ugly. The key for businesspeople and policymakers is to ignore the generalizations present in many discussions about the BRI. Instead, they should undertake nuanced analyses attentive to regional and national political and economic conditions as well as sectoral dynamics.
They also need to be cautious about making decisions based on the data points of the day as opposed to larger trends that will affect their countries or companies over the medium- to long-term. Only then can policymakers and businesspeople take a smart and targeted approach in dealing with the BRI.
Jean-Marc F Blanchard is Executive Director at the Mr & Mrs S.H. Wong Center for the Study of Multinational Corporations, Palo Alto, United States.
This article was originally published by East Asia Forum and is republished under a Creative Commons license.