Commentary ,Asia (Page 2)

TOKYO: Political violence is nothing new in the Philippines. It was, after all, the site of the world’s worst massacre of media workers when 58 people, including 32 journalists, were murdered in 2009 while traveling in an election convoy on the southern island of Mindanao.

The powerful Ampatuan clan had pre-dug a vast grave in preparation for the cars carrying relatives of their rival, Esmael Mangudadatu, to arrive at a police checkpoint. Heavily armed gunmen intercepted the motorcade, killing then burying them all. I was on Mindanao soon after as part of a team of press freedom groups including the Committee to Protect Journalists and the International Federation of Journalists that examined the killings: It was a chilling scene. There’s been a steady stream of local assassinations and kidnappings ever since, and plenty beforehand, too. 

So when Vice President Sara Duterte – daughter of former president Rodrigo Duterte – released a bizarre video on Nov 23, telling President Ferdinand Marcos Jr she would have him assassinated if someone did the same to her, many rolled their eyes and prepared for another round of hostilities. The influential media site Rappler was first to draw the similarities: Sara Duterte Unleashes The Ampatuan Within, its headline read, noting her video was released on the 15th anniversary of the massacre.

Duterte announced her resignation from Marcos’ Cabinet in June, while remaining vice president, highlighting the extent of the fallout between the two families. Since then, she’s been escalating her criticisms of the president, threatening to exhume his father’s remains and throw them in the sea, and saying that she imagined beheading him.

Duterte also alleged, as others have before her, that the Marcos family plotted the assassination of former senator Benigno Aquino – a member of another large political dynasty – in 1983.

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Using CATCH-UP

The rapid spread and sheer amount of electric disinformation have hampered Malaysia’s regulatory framework’s ability to keep up. The protection of false information rules, including the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 and the recently introduced Cyber Security Act 2024, has previously been delayed.

Due to the fact that legal proceedings frequently take years to complete, fake information can quickly spread on social media, making these laws less efficient in real-time.

Another issue is that position affiliated fact-checking firms like Sebenarnya. There is a significant gap in political propaganda because My and MyCheck have both expressly stated that they do not check social content.

Independent fact-checking organizations make efforts to bridge this gap during socially charged events like elections, but they are often unsuccessful due to the sheer volume of information that is available in several languages and dialects.

This is especially concerning in the fast-paced framework of votes. Social claims need to be quickly verified in these times to maintain informed public discussion. However, without real-time fact-checking and given the slow pace of constitutional enforcement, false social narratives can spread unchallenged, shaping public perception and possibly swaying democratic outcomes.

The issue is further complicated by the lack of extensive training in media and data education for all age groups. Without the abilities to thoroughly examine digital information, individuals are more prone to propaganda, especially as AI-driven systems continue to advance.

The risk of losing faith in democratic institutions will increase as people become more aware of the difference between real and fake news as deep fakes and fabricated images become more advanced.

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In his open speeches, Anwar has often discussed how Western conceptions of human rights and democracy are compatible with Islamic law. He gained respect from non-Malay officials in Malaysia, who saw him as a head capable of bringing Malaysia back to the center after centuries under Dr. Mahathir and UMNO, as well as from European nations.

There was a hoped that if he came to power, the earlier administration’s evils would be undone. &nbsp,

In the 2022 general election, the Democratic Action Party ( DAP ), the Chinese wing of Anwar’s coalition government, won 90 per cent of the Chinese vote, in part because the Chinese community viewed Anwar as the only Malay leader who could reform the political system.

THE Fundamentalist

Since then, but, Anwar has faced growing criticism from many Malaysians, especially for activities that some see as exceedingly aligned with Islamist plans.

His strong stances on issues like the Palestinian cause and his support for the controversial Mufti ( Federal Territories ) Bill, which would grant religious authorities unfettered authority without the parliamentary oversight, contribute to this discontent.

A edict is a conditional legal order for Malaysian Muslims, which is a religious edict or elegant ruling. Fatwas are now binding in Malaysia if they are gazetted by the appropriate state governments or national provinces.

Under the proposed Bill, but, fatwas issued by the FT imam cannot been challenged in court. Reviewers warn that this could lead to punishments for deeds against them in accordance with the country’s liberal rules. It would also give strength to the authorities, through the emir, to officers nearly every aspect of Arab living in Malaysia.

Another issue is that the Bill may make it legal for someone to hold the position of FT imam only if they belong to a certain sect within the Sunni school of thought. There are concerns that this will make non-Sunni sects less popular and ultimately turn Malaysia into a de facto totalitarian state as different states follow the FT Mufti Bill’s legal framework.

Other lines of thought would not be possible due to this. Some people contend that the Shia movement in Malaysia, which has risen in popularity and fans over the past ten years, is the real goal of the Bill. This Bill is supported by many of Malaysia’s best Sunni monks.

The Malay parliament’s last session of the Bill is currently in progress, and the growing criticism has not had a positive impact. Anwar does delay the Bill, according to critics, but will do so later.

Some Muslims and non-Muslims worry that the Islamization may advance even further if the Bill is passed.

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POTENTIAL FOR A FULL-BLOWN DOMESTIC SCANDAL

India may experience the same repercussions as the event. So much it’s generally Gandhi pounding the furniture. For regional opposition leaders, Adani’s link with Modi has n’t exactly been a hot-button issue.

In a recent report in August, Hindenburg claimed that Madhabi Puri Buch, the head of the Securities and Exchange Board of India ( SEBI ), had a potential conflict of interest, leaving questions about the validity of SEBI’s ongoing investigation into Adani.

The SEBI key skipped a scheduled look before a lawmakers ‘ committee in October, and Buch and the controller denied the allegations.

But the new US costs change everything. Since at least March of last year, when Federal Bureau of Investigation agencies served Sagar with a search warrant in the US, the accusation claims Adani has kept the “bribery system” a secret from investors and financial owners.

Bribery is anything every politician understands, despite the fact that concepts like conflicts of interest and alleged securities laws breaches require a small amount of financial education. About US$ 228 million, the DOJ says, was offered to just one man, identified in the courtroom issuing as Foreign Official# 1 from the southern state of Andhra Pradesh.

There’s lots here for a full-blown home incident. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party may wonder how long it may help a prime minister who is 74 years old if the investigation drags on into the poll in 2029.

In other words, Gandhi’s intelligence to stick to the reported Modi-Adani connection as a talking point in election activities may have been vindicated. In a press event Thursday, the Congress Party president called for Buch’s treatment and Adani’s arrest.

While the DOJ accusation came too late to influence the ballot in Maharashtra, it may yet put a longer darkness- both on India’s national elections, and relationships with Washington next month.

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Malaysia is likewise forced to confront its position for the first time in world politics. Mr Anwar’s position on the battle in Gaza, where he publicly criticised Israel’s activities as the ‘ level of barbarism’, has been vocal and regular, directly or abroad. He had also made it known that Malaysia intends to enjoy a significant role, particularly in emerging markets and the global north, like BRICS, when they met with President Vladimir Putin in Russia at the Eastern Economic Forum.

There are polarizations at home, with some arguing that Malaysia may play an global activist part and that it should concentrate instead on domestic issues. &nbsp, &nbsp,

IN AN UNENVIABLE Status

These intellectual shifts are recent, but they represent the richness that is frequently overlooked when evaluating the strength of Pakatan Harapan supporters right now. As Mr. Anwar increasingly relies on the strength of his personal authority and charisma to form alliances and sway tough decisions, these splits run the risk of diluting his mandate to carry out more and deeper reforms.

But there is one last divide, yet relating to something as uniform as corruption, which is the level of vengeance for Najib’s case. What punishment is deemed to be sufficient for 1MDB’s crime to qualify as only deserts? May we allow for lighter punishment or pardoning, also limited? If we accept his explanation if made officially and boldly, though no completely? If house arrest be made before his sentence is over?

These questions do n’t have any clear answers or positions. The government is in an unviable position because it needs to work with partners with opposing interests and a former prime minister whose fate also affects the government, not yet half through his jail term, to push through difficult reforms that may eventually upset some.

Sang Kancil ( Penguin Random House ) is the creator and political scientist James Chai writes.

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However, large economic costs prevent these industries. In very aggressive, export-oriented production sectors, producers are price-takers on the international market- they are usually able to complete higher costs onto consumers. As a result, income margins properly shrink, reducing subsidies for innovation and more funding.

In comparison, Indonesia’s natural resource industries, where the land is a worldwide price-setter for some products, you move higher costs onto consumers, allowing higher profit margins. Investors frequently switch from the production to the normal tools, a trend that has been exacerbated by the current rise in commodity prices. However, the natural tool industry is capital-intensive and does not make some work, limiting its ability to create middle-class work.

OPPORTUNITY FOR STRONGER, MORE INCLUSIVE GROWTH

Indonesia’s home business is huge, but its purchasing power is limited. In order to compete with Vietnam as a global manufacturing hub, Indonesia must thus. Encouraging FDI into export-oriented areas is important. Trade profits help avert balance of payments pressures when earnings are repatriated, reducing money mismatches.

FDI may be orientated toward export-focused sectors if Indonesia wants to contribute to economic growth without impairing the balance of the ringgit. Indonesia, like Vietnam, may continue to benefit from China’s manufacturing bases by relocating its investment environment.

The statistics shows, nevertheless, that Indonesia’s FDI-to-GDP proportion has declined from 2.8 per share in 2014 to 1.9 per share in 2022. This is one factor contributing to Indonesia’s economic development that has remained at around 5 % since 2014.

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ACTIVISM AGAINST NUCLEAR WEAPONS

The hibakusha have since engaged in uncountable engagement against nuclear arms around the world. Their testimony, according to the Nobel council, “has contributed to the generation and consolidation of popular opposition to nuclear arms around the world.”

For instance, a group of hibakusha that included Setsuko Thurlow, a part of Nihon Hidankyo and a famous campaigner against nuclear weapons, organized an exhibition on the nuclear attacks in the Toronto public library in 1975.

In Canada, this led to the growth of a major anti-nuclear movement. Tens of thousands of Canadians often protested against their country’s support for US nuclear arms in the early 1980s.

Then, in 1984, Takashi Morita, a second Hibakusha veteran from Sao Paulo, co-founded a hibakusha organization based in Sao Paulo to share their stories and increase awareness of the devastation of nuclear weapons in Brazil.

Europes were protesting against the implementation of innovative nuclear weapons in their nations as a result of growing recognition of the activities of the hibakusha throughout the 1980s. The saying” no Euroshima”! became a well-known phrase for the German peace movement.

Nihon Hidankyo’s initiatives have focused on using the activities of Hibakusha to win support for the widespread ban on nuclear weapons.

The organization has been a significant proponent of the UN resolution to end atomic arms. This agreement, which entered in power in 2017 and has been signed by 94 countries, prohibits state from participating in any nuclear weapons actions.

For its attempts to pass a legally binding ban on nuclear weapons, Setsuko Thurlow is a key figure in the International Campaign for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons.

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