Hamas not as hot in Malaysia as it used to be – Asia Times
International ties to Hamas have been under investigation since the radical group’s unprecedented attack on Israel on October 7 was launched.
Some countries have tried to tarnish or conceal their past relationships, or acted as a pawn in a diplomatic effort. Malaysia’s premier minister, Anwar Ibrahim, on the other hand, fast phoned Hamas leaders and expressed his unwavering support.
This reply was not wholly unexpected. Because Malaysia is a multiracial nation, my research demonstrates that all anti-Secularist, anti-Semitic, and anti-Israel beliefs serve as a metaphorical refusal of secularism and the West.
For some Malay patriots, Israel, Jews and Zionism have come to represent the pinnacle of this danger, which then functions as an assurance of political Islam and Malay power.
This ethnoreligious patriotism, in my opinion, is a form of cultural power. By appealing directly to ethnic Malay Muslims, who make up about 60 % of the population, it keeps the authorities in favor.
The Indonesian government attempt to integrate ethnic Malays by creating an imaginary and outdoor enemy that is threatening Malay Islam and its dominance in the country.
Such unity expresses in Ketuanan Melayu, which translates as” Asian vassalage” in English. This state-promoted strategy is morally amalgamated to a standard anti-Western conversation that, suitable for a previously colonised nation, places emphasis on post-colonial and developing-world nationalism.
It involves showing cooperation with Muslims who have been raped by non-Muslims, a move that perfectly harmonies with a straightforward conception of the Palestinian cause.
Since its independence in 1957, Malaysia has been a major part of its international policy.
The nation was the first Southeast Asian nation to grant the Palestine Liberation Organization ( PLO ) full diplomatic status after the second country in the world. The original PLO head, Yasser Arafat, paid gift to Malaysia’s help when he visited in the 1980s and early 90s, ranking it as superior to that from Muslim countries.
Malaysia has also lobbied constantly at the UN for Palestine, constantly donated money to support organizations, and often awards scholarships to Arab students. Malaysia and Hamas quickly established connections when the organization gained popularity in the late 1990s.
Under the former prime minister Najib Razak, who actually traveled to Hamas-controlled Gaza in 2013, this marriage grew particularly close.
In the late 2010s, when Malaysian political parties started to lose reputation, Indonesian speech about the Israel-Palestine turmoil grew even more potent. Barisan Nasional, the coalition that had for decades dominated the government’s politics, lost Malaysia’s public vote in 2018.
Ibrahim has also struggled to win support from Malay Muslims as part of the novel ruling coalition. According to a 2023 ballot by Malaysian think tank Ilham Centre, he had only a 24 % approval rating among ethnic Malays. Therefore, the authorities have used extremely expressive religion forms to try to win this group’s support.
Hamas ‘ portrayal as Muslim freedom soldiers frequently reflects this. Strong anti-Israel and antisemitism, including politicians who accuse one another of being a” Israeli adviser,” add to these sentiments.
Questioning Hamas connections
In 2019, the Indonesian government reaffirmed their commitment to Hamas by hosting a number of senior representatives from the organization.
This occurred as Hamas’s recognition and position of authority in Gaza had declined, and its status internationally was made more vulnerable by Israel’s strengthening foreign ties as part of the Abraham Accords, which established normal relationships between Israel and Bahrain.
But once the entire details of the crimes committed on October 7 were uncovered, Indonesian citizens, civil society organizations and opposition social forces all expressed pain with the president’s place.
In Malaysian news reports, Ibrahim’s position is said to be intended to” shore up his Islamist credentials” rather than to show concern for the Palestinian people. Additionally, on October 7, there were calls to revoke Hamas officials ‘ visas shortly after.
Opposition politicians challenged Ibrahim’s claims of” threats” and “intimidation” by the US after it summoned the Malaysian ambassador in Washington to express concerns around the country’s engagement with the terrorist group.
And in response to photos of schoolchildren receiving toy guns and balaclavas during” Solidarity with Palestine” week, the government was forced to backtrack. In a joint statement, seven civil society organizations expressed concern about the potential negative effects of such an event.
Concerns were also expressed about the possibility of sanctions being imposed on Malaysia by the West in relation to Hamas funding through pro-Palestinian Malaysian organizations.
Ten days after the anti-corruption agency in Malaysia froze its bank accounts and suspended the country’s charity group Aman Palestin Berhad in a response to these fears.
After October 7, Malaysian society should be aware of the questioning and outright rejecting of Hamas links as part of a trend toward a more inclusive Malaysia and support for a more inclusive Malaysia.
Anti-Semitism in Contemporary Malaysia ( 2019 ), a chapter in my book, highlighted the importance that such rhetoric plays in the development of a racial and religiously divisive agenda in the Malaysian public.
In particular, there is strong dissatisfaction from the growing population of secular-leaning and middle-class urban Malays, as well as ethnic minorities.
This has been developing for some time. When Malaysian citizens were denied entry to the 2019 Paralympics after refusing to grant Israeli athletes visas, the dissatisfaction was obvious online.
Similar dissatisfaction is evident on Malaysian social media pages, such as those of the left-leaning news portal Malaysiakini and the Malay Mail, Malaysia’s oldest daily newspaper. In light of the underrepresentation of minorities at home, many commentators point out Malaysia’s hypocrisy in supporting Palestine.
Malaysia’s tiny, historic Jewish community and its Penang island cemetery are also gaining more and more attention. This is more proof that Malaysians are seeking an alternative history narrative to the one promoted by the state.
The Israel-Palestine situation is complex, dangerous and tragic. Over 45, 000 people have been killed since the October 7 attack, 97 Israeli hostages are still missing, and the devastation in Gaza is estimated at over US$ 18 billion.
The context of the conflict in Malaysia illustrates how the needs and experiences of the Palestinian and Israeli people are frequently completely disconnected from these issues.
Mary Jane Ainslie is associate professor in international communications, University of Nottingham
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