The main opposition Democratic Party ( DP ) pledged to continue its impeachment efforts while the ruling People Power Party floated alternative strategies to deal with the ongoing crisis after Saturday’s parliamentary session in Seoul, when Yoon Suk Yol’s critics came within five votes of the number needed to impeach him.
What will happen next, and how will this change the political scenery on a global scale domestically and internationally? Asia Times spoke with Sonamu Party leader Song Young-gil, a former top senator from the Democratic Party, late on Saturday to discuss these issues. In addition to serving as Incheon president from 2021 to 2022, Song was also the party’s leader.
Q: The movement to oust Yoon failed. Why?
A: First, within the People Power Party, there remains a deep-seated pain from the prosecution of former traditional President Park Geun-hye. Some lawmakers worry that the whole conservative camp will fall as well if President Yoon is toppled. Also, they are determined to avert any scenario in which Lee Jae-myung, the liberal opposition leader, could take over as leader following Yoon’s eventual ouster. The PPP sees the prosecution motion as an existential threat when looking at the present crisis from a political and social perspective.
]The PPP head ] Han Dong-hoon’s antagonism to prosecution is perplexing, though, especially since he was targeted for imprisonment under Yoon’s martial law. His ambiguous attitude highlights his lack of gravitas and social skills. The so-called Han Dong-hoon party is certainly blindly devoted to him, particularly as he isn’t actually a member of the National Assembly. Instead, they appear to be assessing the broader social environment. Han’s ability to formulate a strong position or inspire confidence only strengthens his standing as a politician without management.
What led to President Yoon’s declaration of martial law, in your opinion?
The main issue, I believe, lies in the ongoing political efforts to get a special counsel probe against Kim Keon-hee, the second lady. To protect his family, Yoon issued an crisis martial law declaration, essentially creating a “bulletproof” protection. Beyond this instant motivation, it reflects Yoon’s consistently stance since taking office, which has been to label socialists as hostile to the state and to suppress political dissent.
Yoon’s latest strategy, however, does not appear to be a unplanned decision but instead a deliberate act. Kim Young-hyun, a close friend and former high school student, was recently appointed as the minister of defense and established a personal network made up of Yoon’s essential allies, including Counterintelligence Commander Yeo In-hyung and Interior and Safety Minister Lee Sang-min ( he resigned on December 8 ).
Does Yoon’s action constitute rebellion?  ,
South Korea’s congressional unit is officially unassailable, even under martial law. The National Assembly retains its freedom even though a military laws decree may place the executive and court under its control. In these circumstances, North Korean law expressly imposes congressional control. The leader must contact the National Assembly as soon as possible under Article 4 of the Martial Law Act. The president may request a legislative session to explicit the declaration right away if the Assembly isn’t in session.
Under Yoon’s law, these legitimate safeguards were plainly disregarded. Armed men forced their way into the primary building in an effort to arrest politicians, not only did the military wall the National Assembly to prevent politicians ‘ access. The conjugal legislation control also breached the building housing the National Election Commission, an automatic organization. These actions amount to a clear act of insurrection and constitute a flagrant violation of the constitution.
The opposition will fight for impeachment until it is successful. Will it work?
To investigate President Yoon’s declaration of martial law, a special investigation headquarters was established. The headquarters needs to immediately summon important figures and find out more about what happened this week. For instance, according to a report from broadcaster MBC, the Yoon administration may have aimed to retaliate by attacking North Korean targets in retaliation for the regime’s trash-filled balloon attacks. If this is substantiated, it would constitute a serious felony, tantamount to treason, which could pave the way for the president’s removal under Article 84 of the Constitution.
Before the impeachment bill was approved, an investigation into former President Park’s numerous scandals was conducted. If the evidence favors a course like Yoon’s, impeachment would become more feasible given the ongoing investigations against him. [President Yoon has been named a suspect in the insurrection case on December 3].
You talked about the need to dismantle Yoon’s “prosecutorial state”. Can you explain?
By staffing government agencies, the ruling party and the presidential office with a pro-Yoon prosecutorial clique, Yoon has effectively created a “republic of prosecutors”. By using its influence to obstruct the president and his family from criminal liability, restrict press freedom, and silence opposition and dissent, this faction, who operates under his leadership, has undermined South Korea’s democratic norms. I have long argued that, even if the Yoon administration falls, little will change as long as Han Dong-hoon, with his equally prosecutorial mindset, remains the leader of the ruling party. A fundamental overhaul of our prosecutorial system is urgently required in addition to Yoon’s ouster.
Washington claimed to have been unaware of the event’s significance and had not been given any notice.
We welcome Washington reaffirming that the foundation of the South Korea-US alliance is democracy, which is crucial. However, as a sovereign nation, South Korea has no obligation to give prior notice, regardless of the legitimacy of the martial law.
You had a recent meeting with South Korea’s Russian ambassador. Can you share what was discussed?
First, I emphasized that the use of nuclear weapons should never be considered under any circumstances. Second, I argued that heightened military ties with North Korea and Russia shouldn’t lead to escalating tensions on the Korean Peninsula. I also stressed the value of a quick end to the Ukrainian conflict.
How would you rate President Yoon’s response to the conflict in Ukraine?
First, Yoon’s rationale for supporting Ukraine is rooted in Cold War-era rhetoric: a battle between communism and democracy. However, Russia is no longer a communist state. It’s essentially a democratic republic, the Russian Federation, which former President Yeltsin defended against a communist coup. Putin has inherited that legacy, and Russia’s political landscape has moved beyond the communist ideology.
Second, Ukrainians are ethnically closely related to Russians, and historically, Crimea was transferred to Ukraine as a gift by former Soviet leader Krushchev. Additionally, the Russian Black Sea Fleet’s headquarters is located in the port of Sevastopol in Crimea. As such, Ukraine’s situation differs significantly from that of the Baltic states — Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania — or the Scandinavian countries.
Third, from Russia’s perspective, NATO’s eastward expansion, despite the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and promises from Washington not to expand, is a significant security concern. Moscow has repeatedly stated that Ukraine’s potential NATO membership is a redline, but these concerns have been largely ignored, with the US welcoming Ukraine’s entry. If we consider Russia’s position, it mirrors Washington’s obstinate rejection of Soviet missiles in Cuba.
Of course, when the 2022 war broke out, I publicly criticized Russia and even personally donated money to Ukraine. But in diplomacy, it’s crucial to listen to all parties involved.
How should the policy change?
South Korea should maintain diplomatic ties with Moscow and Kyiv and concentrate on putting an end to the conflict rather than taking sides and advocating for an extended conflict. How can South Korea afford to make Russia a friend as a neighbor of Russia?
South Korea already relies on cooperation with the US military and Japan’s Self-Defense Forces to deal with the difficulties of dealing with North Korea on its own. Therefore, making Russia a foe is not a wise course of action and should be avoided in favor of a more balanced and sound foreign policy.
For JAPAN Forward, Kenji Yoshida is a translator and correspondent in Seoul.