After last week’s prosecution motion failed to remove Yoon Suk Yeol from energy for his brief-lived shock declaration of martial law, South Korea is gearing up for a full-fledged political crisis.
Yoon’s ruling People Power Party ( PPP ) boycotted the December 7 vote, allowing for the president’s survival. The Democrat Party-led criticism, however, has promised to continue filing prosecution movements until Yoon is deposed, with the next expected this weekend.
After the unsuccessful prosecution vote, PPP president Han Dong-hoon and prime minister Han Duk-soo issued a quite bizarre joint statement promising Yoon’s “orderly first withdrawal” in a charge to calm the situation. The speech said,” Also before leaving office, the leader does not participate in state politics, including diplomacy”.
Yoon delayed making decisions about his career and stabilizing the nation to his celebration in an address on December 7, but there was no sign that he had really given the Han-Han combo control over government matters. Instead, the president said,” Our party and the government will collectively take accountability for future status affairs”, he said.
The leader must resign or be publicly removed from office, but the law of South Korea does not offer the ruling celebration chair the authority to delegate governing powers to the president or to himself. The prime minister is just able to assume the presidency when the leader is incapacitated or otherwise unable to carry out their duties.
But, what exactly is Han Dong-hoon wondering? Although Han’s precise motivations are still undetermined, it appears he is taking advantage of time to evaluate the president’s and his party’s most corporate exit strategy.
At the moment, three institutions—each asserting power over the matter—have launched studies into the propriety of Yoon’s martial law charter. In Yoon’s opinion, holding onto the president gives him more power and security as the investigations get started. If a leader is not already in office, he or she is not subject to crime.
Yoon can potentially be tried for treason, but it raises a higher bar for prosecutors and authorities. So, Han will probably continue to oppose Yoon’s prosecution, acknowledging that it would limit the government’s liquidity and also cause significant harm to the PPP.
Alternatively, Han is proposing Yoon’s “early withdrawal” while refraining from providing information on the schedule or approach. The ruling party has the freedom to make educated decisions about the changing circumstances and to make educated decisions.
This “time-delay” strategy may also preserve Yoon in energy and prolong the next presidential election. A hastily held vote would place Lee Jae-myung, the presumed candidate from the opposition Democratic Party, as the frontrunner—an results liberals are keen to avoid.
The longer Yoon stays in business, the more difficulty they could cause for the opposition leader because Lee is already dealing with his own growing legal issues.
How much is Han continue to operate in such a unique governing structure, which some lawful authorities have compared to a second coup, is a crucial problem. The truth is likely to be brief.
Analytical pressure keep mounting even as Han extends his ambiguous place. Now, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun—a key figure in Yoon’s shortlived military rules decree—has been has been indicted, with a , judge issuing an arrest warrant , against him on December 10.  ,
Yoon is currently subject to travel restrictions from the Justice Ministry, and the authorities have not ruled out an emergency president’s arrest. The trial has officially , listed Yoon as a assume, and their research into the senator is expected to ramp up in the coming weeks.
Congressional attention will increase as well. The primary opposition party has pledged to continue pressing an impeachment movement against Yoon until it is overturned. This Saturday ( December 14 ) is expected to be the next attempt.
On Tuesday, opposition parties even passed a everlasting special counsel act to investigate Yoon’s crime costs, garnering , sudden backing , from ruling PPP people.
As Yoon’s approval ratings plunge to 11 %, seven in 10 South Koreans now support Yoon’s removal.
For Han–whose current gambit edges on unconstitutionality – supporting Yoon’s impeachment may prove more strategically viable than pushing for his early resignation. If the leader were forced to resign under mounting people, political and legal pressure, he would be stripped of all energy quickly.
With Lee Jae-myung now leading in speculative surveys, an election had been held within 60 time of a national position, which would be a big deal for the PPP. More critically, Han’s group is gaining steam as it struggles to remove its president, who lacks both a seat in parliament and a devoted party.
On the other hand, a hearing for the impeachment process could take a while because it’s not clear whether the Constitutional Court’s six-members will yet consent to hear the case. Past impeachment trials suggest that the process could last anywhere between 63 and 91 time, even if the judge accepts it.  ,
However, a fee of high-burden-of-proof treachery was considerably extend the proceedings, for which the Constitutional Court may have a maximal 180 days to provide its decision.
Yoon’s station can fight his case before the courts with this option, but his departure might be seen as a covert admission of guilt. While the jury deliberates, Yoon, a former prosecutor public, may maintain his name as president.
Some legitimate experts remain unsure whether Yoon’s declaration of martial law qualifies as treason under native law, but it is also entirely possible that the leader will be spared of the charges.  ,
Kenji Yoshida is a journalist for Japan Forward in Seoul and a translator.