Pivotal moment for India-Russia relations

With the passage of time, most relationships go from admiring one another to a” state of having ,” or the desire to possess or even control the other. However, the current turning point in the Russian-Indian marriage demonstrates that an adequate relationship does not fall victim to this trap.

When speaking at a Russian-Indian business forum last week in Delhi, Indian Foreign Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar brought up this salience. He referred to the relationship as one of the” steadiest” in international relations and noted that the partnership is garnering so much attention not because it has changed but rather not. In addition, & nbsp,

The” liberal internationalist” camp in the Indian media, think tank circuit, and ill-informed sections of opinion that attacked India’s position on the Ukraine crisis are now understanding why the government handled the delicate situation that posed risks of a potential conflict between the West and Russia.

There are indications that Washington, where American lobbying typically receive support, has also made the decision to accept the Modi government’s clear message to the West that India may seek a relationship with Russia in its self-interest and will go in whichever areas its interests lie. & nbsp,

In light of a 50-member American business delegation traveling to Russia in an effort to strengthen economic ties, the Voice of America made the following statement on Sunday:

” A free-trade agreement is also being discussed between India and Russia.” … Moscow has emerged as India’s main crude oil source. . …

New Delhi has been urging a negotiated resolution to the conflict rather than joining US-led European sanctions against Moscow or instantly denouncing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Despite European calling to eventually distance itself from Moscow, it is also continuing to increase its economic relationship with Russia. & nbsp,

” New Delhi maintains close ties with Moscow even though it has strengthened strategic alliances with the United States and other Western nations over the past 20 years. …

” New Delhi has steadfastly maintained its economic relationship with Russia, despite Western countries’ wishes for India to reduce its reliance on Russian exports to remove Moscow over the Ukraine war. “& nbsp,

The passages below acknowledge that India is also indicating that this model need not be viewed as a zero-sum game, and Washington is reluctantly accepting the fact that it cannot intimidate India into submission.

It is debatable whether President Joe Biden’s proposal to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to visit the White House in June and his subsequent choice to attend the Group of Twenty Summit in New Delhi in September are evidence of the United States’ inventive response to the strength of American politics to protect relations with Russia from predators. & nbsp,

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, US President Joe Biden and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi attend a photo session at the launch of the Indo – Pacific Economic Framework ( IPEF ) in Tokyo, Japan, on May 23, 2022. Photo: Pool

The real challenge facing the Biden administration, though, is to take the US – Indian relationship out of the rut of a quintessentially transactional relationship and create a genuine partnership of mutual benefit, which, from the Indian perspective, fits into Modi’s roadmap to” transform India into a developed country” through the coming quarter – century, as he put it in a public speech in Kochi, Kerala, on Monday( May 1 ).

To be sure, American expectations are riding high on progress and Delhi will not be contented with a simple discourse factor in the United States ‘ global technique. The US and its allies see India as a” balancing” in the Indo – Pacific region, but very clearly, New Delhi has bigger plans. & nbsp,

The Russian proposal to make use of its vast export earnings out of oil sales to India by investing the funds in the manufacturing industry in India for export to Russia, the deal on adopting the Russian financial messaging system for cross – border payments, the acceptance of Indian Ru – Pay cards and Unified Payments Interface ( UPI ) in Russia and Russia’s Mir cards and Fast Payments System in India, the operationalization of the Maritime Corridor connecting Vladivostok and Chennai – these testify to the keenness of both countries to put in place the necessary underpinnings for a massive expansion of Russian – Indian trade and economic ties in the very near future.

Jaishankar’s speech at the business forum last week stressed the imperative to boost India’s exports to Russia, while his Russian counterpart in the multi – political combined economic commission, Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturev, called for intensifying negotiations on a free – trade agreement with India and working on an investment protection pact. & nbsp,

Bilateral trade has crossed US$ 45 billion, something unfathomable until Russia turned its back on the West and began pressing the pedal on different partnerships in Asia to remove the Western partners. On its part, the Modi government has been quick to seize the original opportunity, particularly at a time of post – pandemic recovery and the prices – ridden European and US markets sliding into crisis.

This is a fantastic opportunity for India to get unique privileged access to the vast mineral sources of Siberia and the Russian Far East and the modern El Dorado of the Russian Arctic. There is excellent cooperation around so far as India with its development path presents itself as a long – term market for Russia’s resource – based industry across the board. & nbsp,

There are no conflicts really in the Russian – American marriage. Some American analysts keep parroting the US advertising that Russia is becoming China’s” young partner” and that is eroding the Russian – Indian mutual confidence.

This calumny stems out of either a weak understanding or, more likely, a intentional, scripted distortion that does not take into account the reality that Russia and China are” civilization states,” each in its own right– and they are neighbors with a stressed history– which just does not allow them to opt for a relationship in a hierarchical order that a formal alliance entails. & nbsp,

The heart of the matter is that Indian ingenuity lies in creating synergy out of the dynamic Russian – Indian – Chinese ( RIC ) triangle that could create an optimal external environment for its foreign policies to operate regionally and globally. An obstacle is the ingrained story on Sino-Indian relations that successive Indian governments have encouraged. Despite this, it is not a Modi government reputation. & nbsp,

The PLA soldiers and tanks are depicted in this undated handout picture, which was published by the Indian Army on February 16, 2021, during military pullout along the Line of Actual Control at the Ladakh boundary between India and China. Indian Ministry of Defense, AFP

Russia is in a good position to energize the RIC triangle as its diplomatic ties with China and India change and widen. The Modi administration pursues a” de-ideologized” foreign policy that is focused on the interests of the country.

This is only to become expected as the global order shifts because India wants to increase its interests and assume a bigger corporate and protection factor for itself. Ultimately, though, India continues to play a role in the democratized unipolar international order.

Russia is aware of this complexity and has never been overbearing. In addition, & nbsp,

This article was produced in partnership byIndian PunchlineandGlobetrotter, which provided it to Asia Times.

Former American envoy M K Bhadrakumar. Follow him @ BhadraPunchline on Twitter.