The People’s Party ( PP ) proclaimed on its formation in August that it would rise from the ashes of the Move Forward Party ( MFP ) and stand on solid ground.
It made it big at a gathering fundraising event to raise millions of ringgit to honor its beginning, and it did so with a bang. Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, the party’s leader, was even introduced by the group’s head, Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, who was killed on August 7 when the MFP wasdissolved in an attempt to overthrow the constitutional monarchy.
The PP’s fans are now over, leaving spectators wondering what it will do and how it will achieve its ambitious goal of winning the next general election by a landslide three years.
The PP has stumbled and occasionally managed to shoot itself in the legs despite promising a rapid rise and a greatly expanded assistance base.
The newly registered party set out to win provincial administrative organization ( PAO ) chairman elections and the Phitsanulok Constituency 1 by-election on September 15 after declaring it had inherited all the MFP’s DNA at its inception on August 9 and the PP’s announcement on August 9 that it had inherited it.
The PP’s first preference of defeat, it turned out, came when it lost the Ratchaburi competition for the PAO chair. The party also lost in the Phitsanulok by-election, widely touted as a” sure bet”.
These stumbling blocks perhaps be attributed principally to the group president’s personality, the group’s stance on Myanmar and its perceived passivity in times of national emergency, according to a source.
Since taking over as leader of the PP, Mr. Natthaphong has pledged to continue where the MFP has sprang up and remain fervently engaged to reform. He made it abundantly clear there will be no “lowering of the roof” when it comes to the issue of amending the ultra-sensitive Part 112– the der guess law– which the MFP, as well as its predecessor, Future Forward Party ( FFP), had campaigned challenging for.
Mr. Natthaphong appears to be less well-known than Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, the MFP’s head, and Pita Limjaroenrat, its leader.
Mr Thanathorn, helped by his picture as a fresh-face politician with a successful home business context, was seen as fired up and determined to herald in extraordinary changes. While leading the FFP, he won the hearts and brains of some young, first-time citizens.
Mr Pita, nevertheless, possessed great oratory skills while his demeanor was reinforced by his young great looks and training credentials. His qualities helped to win a sizable next and cement the MFP’s support among a sizable portion of the electorate.
By effectively lowering the penalties against der majeste violators and attempting to fully reform a law they dubbed a product of a dictatorship, Mr. Thanathorn and Mr. Pita were publicly emphatic about pursuing changes to Section 112.
Mr Natthaphong, according to the cause, has already make himself as important as Mr Thananthorn and Mr Pita on these issues.
According to the cause, Mr. Natthaphong needs to carve out a specialty in politics so he can become a magnet for people. The PP president should make use of his electric communication skills as a means of achieving the party’s desired political and social reforms, according to the source.
The National Institute of Development Administration ( Nida ) recently conducted a quarterly poll to assess the popularity of major party leaders, and Mr. Natthaphong’s perceived mediocrity was confirmed by this assessment.
Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the country’s prime minister, came in third with 22 %, while Mr. Natthaphong came in third.
The resource noted that the opinion surveys was a loss for the PP given that Mr. Pita had dominated the top place in these recognition studies over the past few years. Even though the PP has maintained first place as the people’s favourite party, its popularity has slipped, to 34 %, down from the 49 % approval rating the MFP had at the end of June.
The June Nida Poll had 45 % finding Mr Pita as prime minister.
The PP, according to the cause, has started a global campaign to raise the party’s profile and visibility among voters.
While the PP also suffered during a legislative conversation led by Tisana Choonhavan, a Thai MP who argued for expanding Thai people ‘ rights and granting them access to state security on an equal basis.
The MP argued that Thailand should play its part in assisting people who are in grave danger beyond its edges was based on sympathy for mankind.
Some critics criticized the first-time MP for failing to prioritize ideas and displaying political ignorance because of what she advocated. The critics even made a point of ridiculing the party’s name, saying the PP stood for” ( Myanmar ) People’s Party”.
Additionally, the PP has come under fire for declaring it wo n’t give aid to the victims of the devastating floods in the upper North, which suggests handouts only foster a culture of patronage that breeds corruption, especially in politics.
The group was accused of being callous, and its MPs from flood-stricken divisions were criticized for not doing enough to assist those in need.
Never yet out of the trees
Pisal: Locations obscure
According to experts, Gen. Pisal Wattanawongkiri’s departure from the Pheu Thai Party makes it unlikely that the ruling party will be able to avoid the Tak Bai drama without much difficulty.
Before the court’s 20-year statute of limitations expires on October 25, Pheu Thai has been under increasing pressure to bring Gen Pisal to trial.
A suspect will no longer be held legally responsible if they cannot be brought to trial by that time.
Gen Pisal was the third military region’s captain during the Tak Bai murder, which took place on October 25, 2004 when security forces strewn a stale rally in front of a policeman station in the Narathiwat province’s Tak Bai area. The activists were requesting the launch of six prisoners.
Seven protesters died at the picture, and 78 people eventually passed away in suffocation or tissue loss while being transported in trucks to a military station 140 kilometers away.
Up until Monday, when he quit the party and relinquished his MP status, Gen Pisal, a list MP, was given permission to travel for medical purposes until Oct. 30, five days after the statute of limitations expires.
Although it is believed that he was originally transported to the UK, some sources claim that he is currently in Japan, his whereabouts are unknown. Following his failure to appear at a crucial hearing, a warrant was issued for his arrest by the Narathiwat Provincial Court.
Political observers warn that it is too soon for Pheu Thai to breathe a sigh of relief after Gen Pisal’s resignation because the controversy can still be used against the party and its leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra, who are being widely criticized for not doing enough to bring the former commander to justice.
Pheu Thai’s response to critics was slow and lacking in sincerity in bringing Gen Pisal to justice and bringing the victims and their families to justice.
They claim that the ruling party should at least have written to Gen Pisal asking him to turn himself in or issued a statement outlining its commitment to helping stop the violence in the restive region.
Instead, some key Pheu Thai figures, including Defence Minister Phumtham Wechayachai, came across as trying to distance the party from the Tak Bai case, saying Gen Pisal’s disappearance was a personal matter.
Sorawong Thienthong, the party’s secretary-general, noted earlier that Gen Pisal would continue to serve as an MP even if the party decided to expel him.
In the event of an expulsion, an MP is given a 30-day window in which to switch parties and keep their lawmaker status. According to Mr. Sorawong, this was assumed.
Faced with rising pressure, the ruling party was prepared to vote on Gen Pisal’s membership, but Gen Pisal apparently made it easy for them by quitting.
Pheu Thai did not take action against the former MP, according to Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science lecturer at Burapha University in Chon Buri. This may be because of Gen Pisal’s ties to the party’s alleged de facto leader, former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
The Tak Bai incident took place in 2004 when Thaksin, father of Ms Paetongtarn, was prime minister. The massacre was viewed as a significant factor in the three southern border provinces ‘ increased level of violence.
He claimed that the party may have underestimated the extent to which victims ‘ families would continue to fight for justice after almost 20 years.
Pheu Thai might also think that Ms. Paetongtarn would be spared from any ethics investigation by Gen Pisal’s departure.
However, the storm has not yet been weathered, and Pheu Thai’s lack of resolve to the south may be used, and the academic fears that the violence will re-erupt once more.
Another letdown has been experienced by Justice Minister and Prachachat Party leader Pol Col Tawee Sodsong, who has remained silent to avert coalition conflict, according to Mr. Olarn.
To sit back and allow the statute of limitations in a legal case to expire under his watch as minister overseeing the administration of justice may stoke a backlash.
” Pol Col Tawee has chosen to stay silent rather than be proactive, while the public expects to see more action from Prachachat, whose support base is in the far southern region]that includes Narathiwat ]”, he said.
The academic said government critics like former red-shirt leader Jatuporn Prompan, Sondhi Limthongkul, a former leader of the now-defunct People’s Alliance for Democracy ( PAD), or the yellow shirts, might take advantage of the statute expiry issue to heap pressure on the coalition.
Nine former top officials were named in the Tak Bai lawsuit filed late in April of this year with the Narathiwat Provincial Court, and they were charged with murder and other serious crimes. The court tossed charges against the other two in August and accepted the lawsuit brought against seven of them, including Gen Pisal.